Historia ya Uhuru isimuliwavyo na Mohammed Said yakosolewa

[Nguruvi3]

Nguruvi3,
Kwa hakika mimi kama mwandishi wa kitabu hicho sina sababu wala haki ya kuvutana sana na wasomaji wa kitabu changu. Kitabu hiki kimependwa sana si hapa Tanzania tu bali kote kinaposomeshwa.
Nakala ya Kiswahili tunakwenda toleo la tatu.

Labda tujiulize nani anasoma kitabu hiki na kwa nini kimepata wasomaji wengi?
Wakija vijana kutoka US au Ulaya kunihoji kwa ajili ya "thesis" zao jambo la kwanza hunambia kuwa wamesoma kitabu changu na kimewasaidia sana kuelewa siasa za Tanzania na nafasi ya Waislam katika nchi hii.
Kwangu mie hicho si kitu kidogo.Waswahili tuna msemo, "Mmashomvi mmoja hafungi soko."Mohamed

Hupendi matusi lakini unapenda kutukana sana! tuendelee kuvumiliana mbele ya safari.

Mwandishi wa kitabu anasababu ya kueleza maudhui ya kitabu chake ndivyo wanavyofanya wasomi. Kitabu hiki unachosema kinasomeshwa( si kweli) kwasababu hakipo katika mtaala wa chuo chochote Ulaya na marekani. Kama kipo maktaba basi ni sawa na kile cha mwanadada aliyeandika' Memoir' yake kuhusu maisha ya ukahaba kilivyo pia.
Kama kinatumika ubungo secondary ni sawa lakini si sawa kuseme kinasomeshwa kwingineko.

Mimi nimezichambua hoja zako zisizo na mantiki na ungelikuwa makini ungezijibu, lakini kama ilivyo kawaida yako wanafunzi bora si wale wa Morogoro University au UDSM bali ni kutoka Ulaya na Marekani wanapokuja kuandika thesis. Yaani akili yako inakutuma kuwa ukipata wanafunzi wa kizungu wewe ni bora sana. Inferiority complex ya kiwango cha kutukuka.

Hapa chini nikuonyeshe jinsi gani unavyobabaika na kujikanyaga kwa maandishi yako.
Soma hii

Mohamed Said: Kipindi chama badiliko kutoka TAA kuwa TANU kilikwenda vizuri pale makao makuu.Hakukuwa na ya migongano kati ya viongozi wa makao makuu, ukitoa kikundi kidogo cha Waislamu wenye msimamo mkali waliokuwa wakipanga kumg'oa Nyerere kwa kuwa alikuwa Mkristo. Hii ilikuwa ni mara ya pili kwa suala la dini kuzuka tanguNyerere achukue uongozi wa chama kwa mara ya kwanza mwaka 1953

Halafu unatushawishi hivi

Mohamed Said Prof. Haroub Ilibidi aende kwa Ahmed Rashad Ali amuulize na Rashad akamuambia na yeye aliwekwa kizuizini kama Muislam pamoja na masheikh wengine wakati wa sakata la EAMWS akaja tolewa kifungoni na Dossa Aziz

Kama huko si kujichanganya sijui tuite nini.
Jibu hoja mzee Said, wageni wa marekani na Ulaya ni wakwako they have nothing to do with us. Ulikotembelea tumeshakujua huna haja ya kurudia rudia kwasababu si sehemu ya maudhui ya kitabu. Haya unaweza kuyaongea huko nyumbani kwako faragha, hapa tunajadili hoja ulizoleta na si maisha yako ya ukumbini.
Kama huna jibu au huwezi kufafanua hoja basi nitasema lile neno la makuzi yangu lislopendwa pwani.

 

[Mr.Right]

Historia isingekuwa vingine vyovyote kwani historia haibadiliki; even God can not change history so they say. Ingebakia vile vile na imebakia vile vile ilivyotokea. Kuandika kwako kitabu hakujabadilisha historia. Nyerere bado anabakiwa kuwa Rais wa kwanza, Nyerere bado anakuwa kiongozi mkuu wa harakati za Uhuru, Nyerere bado anabakia kuwa Baba wa Taifa. Sykes na wengine wanabakia kuwa katika nafasi zao. Nothing has changed.

Hapo umekosea. Nyerere hawezi kuwa Baba wa Taifa kwa Waislamu. Waislamu hatumwiti mtu "Baba" kwa "utakatifu" wake anaopewa na Kanisa.

Waislamu hatuna cheo cha "Baba" unless ni baba yako mzazi. Kwa watu wa Pwani ni TUSI kumwambia mtu amwite mtu fulani "Baba" yake wakati si " Baba" yake mzazi. Kwa hiyo rekebisha hiyo lugha.

 

[Mr.Right]

Hupendi matusi lakini unapenda kutukana sana! tuendelee kuvumiliana mbele ya safari.

Mwandishi wa kitabu anasababu ya kueleza maudhui ya kitabu chake ndivyo wanavyofanya wasomi. Kitabu hiki unachosema kinasomeshwa( si kweli) kwasababu hakipo katika mtaala wa chuo chochote Ulaya na marekani. Kama kipo maktaba basi ni sawa na kile cha mwanadada aliyeandika' Memoir' yake kuhusu maisha ya ukahaba kilivyo pia.
Kama kinatumika ubungo secondary ni sawa lakini si sawa kuseme kinasomeshwa kwingineko.

Mimi nimezichambua hoja zako zisizo na mantiki na ungelikuwa makini ungezijibu, lakini kama ilivyo kawaida yako wanafunzi bora si wale wa Morogoro University au UDSM bali ni kutoka Ulaya na Marekani wanapokuja kuandika thesis. Yaani akili yako inakutuma kuwa ukipata wanafunzi wa kizungu wewe ni bora sana. Inferiority complex ya kiwango cha kutukuka.

Hapa chini nikuonyeshe jinsi gani unavyobabaika na kujikanyaga kwa maandishi yako.
Soma hiiHalafu unatushawishi hivi Kama huko si kujichanganya sijui tuite nini.
Jibu hoja mzee Said, wageni wa marekani na Ulaya ni wakwako they have nothing to do with us. Ulikotembelea tumeshakujua huna haja ya kurudia rudia kwasababu si sehemu ya maudhui ya kitabu. Haya unaweza kuyaongea huko nyumbani kwako faragha, hapa tunajadili hoja ulizoleta na si maisha yako ya ukumbini.
Kama huna jibu au huwezi kufafanua hoja basi nitasema lile neno la makuzi yangu lislopendwa pwani.

