Hotuba za Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere

Wazee wangu. Ndugu zangu.

NADHANI ni wajibu wangu kusema nanyi tena katika jioni hii ya kwanza, baada ya kushika mzigo wa kuwa Prime Minister (Waziri Mkuu) wenu wa kwanza. Labda mtafikiri kuwa kubadili jina tu kutoka Chief Minister na kuitwa Prime Minister, si jambo la maana sana. Kwa kweli, kubadili jina peke yake si jambo la maana sana. Lakini natumaini kuwa wote mnaelewa, maana ya jambo hili. Lilielezwa vizuri sana wakati wa mkutano wa Machi kwamba kubadili jina huku, kunafuatana na mabadiliko katika utawala wa nchi yetu, ambayo Watanganyika wote tunashahili kujivunia.

Mabadiliko haya ya leo, yamekamilisha serikali yetu ya wananchi, Bwana Gavana, ambaye ametusaidia sana alipokuwa Chairman wa Baraza la Mawaziri la sasa, kuondoka katika Baraza hilo. Tangu sasa, mimi nitasimamia Baraza la Mawaziri ambao wote 11, nimewachagua mimi mwenyewe. Nawaelezeni jambo hili kwa unyenyekevu mkubwa, kwa sababu mimi na wenzangu, ni watumishi wenu ninyi mnaonisikiliza. Tunajua kuwa mnatuamini, nanyi tunawaamini. Na ni ninyi tu mnaotupa nguvu zetu, tunazozihitaji kwa kazi kubwa iliyo mbele yetu.

Kwa msaada wa Mwenyezi Mungu, na imani mliyonayo juu yetu, tunapata, na tutazidi kupata nguvu za kuendesha serikali yenu. Lakini tunawaomba msisahau, na mara nyingi sana, nimekukumbusheni jambo hili, kwamba serikali haiwezi kufanya kila kitu. Utajiri wa Tanganyika, bado uko ardhini. Hatuanzi na akiba kubwa ya fedha kama Ghana kwa mfano, iliyoanza nayo ilipopata uhuru wake. Hatuna mkononi fedha walizonazo ndugu zetu wa Nigeria. Kwa kweli, elimu yetu iko nyuma zaidi kuliko Kenya na Uganda.

Kwa hiyo, tunaanza bila ya kuwa na wananchi wa kutosha, wenye elimu ya juu, tunayohitaji katika jitihada zetu za kujenga utajiri wa nchi hii. Lakini matatizo haya, hayanitishi mimi, hayawatishi wenzangu, na wala hatuombi kwamba yawatisheni ninyi. Tunayaona kwamba ni jaribio tu. Lakini jaribio hili, na umasikini, si la serikali tu, ni la kila raia wa Tanganyika. Mara nyingi sana, nimesema nanyi juu ya umasikini, ujinga namaradhi, lakini kwa kweli adui yetu mkubwa ni umasikini.

Tukiweza kumshinda adui huyu, tutakuwa tumeweza kupata silaha itakayotuwezesha kuushinda ujinga na maradhi. Lakini ni ninyi tu, tunaoweza kupigana vita vya umasikini. Namuomba kila raia wa Tanganyika, aape kiapo cha kuwa adui wa umasikini. Amshambulie adui huyo mahali popote atakapoonekana. Ukiacha pamba yako shambani bila kuichuma, ukiwa na uwezo wa kuongeza shamba lako kwa eka moja, au nusu eka, au hata robo eka, lakini ukaacha kwa uvivu tu. Ukaacha rutuba ya shamba lako ikaharibiwa, ikiwa shamba lako limejaa magugu na wewe hujishughulishi kuyaondoa, ukiwa unapuuza masharti unayopewa na wataalamu wa kilimo au hujishughulishi kuongeza elimu yako ya kilimo, au ukiwa unazurura tu bila kufanya kazi, ikimtegemea mjomba au shangazi, au Prime Minister wa Tanganyika akufanyie kazi, basi wewe ndugu yangu, si adui wa umasikini.

Wewe si adui wa ujinga, wewe si adui wa maradhi, wewe kwa kweli ni rafiki mkuu wa maadui hao. Wewe ni adui wa Watanganyika wote wanaofanya jitihada yao yote kumshambulia adui huyo. Ndugu zangu, vita hivi ni vyenu, vita hivi ni vyetu wote na adui yetu ni huyo niliyemtaja. Basi, tusipoteze wakati wetu tukishambulia maadui ambao kwa sasa ni marehemu. Tusidhani hata kidogo kwamba sifa yetu katika Afrika au sifa yetu katika Dunia nzima, itategemea ukali na ufundi wa matusi tutakayotumia kutukana ukoloni uliokufa au hata ukoloni mpya utakaojaribu kuanzishwa kwa ujanja na hila za watu wasiopenda uhuru wetu. Sifa yetu, itategemea mambo tutakayofanya kuongeza na kudumisha nguvu zetu ili tuwe na uwezo wa kulinda uhuru wetu wenyewe, na pia kuwasaidia ndugu zetu wengine kupata uhuru wao na kuulinda pia. Wala tusipoteze wakati wetu katika kugombania vyeo na fahari ya nafsi. Kilichotufikisha hapa leo, kwa upesi hivi na kwa amani hivi, ni umoja wa watu wa Tanganyika.

Ninapoulizwa kwa mfano, ni nini mwezi wa Machi kwa muda wa siku mbili tu, jibu langu ni moja, umoja. Wenzangu na mimi tulikuwa kitu kimoja. Na tulikuwa kitu kimoja kwa sababu Tanganyika yenyewe ni kitu kimoja. Na vile vile katika mambo yetu yote ya maisha ya taifa letu. Nani asiyejua kwamba msingi wa kufanikiwa kwa TANU, ni umoja wa TANU. Kadhalika katika vyama vya ushirika au vyama vya wafanyakazi wanachama wake wanaposhikana bega kwa bega, mambo yao yatawaendea vyema. Wanachama wake wakigombana na kutengana, mambo yao na mambo ya taifa zina yatakwenda tenge. Ndugu zangu, huu si wakati wa kuchezea umoja wetu, tunauhitaji sasa kama tulivyohitaji zamani kwa ajili ya kuinua hali zetu na ndugu zetu.

Lakini umoja hauhitajiwi na Tanganyika peke yake, Afrika nzima tunahitaji umoja. Kama mnavyojua, tunahitaji umoja. Kama mnavyojua, nilikuwa Ghana na Nigeria, huko nilikutana na ndugu zetu na wote wanatutakia kheri na baraka. Matembezi hayo, yameikumbusha tena uzito wa mzigo huu tulioanza kuubeba. Tutawezaje ndugu zangu kuubeba mzigo huu?

Tunaweza kuubeba kwa kuonyesha mfano tu, mfano wa taifa lenye umoja kamili, lenye nia moja tu, kujenga taifa letu kwa manufaa ya watu wake wote. Kusaidia ndugu zetu wa Afrika, popote walipo, kujenga undugu na mapenzi, baina yetu na binadamu wote. Ikiwa ndugu zetu katika nchi za jirani wana taabu, na tunajua wanazo taabu nyingi, wajibu wetu ni kutumia umoja wetu kuwasaidia, na kuwaonyesha kwa mfano, jinsi umoja unavyoweza kuwasaidia wao pia. Kila nilikokwenda, nilipokuwa Ghana na Nigeria, nilikumbushwa faida ya umoja.

Ni wajibu wetu kuepukana na vishawishi vyote vya kuuvunja umoja wetu au kuleta utengano baina yetu na majirani zetu. Najua kuwa, uhuru huleta kishawishi cha kutengana na marafiki na majirani ili kuonyesha kwamba tuna nguvu sana, japo tukiwa peke yetu. Hiki ni kishawishi cha kuepukwa kama ugonjwa, kwa sababu tusipokiepuka, tunaweza tukawadhuru ndugu zetu, na tukiwadhuru wao, nasi pia tunajidhuru. Pana haja gani ndugu zangu, kutumia uhuru wetu kwa kutamba na kujitutumua mbele ya waafrika wenzetu? Hivyo ndivyo mataifa ya kizungu yalivyofanya, na kwa upande wake. Leo, Ulaya haina umoja.

Wazungu wanajuta, na wanafanya kila jitihada kuujenga tena umoja wao. Ni wajibu wetu ndugu zangu kujifunza kwa makosa yao. Ni wajibu wetu kuchagua yaliyo mazuri, na kuacha yaliyo mabaya. Umoja ni jambo zuri, basi na tuudumishe umoja wetu. Lakini, kujitenga na majirani ni jambo baya, basi na tuliepuke kosa hilo. Basi ndugu zangu, ndiyo mawazo niliyopata kushirikiana nanyi jioni hii. Kwanza, kazi. Kwani ni kazi peke yake itakayotuondolea umasikini wetu.