Nguruvi,

Hebu kaa usome kwanza. Naona unaandika maneno mengi ambayo mpaka mtu unasinzia kwa kusoma maandiko yako yanojaa Quantity nyingi bila ya ...

Siyo lazima uandike kila wakati. Kusoma wanayoandika wenzako ni Elimu tosha.

 

[Nguruvi3]

Nguruvi,Hebu kaa usome kwanza. Naona unaandika maneno mengi ambayo mpaka mtu unasinzia kwa kusoma maandiko yako yanojaa Quantity nyingi bila ya ... Siyo lazima uandike kila wakati. Kusoma wanayoandika wenzako ni Elimu tosha.

Nisome nini? Hivi wewe huoni ubabaishaji! Mimi si wa kukaa jamvini na kuhadithiwa bila kufikiri! una hiari ya kusoma ninayoandika kama yanakutia usingizi yapite, lakini sitakubali kuidhalilisha akili yangu kwa kukubali uzushi, fitna na chuki, nitachambua kila neno na sioni dalili ya kuchoka.

Usingizi ni kusoma mambo ya nyumbani wakati tunajadili mada. Mwambie mwalimu wako ajikite kwenye mada si wazungu na safari zake. Anatutia usingizi kusoma majigambo badala ya kujibu hoja.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Nisome nini? Hivi wewe huoni ubabaishaji! Mimi si wa kukaa jamvini na kuhadithiwa bila kufikiri! una hiari ya kusoma ninayoandika kama yanakutia usingizi yapite, lakini sitakubali kuidhalilisha akili yangu kwa kukubali uzushi, fitna na chuki, nitachambua kila neno na sioni dalili ya kuchoka.

Usingizi ni kusoma mambo ya nyumbani wakati tunajadili mada. Mwambie mwalimu wako ajikite kwenye mada si wazungu na safari zake. Anatutia usingizi kusoma majigambo badala ya kujibu hoja.

Nguruvi3,

Hapana ugomvi huna haja ya kusoma maandishi yangu.
Unayo haki ya kuyapuuza.


Mohamed

 

[Mohamed Said]

Hupendi matusi lakini unapenda kutukana sana! tuendelee kuvumiliana mbele ya safari.

Mwandishi wa kitabu anasababu ya kueleza maudhui ya kitabu chake ndivyo wanavyofanya wasomi. Kitabu hiki unachosema kinasomeshwa( si kweli) kwasababu hakipo katika mtaala wa chuo chochote Ulaya na marekani. Kama kipo maktaba basi ni sawa na kile cha mwanadada aliyeandika' Memoir' yake kuhusu maisha ya ukahaba kilivyo pia.
Kama kinatumika ubungo secondary ni sawa lakini si sawa kuseme kinasomeshwa kwingineko.

Mimi nimezichambua hoja zako zisizo na mantiki na ungelikuwa makini ungezijibu, lakini kama ilivyo kawaida yako wanafunzi bora si wale wa Morogoro University au UDSM bali ni kutoka Ulaya na Marekani wanapokuja kuandika thesis. Yaani akili yako inakutuma kuwa ukipata wanafunzi wa kizungu wewe ni bora sana. Inferiority complex ya kiwango cha kutukuka.

Hapa chini nikuonyeshe jinsi gani unavyobabaika na kujikanyaga kwa maandishi yako.
Soma hiiHalafu unatushawishi hivi Kama huko si kujichanganya sijui tuite nini.
Jibu hoja mzee Said, wageni wa marekani na Ulaya ni wakwako they have nothing to do with us. Ulikotembelea tumeshakujua huna haja ya kurudia rudia kwasababu si sehemu ya maudhui ya kitabu. Haya unaweza kuyaongea huko nyumbani kwako faragha, hapa tunajadili hoja ulizoleta na si maisha yako ya ukumbini.
Kama huna jibu au huwezi kufafanua hoja basi nitasema lile neno la makuzi yangu lislopendwa pwani.

Nguruvi3,

Mimi nadhani hapa tulipofika panatosha sidhani kama ipo tija itakayopatikana zaidi.
Wewe msimamo wako ni kuwa hukubaliani na kitabu changu.

Mimi ilivyo na siwezi kubadili ukweli ni kuwa kitabu kipo mitaani kinasomwa toka 1998 na nakala ya Kiswahili sasa tunakwenda tolea la tatu.

Sasa katika hali kama hii mimi na wewe tunafanyaje?

Mohamed

 

[Mr.Right]

Nisome nini? Hivi wewe huoni ubabaishaji! Mimi si wa kukaa jamvini na kuhadithiwa bila kufikiri! una hiari ya kusoma ninayoandika kama yanakutia usingizi yapite, lakini sitakubali kuidhalilisha akili yangu kwa kukubali uzushi, fitna na chuki, nitachambua kila neno na sioni dalili ya kuchoka.

Usingizi ni kusoma mambo ya nyumbani wakati tunajadili mada. Mwambie mwalimu wako ajikite kwenye mada si wazungu na safari zake. Anatutia usingizi kusoma majigambo badala ya kujibu hoja.

Unajua inaonekana wewe unashindwa kuelewa maana ya historia. Hivi unajua historia inavyoandikwa? Hivi unajua ktk kila pande inaandika historia yake?


Pili, unajua maana ya research ktk jambo au mambo? Hapa nyie nyote mnabisha maneno ya MS, lakini hamjawahi kutoa paper/ book yoyote yenye level kama yake. Mie nakushauri, kama unaipenda hii taaluma ya kuwa critics, fanya research, fanya interview na wale waliomo ktk historia ili upate kujua ukweli zaidi.

Lakini kuandika hapa, bila ya hiyo research ni kuleta UBISHI wa Simba na Yanga.