Pili, umoja. Kwani bila umoja, hatuna nguvu ya kuendelea na jambo lolote. Tatu, Undugu. Ili uhuru usilete utengano baina yetu na Waafrika wenzetu au binadamu wenzetu. Katika jitihada ya kutimiza shahada hizo, mimi pamoja na wenzangu, tutawatumikieni kwa uwezo wetu wote. Na kwa msaada wa Mwenyezi Mungu, tutajitahidi kuwatumikieni bila kujitafutia faida zetu wenyewe au fahari ya cheo. Ndugu zangu, wazee wangu na akina mama, tupeni msaada wenu.

Asanteni kwa kunisikiliza.

Click to expand...

AZIMIO LA ARUSHA NA SIASA YA TANU JUU YA UJAMAA NA KUJITEGEMEA 1967 SEHEMU YA KWANZA Imani ya Tanu SIASA YA TANU NI KUJENGA NCHI YA UJAMAA, MISINGI YA UJAMAA IMETAJWA KATIKA KATIBA YA TANU, NAYO NI HII Kwa kuwa TANU inaamini:-

(a) Kwamba binadamu wote ni sawa;
(b) Kwamba kila mtu anastahili heshima;
(c) Kwamba kila raia ni sehemu ya Taifa na anayo haki ya kushiriki sawa na wengine katika Serikali tangu ya Mitaa, ya Mikoa hadi Serikali Kuu;
(d) Kwamba kila raia anayo haki ya uhuru wa kutoa mawazo yake, ya kwenda anakotaka, wa kuamini dini anayotaka na wa kukutana na watu mradi havunji Sheria;
(e) Kwamba kila mtu anayo haki ya kupata kutoka katika jamii hifadhi ya maisha yake na ya mali yake aliyonayo kwa mujibu wa Sheria;
(f) Kwamba kila mtu anayo haki ya kupata malipo ya haki kutokana na kazi yake
(g) Kwamba raia wote kwa pamoja wanamiliki utajiri wa asili wanamiliki utajiri wa asili wa nchi hii ukiwa kama dhamana kwa vizazi vyao;
(h) Kwamba ili kuhakikisha kuwa uchumi wa nchi unakwenda sawa Serikali lazima iwe na mamlaka kamili juu ya njia muhimu za kuukuza uchumi; na
(i) Kwamba ni wajibu wa Serikali, ambayo ni watu wenyewe, kuingilia kati kwa vitendo maisha ya uchumi ya Taifa ili kuhakikisha usitawi wa raia wote na kuzuia mtu kumnyonya mtu mwingine au kikundi kimoja kunyonya kikundi kingine na kuzuia limbikizo la utajiri kufikia kiasi ambacho hakipatani na siasa ya watu wote kuwa sawa.

MADHUMUNI YA TANU Kwa hiyo basi, makusudi na madhumuni ya TANU yatakuwa kama hivi yafuatavyo:-

(a) Kuudumisha uhuru wa nchi yetu na raia wake;
(b) Kuweka heshima ya mwanadamu kwa kufuata barabara kanuni za Tangazo la Ulimwengu la Haki za Binadamu.
(c) Kuhakikisha kwamba nchi yetu inatawaliwa na Serikali ya watu ya kidemokrasia na ya kisoshalist;
(d) Kushirikiana na vyama vyote vya siasa katika Afrika vinavyopigania uhuru wa bara lote la Afrika;
(e) Kuona kwamba Serikali inatumia mali yote ya nchi yetu kwa kuondoshea umaskini; ujinga na maradhi;
(f) Kuona kwamba Serikali inasaidia kwa vitendo kuunda na kudumisha vyama vya ushirika;
(g) Kuona kwamba kila iwezekanapo Serikali inashiriki hasa katika maendeleo ya uchumi wa nchi yetu;
(h) Kuona kwamba Serikali inatoa nafasi zilizo sawa kwa wote, wake kwa waume, bila kujali rangi, kabila, dini au hali;
(i) Kuona kwamba Serikali inaondoa kila namna ya dhuluma, vitisho, ubaguzi, rushwa na upotofu;
(j) Kuona kwamba Serikali ya nchi yetu inasimamia barabara njia kuu za kuzalisha mali na inafuata siasa ambayo itarahisisha njia ya kumiliki kwa jumla mali za nchi yetu;
(k) Kuona kwamba Serikali inashirikiana na dola nyingine katika Afrika katika kuleta Umoja wa Afrika.
(l) Kuona kwamba Serikali inajitahidi kuleta amani na salama ulimwenguni kwa njia ya Chama cha Umoja wa Mataifa.