 

[Nguruvi3]

Mr.Right;2850897]Unajua inaonekana wewe unashindwa kuelewa maana ya historia. Hivi unajua historia inavyoandikwa? Hivi unajua ktk kila pande inaandika historia yake?
Pili, unajua maana ya research ktk jambo au mambo? Hapa nyie nyote mnabisha maneno ya MS, lakini hamjawahi kutoa paper/ book yoyote yenye level kama yake. Mie nakushauri, kama unaipenda hii taaluma ya kuwa critics, fanya research, fanya interview na wale waliomo ktk historia ili upate kujua ukweli zaidiKwani

Mohamed amewahoji? amefanya interview na wale waliomo ktk historia ili kupata ukweli?

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mohamed amewahoji? amefanya interview na wale waliomo ktk historia ili kupata ukweli?

Nguruvi3,

Hebu soma his footnotes kama zinaweza kuwa za msaada:
A biography of HassanSuleiman appears in Iliffe (ed) ‘The Politicians Ali Ponda and HassanSuleiman,' in Modern Tanzanians,pp.227-253. [1] This chapter was written with the help of apaper by Aisha Daisy Sykes presented as seminar paper at the University of Dares Salaam in 1968. Daisy wrote this paper with the assistance of her fatherAbdulwahid Sykes, from an original manuscript written by Kleist Sykes. Otherinformation on Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fiTanganyika is from Tewa Said Tewa's unpublished manuscript, ‘A Probe In theHistory of Islam in Tanganyika'. Other information is from Ali Mwinyi Tambwe,secretary Al Jamiatul Islamiyya inthe early 1940s. [1]Buruku,op. cit. p.96. [1]Harminevon Wissman was an explorer and soldier. He led the supression of theresistance of 1888-1889 and was Governorof German East Africa in 1895-1896. [1]Iliffe,A Modern History of Tanganyika, p.95.[1] Dr James Kwegyir Aggrey was born in 1875 andwas educated in Cape Coastal Methodist School. He became a teacher and headmaster and was an interpreter for the 1896Ashanti Expedition. He went to Americaand graduated from Livingstone College and Hood Theological Seminary where hewas ordained. He later gained his doctorate from Columbia University. Dr Aggreyserved on Phelps -Stokes Commissions of 1920 and 1924, which wereappointed to inquire into African education. It was while serving in thisCommission that he visited Tanganyika. He was appointed Vice-Principal ofAchimota College in 1924 and died three years later in 1927.[1] Buruku, op. cit. p.101. [1] Buruku,p.101. For a similar argument see Jan P van Bergen, Development and Religion, (Madras, 1981) pp.171-2. Bergen's bookcontains very incriminating information and evidence on Nyerere and theCatholic Church's conspiracy to marginalise Muslims. When this was realised thebook was quietly removed from circulation. [1] Jan P van Bergen, op. cit. p. 203.[1] Afterthe end of this conflict Tambwe was transferred to Tabora. This transfer wasimposed on Tambwe as punishment for his involvement in politics. He came backto Dar es Salaam in 1952 and Tambwe continued working in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya until whenZuberi Mtemvu recruited him to join TANU in August, 1954. Mtemvu wrote a pencil note to Ally Sykesrecommending Tambwe. Tambwe was not a member of the African Association in Dares Salaam. He moved straight from AlJamiatul Islamiyya to TANU. 1]Informationfrom Mwalimu Bahia interviewed in 1990.[1]SeeMajor St. J. Orde Browne, Labour Adviser to the Secretary of State forColonies, London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1946, Colonial No. 93. [1]ChiefAdam Sapi Mkwawa's biography appears in Baragumu,April 12, 1956. He was educated at Tabora and Makerere where he went to studymedicine. He did not complete his study as he was forced to return home to becomechief of the Wahehe. He was elected member of the Legislative Council in 1947at the age of 27. In 1955 Abdulwahid and Dossa were invited by Adam Sapi toKalenga at the ceremony of handing over the skull of Chief Mkwawa to hisgreat-grandson Adam Sapi. Chief Mkwawa was secretly recruited into TANU byDossa Aziz thus becoming one of the very few traditional rulers to support theParty. For information on chiefs who supported TANU see Sauti ya TANU, No. 22 of 28 th February, 1958. [1]Informationon Abdulwahid and the Dockworkers' Union is from M.I. Barakat interviewed on 16th August, 1987. [1]Reportby Major St. J. Orde Browne, C.M.G; , O.B.E. Labour Adviser to the Secretary ofState for Colonies, London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, Colonial Vol. 193,1946 p. 61, Dar es Salaam University Library. [1]LDAR, 1945, p.5. [1]Fora detailed account of the strike see Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers of Dares Salaam' in Tanzania Notes andRecords," 71 (1970) p.130. A shortened version ‘The Creation of GroupConsciousness Among Dockworkers' appears in Robin Cohen and Sandbrook (eds) Towards an African Working Class (London,1975), pp. 49-72. Also see Henry Mapolu, Workersand Management, (Dar es Salaam, 1976), p.139. Also N.S.K. Tumbo, ‘TowardsNUTA' in Labour in Tanzania,University of Dar es Salaam Studies in Political Science, No.5. pp. 2-3. Allthese works have acknowledged the 1947 port labour movement as the turningpoint in the history of labour relations in Tanzania except A.C.A. Tandau, Historia ya Kuundwa kwa TFL (1955-1962) naKuanzishwa kwa NUTA, (Dar es Salaam, 1964). [1]Informationfrom Rashid Mussa interviewed at Tabora in 1988. [1] See footnote No.61.
[1]JefferyButler and A.A. Castagno (eds) ‘Politics in Independent African States', A Prolegomenon in Boston University Paperson Africa: Transition in African Politics pp. 67-68.[1] M.A. Bienefield, ‘Trade Unions, TheLabour Process,' JMAS Vol. 17 No. 4December, 1979, pp. 557-558.[1] A biography of Erika Fiah is in Kwetu No.11, 4 th August, 1940.[1] Kwetu, June, 1944. Also Buruku, op. cit. p. 103. [1] Buruku, op. cit. p.103. Also Kwetu, June, 1944.[1] See Iliffe, ‘TheSpokesman: Martin Kayamba' in Iliffe (Ed), ModernTanzanians, op. cit. pp. 66-94. [1] Kwetu,29 June, 1940.[1] Kwetu,17 October, 1940.[1] Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers...'p.119. Tanganyika Labour Report, 1947.[1] Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers...'[1] Father Van Ostroom, Kiongozi Gazeti Katoliki, 1950, Vol.1No.11. p. 192. [1] Iliffe, 'A History of Dockworkers...' op. cit. p.137. [1] ARLDp.15. [1] Henry Mapolu, Workers and Management, TPH, Dar es Salaam, 1976, p. 139. [1] See Helge Kjeshus, Labour in Tanzania, (Dar es Salaam, 1977), passim. [1] Iliffe, ‘Tanzania Under British Rule' inB.A. Ogot and J. Kieran (Eds) Zamani: A Surveyof East African History, East African Publishing House, 1968 p. 22 quotedin African Studies Working Paper No. 8, April, 1979, by G.W. Reeves. [1] See E.A. Mang'enya, Discipline and Tears, Dar es Salaam, 1984 p. 231. [1] Iliffe, 'AHistory of Dockworkers...' op. cit. p. 119. Also A.C.A. Tandau, Historia ya Kuundwa kwa TFL (1955-1962) naKuanzishwa kwa NUTA, Dar es Salaam, 1964. [1] The author has borrowed this concept fromJudith Listowel who in identifying the Makerere influence and school of thoughtin the politics of Tanganyika has labelled the Makerere graduates of the 1950s, 'Makerere intellectuals'. [1] For a detailed account see Dr John C.Sivalon, Kanisa Katoliki na Siasa yaTanzania Bara 1953 Hadi 1985, (Ndanda,1992) passim. [1] Information from Dossa who was witness tothe fracas. [1] Information from Dossa Aziz interviewed in1987. Also see Iliffe, 'A Modern History...'pp. 507-508. Mtamila survived the turmoil and was the elder politician whowelcomed John Hatch of the Labour Party of Great Britain when he visitedTanganyika in 1955 as guest of TANU. [1] Annual Report of the Secretary ofTanganyika African Association, 7 January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.[1] For a detailed discussion on thesubject see Cranford Pratt, The CriticalPhase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31. [1] Ibid p. 30.[1]Theauthor was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by oneof Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu. He was informed that Mwapachutook great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document. Inher book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance tothe political history of Tanganyika. But it was Pratt who analysed the documentin detail. The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of theCommittee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretaryof State' no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library. Although this file isavailable at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was informed that a microfilm ofthe document was available but that too could not be traced. For moreinformation on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise ofAncestors Revisited' in Africa Events,London March, 1989, pp. 50-51. [1] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA,ibid. [1] Pratt op. cit. p. 30.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mohamed amewahoji? amefanya interview na wale waliomo ktk historia ili kupata ukweli?

Nguruvi3,

Hebu soma his footnotes kama zinaweza kuwa za msaada:
A biography of HassanSuleiman appears in Iliffe (ed) ‘The Politicians Ali Ponda and HassanSuleiman,’ in Modern Tanzanians,pp.227-253. [1] This chapter was written with the help of apaper by Aisha Daisy Sykes presented as seminar paper at the University of Dares Salaam in 1968. Daisy wrote this paper with the assistance of her fatherAbdulwahid Sykes, from an original manuscript written by Kleist Sykes. Otherinformation on Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fiTanganyika is from Tewa Said Tewa’s unpublished manuscript, ‘A Probe In theHistory of Islam in Tanganyika’. Other information is from Ali Mwinyi Tambwe,secretary Al Jamiatul Islamiyya inthe early 1940s. [1]Buruku,op. cit. p.96. [1]Harminevon Wissman was an explorer and soldier. He led the supression of theresistance of 1888-1889 and was Governorof German East Africa in 1895-1896. [1]Iliffe,A Modern History of Tanganyika, p.95.[1] Dr James Kwegyir Aggrey was born in 1875 andwas educated in Cape Coastal Methodist School. He became a teacher and headmaster and was an interpreter for the 1896Ashanti Expedition. He went to Americaand graduated from Livingstone College and Hood Theological Seminary where hewas ordained. He later gained his doctorate from Columbia University. Dr Aggreyserved on Phelps -Stokes Commissions of 1920 and 1924, which wereappointed to inquire into African education. It was while serving in thisCommission that he visited Tanganyika. He was appointed Vice-Principal ofAchimota College in 1924 and died three years later in 1927.[1] Buruku, op. cit. p.101. [1] Buruku,p.101. For a similar argument see Jan P van Bergen, Development and Religion, (Madras, 1981) pp.171-2. Bergen's bookcontains very incriminating information and evidence on Nyerere and theCatholic Church's conspiracy to marginalise Muslims. When this was realised thebook was quietly removed from circulation. [1] Jan P van Bergen, op. cit. p. 203.[1] Afterthe end of this conflict Tambwe was transferred to Tabora. This transfer wasimposed on Tambwe as punishment for his involvement in politics. He came backto Dar es Salaam in 1952 and Tambwe continued working in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya until whenZuberi Mtemvu recruited him to join TANU in August, 1954. Mtemvu wrote a pencil note to Ally Sykesrecommending Tambwe. Tambwe was not a member of the African Association in Dares Salaam. He moved straight from AlJamiatul Islamiyya to TANU. 1]Informationfrom Mwalimu Bahia interviewed in 1990.[1]SeeMajor St. J. Orde Browne, Labour Adviser to the Secretary of State forColonies, London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1946, Colonial No. 93. [1]ChiefAdam Sapi Mkwawa's biography appears in Baragumu,April 12, 1956. He was educated at Tabora and Makerere where he went to studymedicine. He did not complete his study as he was forced to return home to becomechief of the Wahehe. He was elected member of the Legislative Council in 1947at the age of 27. In 1955 Abdulwahid and Dossa were invited by Adam Sapi toKalenga at the ceremony of handing over the skull of Chief Mkwawa to hisgreat-grandson Adam Sapi. Chief Mkwawa was secretly recruited into TANU byDossa Aziz thus becoming one of the very few traditional rulers to support theParty. For information on chiefs who supported TANU see Sauti ya TANU, No. 22 of 28 th February, 1958. [1]Informationon Abdulwahid and the Dockworkers’ Union is from M.I. Barakat interviewed on 16th August, 1987. [1]Reportby Major St. J. Orde Browne, C.M.G; , O.B.E. Labour Adviser to the Secretary ofState for Colonies, London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, Colonial Vol. 193,1946 p. 61, Dar es Salaam University Library. [1]LDAR, 1945, p.5. [1]Fora detailed account of the strike see Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers of Dares Salaam’ in Tanzania Notes andRecords," 71 (1970) p.130. A shortened version ‘The Creation of GroupConsciousness Among Dockworkers’ appears in Robin Cohen and Sandbrook (eds) Towards an African Working Class (London,1975), pp. 49-72. Also see Henry Mapolu, Workersand Management, (Dar es Salaam, 1976), p.139. Also N.S.K. Tumbo, ‘TowardsNUTA’ in Labour in Tanzania,University of Dar es Salaam Studies in Political Science, No.5. pp. 2-3. Allthese works have acknowledged the 1947 port labour movement as the turningpoint in the history of labour relations in Tanzania except A.C.A. Tandau, Historia ya Kuundwa kwa TFL (1955-1962) naKuanzishwa kwa NUTA, (Dar es Salaam, 1964). [1]Informationfrom Rashid Mussa interviewed at Tabora in 1988. [1] See footnote No.61.
[1]JefferyButler and A.A. Castagno (eds) ‘Politics in Independent African States’, A Prolegomenon in Boston University Paperson Africa: Transition in African Politics pp. 67-68.[1] M.A. Bienefield, ‘Trade Unions, TheLabour Process,’ JMAS Vol. 17 No. 4December, 1979, pp. 557-558.[1] A biography of Erika Fiah is in Kwetu No.11, 4 th August, 1940.[1] Kwetu, June, 1944. Also Buruku, op. cit. p. 103. [1] Buruku, op. cit. p.103. Also Kwetu, June, 1944.[1] See Iliffe, ‘TheSpokesman: Martin Kayamba’ in Iliffe (Ed), ModernTanzanians, op. cit. pp. 66-94. [1] Kwetu,29 June, 1940.[1] Kwetu,17 October, 1940.[1] Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers...’p.119. Tanganyika Labour Report, 1947.[1] Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers...’[1] Father Van Ostroom, Kiongozi Gazeti Katoliki, 1950, Vol.1No.11. p. 192. [1] Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers...’ op. cit. p.137. [1] ARLDp.15. [1] Henry Mapolu, Workers and Management, TPH, Dar es Salaam, 1976, p. 139. [1] See Helge Kjeshus, Labour in Tanzania, (Dar es Salaam, 1977), passim. [1] Iliffe, ‘Tanzania Under British Rule’ inB.A. Ogot and J. Kieran (Eds) Zamani: A Surveyof East African History, East African Publishing House, 1968 p. 22 quotedin African Studies Working Paper No. 8, April, 1979, by G.W. Reeves. [1] See E.A. Mang'enya, Discipline and Tears, Dar es Salaam, 1984 p. 231. [1] Iliffe, ‘AHistory of Dockworkers...’ op. cit. p. 119. Also A.C.A. Tandau, Historia ya Kuundwa kwa TFL (1955-1962) naKuanzishwa kwa NUTA, Dar es Salaam, 1964. [1] The author has borrowed this concept fromJudith Listowel who in identifying the Makerere influence and school of thoughtin the politics of Tanganyika has labelled the Makerere graduates of the 1950s, 'Makerere intellectuals'. [1] For a detailed account see Dr John C.Sivalon, Kanisa Katoliki na Siasa yaTanzania Bara 1953 Hadi 1985, (Ndanda,1992) passim. [1] Information from Dossa who was witness tothe fracas. [1] Information from Dossa Aziz interviewed in1987. Also see Iliffe, ‘A Modern History...’pp. 507-508. Mtamila survived the turmoil and was the elder politician whowelcomed John Hatch of the Labour Party of Great Britain when he visitedTanganyika in 1955 as guest of TANU. [1] Annual Report of the Secretary ofTanganyika African Association, 7 January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.[1] For a detailed discussion on thesubject see Cranford Pratt, The CriticalPhase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31. [1] Ibid p. 30.[1]Theauthor was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by oneof Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu. He was informed that Mwapachutook great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document. Inher book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance tothe political history of Tanganyika. But it was Pratt who analysed the documentin detail. The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of theCommittee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretaryof State’ no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library. Although this file isavailable at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was informed that a microfilm ofthe document was available but that too could not be traced. For moreinformation on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise ofAncestors Revisited’ in Africa Events,London March, 1989, pp. 50-51. [1] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA,ibid. [1] Pratt op. cit. p. 30.

 

[Ritz]

Ebu tujikumbushe haya maneno ya Nyerere, alioyatamka mwaka 1985..

"Siku moja Dossa akanifuta Magomeni, akasema leo wazee Jumbe Tambaza, wanakutaka usiku nikasema.

Haya nitakuja, nikaenda nikakuta wazee wameshakaa wameniita kijana wao kuniombea dua..

Mimi ni mkiristo, wao waislam watupu wakaniombea dua za ubani, tukamaliza"

Maneno haya alisema wakati akihutubia baraza la wazee wa Dar es Salaam kwenye ukumbi wa Diamond jubilee..

Hapa Nyerere mwenyewe kakubali kuwa alikuwa mkiristo peke yake..

Waislam walimpenda sana Nyerere lakini baadae akawageuka

 

[Mohamed Said]

Ebu tujikumbushe haya maneno ya Nyerere, alioyatamka mwaka 1985..

"Siku moja Dossa akanifuta Magomeni, akasema leo wazee Jumbe Tambaza, wanakutaka usiku nikasema.

Haya nitakuja, nikaenda nikakuta wazee wameshakaa wameniita kijana wao kuniombea dua..

Mimi ni mkiristo, wao waislam watupu wakaniombea dua za ubani, tukamaliza"

Maneno haya alisema wakati akihutubia baraza la wazee wa Dar es Salaam kwenye ukumbi wa Diamond jubilee..

Hapa Nyerere mwenyewe kakubali kuwa alikuwa mkiristo peke yake..

Waislam walimpenda sana Nyerere lakini baadae akawageuka

Ritz,

Hebu tupate darsa kidogo jinsi mambo yalivyogeuka mara tu uhuru uliopiganiwa kwa hali na mali na Waislam ulipopatikana:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD="width: 744, bgcolor: transparent"] "What was to follow after independence were arrests, detention and deportations of sheikhs and other Muslims considered to be opposing the Christian hegemony in the government. Prominent among them were: Abdillah Schneider Plantan, Abdulkarim Abdulwahid, Maalim Popo Saleh, Suleiman Masudi Mnonji, Ali Migeyo, Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Shariff Hussein Badawiy, Shariff Mwinyibaba, Shariff Adnan, Bilali Rehani Waikela, Sheikh Jumanne Bias, Maalim Matar, Abdallah Mwamba, Sheikh Hashim Haji Abdallah, Sheikh Nurdin Hussein, Salum Abdallah, Ahmed Rashad, Sheikh Mzee Ali Comorian, Rajab Kiguu cha Mbuzi and many others. But the truth was that not all of these Muslims were involved in partisan politics. Some were picked up simply because they were associating with those considered against the government. Maalim Matar and Shariff Adnan went to jail simply because they were attached to the Badawiy Mosque in Dar es Salaam where Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, then considered the moving spirit of Muslims in Tanganyika, was holding his madras every (maghrib) evening. Shariff Hussein and his brother Mwinyibaba were deported to Kenya, their home country, not because they had engaged themselves in ‘anti-government' activities, but because they were the custodian of Badawiy Mosque. Sheikh Mzee Ali Comorian was detained because he was always in the company of Sheikh Hassan bin Amir. What probably guided Nyerere in signing the detention and deportation orders was probably the Biblical saying, ‘he who is not with us is against us'. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 744, bgcolor: transparent"] These new developments saddened Abdulwahid as he could not understand where such sentiments could originate from. Somehow Abdulwahid felt guilty and responsible for what was taking place and for the calamity which was befalling the Muslim community. This feeling now haunted him. Abdulwahid thought that they had conquered such sentiments in the 1950s. He had in 1953, as incumbent and secretary of Al Jamiatul Islamiyya, stood against Julius Nyerere, a Roman Catholic, to contest for the presidency of the TAA. Abdulwahid lost that election. Muslims did not take that election as between a Muslim leader and a Christian. What mattered was the ability of the contestants. Nyerere turned out to be a better candidate than he. He remembered the 1958 conflict between Sheikh Suleiman Takadir then TANU Elders Council Chairman and Nyerere. Sheikh Takadir had warned that Nyerere would come to turn against Muslims and to favour fellow Christians once power was squarely in his hands. Like many other Muslims, Abdulwahid had sided with Nyerere. He believed then, as many like him did, that Takadir wanted to spread divisive hate politics based on religion which could have dire consequences for the people of Tanganyika. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 744, bgcolor: transparent"] Abdulwahid died in 1968 at a time when the country was torn in silent strife; there was tension between Muslims and the Christian dominated government in power. The unity of the country, something which Abdulwahid had fought for throughout his life, was being threatened. The unity of Muslims was on the brink of disintegration. There had been mass detention of Sheikhs under the Preventive Detention Act of 1962. Some of these Sheikhs were Abdulwahid's political allies when he was trying to set up TANU. Some of them supported Nyerere in those difficult early days of the struggle. Abdulwahid's fellow member of the TAA political subcommittee, Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, who was held in high esteem by all Muslims, had been arrested on Nyerere's orders and deported to Zanzibar, his country of origin; the reason given for his deportation was that Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was ‘plotting to overthrow the government'. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 744, bgcolor: transparent"] Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was among the few Muslim scholars who dared to stand against the government and to give his opinion on the government's negative stand on Islam. Before his death reports had been reaching him that there was a systematic campaign within TANU, conducted by its new Christian leadership, to de-Islamise the party. In the 1965 General Elections, TANU founder member Tewa Said Tewa lost his Kisarawe constituency to an unknown contestant, one H.A. Ramadhani Dollah. Bibi Titi Mohamed, the only woman who built TANU and campaigned for Nyerere single-handedly, also lost her Rufiji seat to one A.M. Mtanga. There were unconfirmed rumours of ballot rigging and a conspiracy against Tewa and Titi and certain names within the Party top leadership, including that of Nyerere were mentioned. The two were respectively, president and vice-president of the EAMWS. [1] To this day Tewa claims that he did not lose the election. Election results were delayed for no apparent reason and were announced two days late. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 744, bgcolor: transparent"] Abdulwahid knew the consequences of this Muslim division. He had witnessed the power of Muslim unity during the struggle for independence. Abdulwahid also knew the force, fear and people behind the unholy alliance. He knew about the conspiracy and the personalities working behind the scenes against Muslim unity. Abdulwahid's former allies had come to fear that, after independence, Islam which had been the ideology of resistance against colonialism was becoming a threat to the future of Christianity in free Tanzania. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 744, bgcolor: transparent"] Before he passed away Abdulwahid was to have an audience with Nyerere. This encounter between Abdulwahid and Nyerere took place in the last months of 1968 amid the arrests and detention of sheikhs and prominent Muslims. The two were old friends. Probably if it were not for Abdulwahid's support of Nyerere the history of TANU and that of Nyerere would have taken a different course. This meeting was important to Abdulwahid because he somehow felt responsible for what was befalling Muslims, particularly those in Dar es Salaam. Reports of Muslims being picked up at night and sent away to be detained were reaching him almost every day. Abdulwahid could not pretend that he was not affected by those arrests. Some of those put under custody were people he had known since childhood and personally mobilised in 1950s in initiating his political career and building Nyerere's own power base in TANU. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 744, bgcolor: transparent"] Abdulwahid told Nyerere that he may have no connection with his victims when he signs detention orders. Those were people who Abdulwahid met either at the mosque or in the streets. He, as a person living among Muslims and the family of those victims, felt their anguish and grief. Abdulwahid told Nyerere that those people knew of his (Abdulwahid's) role in Nyerere's rise to power. They came to him begging him to intercede with Nyerere on their behalf. Abdulwahid told Nyerere that the detentions were wrong because those people did not have power to overthrow his government. In a sad tone Abdulwahid ended his address by telling Nyerere, "As I walk out of this room I want to believe that, you, Julius Nyerere, have not now turned against us." With those words Abdulwahid made his exit. " [/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

https://www.jamiiforums.com/#_ftnref1 [1]After a silence of almost thirty years Titi Mohamedrevealed that it was Nyerere who was behind her downfall, the reason being thatshe had opposed him in the TANU-NEC when he was seeking a mandate from Muslimsin the TANU leadership to ban the EAMWS. See article in Rai of 29 th December, 1994.

---

https://www.jamiiforums.com/#_ftnref1 [1]After a silence of almost thirty years Titi Mohamedrevealed that it was Nyerere who was behind her downfall, the reason being thatshe had opposed him in the TANU-NEC when he was seeking a mandate from Muslimsin the TANU leadership to ban the EAMWS. See article in Rai of 29 th December, 1994.

 

[Zimmermann]

Hapo umekosea. Nyerere hawezi kuwa Baba wa Taifa kwa Waislamu. Waislamu hatumwiti mtu "Baba" kwa "utakatifu" wake anaopewa na Kanisa.

Waislamu hatuna cheo cha "Baba" unless ni baba yako mzazi. Kwa watu wa Pwani ni TUSI kumwambia mtu amwite mtu fulani "Baba" yake wakati si " Baba" yake mzazi. Kwa hiyo rekebisha hiyo lugha.

Mkiuu naomba unisaidie kidogo...na kwa hili hata Mohamed Saidi au muislam mwingine anisaidie.
Mnaposema 'Waislam' mna maanisha nini??
Mwenyekiti wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu Nyerere ni Prof Issa Shivji. Huyu pamoja na waislam wengine kama Salim Ahmed Salimi, Dr Bashiru Ally wa UDSM, Marehemu Prof Haroub Othman + waislam wengi tu wanamuita Nyerere Baba wa Taifa. Hivi hawa waislam wanaomuita Nyerere baba wa taifa siyo waislam??Naomba jibu fupi tu!

 

[Barubaru]

Nisome nini? Hivi wewe huoni ubabaishaji! Mimi si wa kukaa jamvini na kuhadithiwa bila kufikiri! una hiari ya kusoma ninayoandika kama yanakutia usingizi yapite, lakini sitakubali kuidhalilisha akili yangu kwa kukubali uzushi, fitna na chuki, nitachambua kila neno na sioni dalili ya kuchoka.

Usingizi ni kusoma mambo ya nyumbani wakati tunajadili mada. Mwambie mwalimu wako ajikite kwenye mada si wazungu na safari zake. Anatutia usingizi kusoma majigambo badala ya kujibu hoja.

Nguruvi3,

Kumbuka kusoma kitu kisha kukaa kimya nao pia ni adab za msomi.

Si kila kitu unaweza kuchangia kwani hizi tafiti huwezi kuzijibu kwa vijistari viwili vitatu vya JF. Ni vizuri nawe uandike makala yako tuone umahiri wako.

tafakur

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Nguruvi3,

Kumbuka kusoma kitu kisha kukaa kimya nao pia ni adab za msomi.

Si kila kitu unaweza kuchangia kwani hizi tafiti huwezi kuzijibu kwa vijistari viwili vitatu vya JF. Ni vizuri nawe uandike makala yako tuone umahiri wako.

tafakur

Hao ni ujanja wa JF tu, wataanzia wapi kuandika? kuandika "academic" paper tu hawawezi wacha kitabu, si rahisi na kwa muono wa mtu kama huyo ambae hawezi hata kusoma, unafikiri ataweza kuandika? kumwambia aandike mie nasema hawezi, ni kama kumpigia mbuzi gitaa.

 

[Ritz]

Mkiuu naomba unisaidie kidogo...na kwa hili hata Mohamed Saidi au muislam mwingine anisaidie.
Mnaposema 'Waislam' mna maanisha nini??
Mwenyekiti wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu Nyerere ni Prof Issa Shivji. Huyu pamoja na waislam wengine kama Salim Ahmed Salimi, Dr Bashiru Ally wa UDSM, Marehemu Prof Haroub Othman + waislam wengi tu wanamuita Nyerere Baba wa Taifa. Hivi hawa waislam wanaomuita Nyerere baba wa taifa siyo waislam??Naomba jibu fupi tu!

Uislam sio majina ulichotaja wewe ni majina tu..

Uislam ni mfumo wa maisha wa mwanadamu! Una taratibu zake

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mkiuu naomba unisaidie kidogo...na kwa hili hata Mohamed Saidi au muislam mwingine anisaidie.
Mnaposema 'Waislam' mna maanisha nini??
Mwenyekiti wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu Nyerere ni Prof Issa Shivji. Huyu pamoja na waislam wengine kama Salim Ahmed Salimi, Dr Bashiru Ally wa UDSM, Marehemu Prof Haroub Othman + waislam wengi tu wanamuita Nyerere Baba wa Taifa. Hivi hawa waislam wanaomuita Nyerere baba wa taifa siyo waislam??Naomba jibu fupi tu!

Sweke34,

Jibu fupi hutolipata kwangu.
Kwa swali hilo na jibu unalolitafuta nakuomba waulize wataalamu wa lugha wakufahamishe.

Kwangu mie nitakuongezea kitu usome ili upate picha huenda ikakusaidia kuelewa ninapoandika na kusema Waislam ninakusudia kitu gani:
Muslims are now organising nationwide mass rallies which openly and inlive broadcasts denounce the church, criticise the government and church agentswithin the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Parliament for oppressingMuslims. Seemingly derogatory words like "pandikizi" (singular) and"mapandikizi" (plural) meaning "turncoats;" or the new coined word "MfumoKristo" roughly meaning "Christian dominance" are now part of the Muslim and Swahilivocabulary. These analogies are used freely in the Muslim media and amongMuslims in every day conversation. But what usually thrills Muslims and utterlysignificant showing that times have changed is when in the rallies and innormal discussion Muslims refer to Nyerere hitherto known respectfully as "Babawa Taifa" as "Baba wa Kanisa," meaning "Church Elder."[1] The moveby the Catholic Church to make him a saint has not helped matters. More so itproves all the allegations levelled against Nyerere that he never was anationalist but a Catholic zealot. Respect and love which Muslims once had forNyerere has been completely wiped out. The new generation of Muslims no longerbelieve in the official history of TANU and the propaganda that it was Nyererewho single handed defeated the British. Muslims instead are honouring theforgotten heroes of independence movement and in so doing invoking emotionsparticularly in the new generation to stand up against oppression as theirforefathers had done against Germans and the British. Muslim heroes of the MajiMaji War like Suleiman Mamba, Ali Songea Mbano,[2] andMuslim nationalists like Abdulwahid [3] and AllySykes,[4] DossaAziz, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir,[5] SheikhSuleiman Takadir, Sheikh Yusuf Badi, Bibi Titi Mohamed,[6] BibiTatu bint Mzee, Bilali Rehani Waikela,[7] AliMigeyo[8] andothers are now part of nationalist history which was suppressed for many years.[9]

---

[1] The late Prof. Haroub Othman after reading Sheikh Ali Muhsin's book Conflict and Harmony in Zanzibar and thewriter's book The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes 1924 -1968 The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialismin Tanganyika, Minerva Press, London 1998 andhaving come across hitherto unknown information on Nyerere was devastatedbecause he was a great admirer of Nyerere as a patriot and a nationalist. Thetwo books had painted him differently. Prof. Haroub confronted Nyerere and toldhim that the allegations in those two works have tarnished his image and headvised him to respond to them. Nyerere never did. Christian lecturers at Dares Salaam University are discouraging students from making references to thosetwo books. Dr. Harith Ghassany's book KwaheriUkoloni Kwaheri Uhuru, has also come up with more information on Nyererehitherto unknown in the Zanzibar Revolution and the bloodbath which followed.
[2] In all historical references to Maji Maji War hero and Chief of WangoniAli Songea Mbano, his Muslim name "Ali" would be omitted and he would bereferred to as Songea Mbano.
[3] MohamedSaid, The Life and Times of AbdulwahidSykes (1924 –1968), The Untold Story of the Muslim StruggleAgainst British Colonialism in Tanganyika Minerva Publishers, London, 1998.
[4] Mohamed Said, Broken Dreams, TheLife of Ally Kleist Sykes, Phoenix Publishers, Nairobi 2011 (Forthcoming).
[5] Issa Ziddy, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir (1880-1979). Also See Mohamed Said, "Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir -The Moving Spirit of Muslim Emancipation in Tanganyika (1950 – 1968)" (Paperpresented at Youth Camp Organised by Zanzibar University, World Assembly ofMuslim Youth (WAMY) and Tanzania Muslim Students Association (TAMSA) 27[SUP]th[/SUP]February – 4[SUP]th[/SUP] March 2004.
[6] Bibi Titi was recruited into TANU by Schneider Abdillah Plantan andbegan to mobilize people particularly women to join the party even before hecame to know Nyerere.
[7] Bilali Rehani Waikela one of the TANU founder members in WesternProvince in 1955 and Regional Secretary of the East African Muslim WelfareSociety (EAMWS) was detained by Nyerere in 1964 for "mixing religion andpolitics." His personal papers were of great help in understanding the EAMWScrisis of 1968 and the reasons why Nyerere detained prominent sheikhs andbanned the society in 1968. A documentary of his political life has been madeand although not officially recognized as a patriot Muslims now consider him asone of the heroes of the independence movement. For more information seeMohamed Said, "In Praise of Ancestors," AfricaEvents (London) March/April 1977.
[8] G. Mutahaba, Portrait of aNationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969.
[9]Maji Maji Museum in Songea which has been greatlydesecrated removing all signs of Muslim symbols during the Maji Maji War withGermans. The Maji Maji Museum at Peramiho under the Catholic Church has closedits doors to young Muslims for fear of criticism for distorting history. AllMuslim symbols in Maji Maji War against Germans have been obliterated in theMaji Maji Museum.

 

[Zimmermann]

Sweke34,

Jibu fupi hutolipata kwangu.
Kwa swali hilo na jibu unalolitafuta nakuomba waulize wataalamu wa lugha wakufahamishe.

Unayao majibu marefu ya kukariri!
Kama kuna waislam wanamuita Nyerere baba wa taifa na kuna waislam hawamuiti Nyerere baba wa taifa, ni sahihi kweli kusema waislam kwa ujumla wao hawamuiti Nyerere baba wa taifa?

 

[Gwalihenzi]

Nguruvi3,

Kwa hakika mimi kama mwandishi wa kitabu hicho sina sababu wala haki ya kuvutana sana na wasomaji wa kitabu changu.

Hapa nakuchukulia wewe kama msomaji.

Ikiwa umekisoma kitabu ndiyo ushakisoma na umeona yaliyo ndani yake.
Kwangu mimi hiyo inatosha.

Mengine yote yanayofuatia kutokana na kitabu hicho ndiyo mambo ya kisomi ama mtu akubali au akatae yaliyoandikwa.

Hapana ugomvi katika hilo.

Ila kitu kimoja ndicho kinachonitia moyo.
Kitabu hiki kimependwa sana si hapa Tanzania tu bali kote kinaposomeshwa.
Nakala ya Kiswahili tunakwenda toleo la tatu.

Labda tujiulize nani anasoma kitabu hiki na kwa nini kimepata wasomaji wengi?

Wakija vijana kutoka US au Ulaya kunihoji kwa ajili ya "thesis" zao jambo la kwanza hunambia kuwa wamesoma kitabu changu na kimewasaidia sana kuelewa siasa za Tanzania na nafasi ya Waislam katika nchi hii.

Kwangu mie hicho si kitu kidogo.

Waswahili tuna msemo, "Mmashomvi mmoja hafungi soko."


Mohamed

Tunaweza kujiuliza vile vile ni akina nani wanakisoma kitabu cha Salman Rushidie "Satanic Verses" ambacho nacho kimeuzwa na kupendwa sana duniani kote.

 

[Zimmermann]

Mr. Right , Kaka yako Mohamedi Said ameshindwa kuja na jibu, naomba nisaidie wewe basi...!

By sweke34
Mkiuu naomba unisaidie kidogo...na kwa hili hata Mohamed Saidi au muislam mwingine anisaidie.
Mnaposema 'Waislam' mna maanisha nini??
Mwenyekiti wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu Nyerere ni Prof Issa Shivji. Huyu pamoja na waislam wengine kama Salim Ahmed Salimi, Dr Bashiru Ally wa UDSM, Marehemu Prof Haroub Othman + waislam wengi tu wanamuita Nyerere Baba wa Taifa. Hivi hawa waislam wanaomuita Nyerere baba wa taifa siyo waislam??Naomba jibu fupi tu!