SEHEMU YA PILI SIASA YA UJAMAA

(a) Hakuna Unyonyaji:

Nchi yenye Ujamaa kamili ni nchi ya wafanyakazi: haina ubepari wala ukabaila. Haina tabaka mbii za watu: tabaka ya chini ya watu wanaoishi kwa kufanya kazi, na tabaka ya juu ya watu wanaoishi kwa kufanyiwa kazi. Katika nchi ya Ujamaa kamili mtu hamnyonyi mtu, bali kila awezaye kufanya kazi hufanya kazi, na kila mfanya kazi hupata pato la haki kwa kazi aifanyayo na wala mapato ya wafanyakazi mbali mbali hayapitani mno. Katika nchi ya Ujamaa kamili watu peke yao ambao huishi kwa jasho la wenzao, na ni haki yao kuishi kwa jasho la wenzao ni watoto wadogo, wazee wasiojiweza, vilema na wale ambao, kwa muda, Jumuiya imeshindwa kuwapatia kazi yo yote ya kujipatia riziki kwa nguvu zao wenyewe. Nchi yetu ni nchi ya Wakulima na Wafanya kazi, lakini sin chi ya Ujamaa kamili. Ina misingi ya ubepari na ukabaila na vishawishi vyake. Misingi hii ya ubepari na ukabaila yaweza ikapanuka na kuenea.

(b) Njia kuu za uchumi ni chini ya wakulima na wafanya kazi:

Namna ya pekee ya kujenga na kudumisha ujamaa ni kuthibitisha kuwa njia kuu zote za uchumi wa nchi yetu zinatawaliwa na kumilikiwa na Wakulima na Wafanyakazi wenyewe kwa kutumia vyombo vya Serikali yao na Vyama vyao vya Ushirika. Pia ni lazima kuthibitisha kuwa Chama kinachotawala ni Chama cha wakulima na wafanyakazi. Njia kuu za Uchumi ni: kama vile ardhi, misitu, madini, maji, mafuta na nguvu za umeme; njia za habari, njia za usafirishaji; mabenki, na bima; biashara na nchi za kigeni na biashara za jumla; viwanda vya chuma, mashini, silaha, magari, simenti, mboleo; nguo, na kiwanda cho chote kikubwa ambacho kinategemewa na sehemu kubwa ya watu katika kupata riziki zao au kinachotegemewa na viwanda vingine; mashamba makubwa na hasa yale yanayotoa mazao ya lazima katika viwanda vikubwa. Baadhi ya njia hizi na nyingine zisizotajwa hapa hivi sasa zinamilikiwa au kutawaliwa na Serikali ya Wananchi.

(c) Kuna Demokrasi:

Nchi haiwi ni ya Ujamaa kwa sababu tu njia zake kuu au zote za uchumi hutawaliwa na humilikiwa na Serikali. Sharti Serikali iwe inachaguliwa na kuongozwa na Wakulima na Wafanya kazi wenyewe. Serikali ya Makaburu wa Rhodesia au Afrika ya Kusini ikitawala au kumiliki njia zote za uchumi, hiyo itakuwa ni njia ya kukomaza Udhalimu siyo njia ya kuleta Ujamaa. Hakuna Ujamaa wa kweli pasipo na Demokrasi ya kweli.

(d) Ujamaa na Imani:

Lakini Ujamaa hauwezi kujijenga wenyewe. Kwani Ujamaa ni imani. Hauna budi kujengwa na watu wanaoamini na kufuata kanuni zake. Mwana-TANU wa kweli ni Mjamaa, na Wajamaa wenzie, yaani waamini wenzie katika imani hii ya kisiasa na uchumi ni wote wale wanaopigania haki za wakulima na wafanyakazi katika Afrika na po pote duniani. Wajibu wa kwanza wa mwana-TANU na hasa kiongozi wa TANU, ni kutii kanuni hizi za ujamaa hasa katika maisha yake mwenyewe. Na hasa mwana-TANU kiongozi hataishi kwa jasho la mtu mwingine au kufanya jambo lo lote ambalo ni la kibepari au kikabaila. Utimizaji wa shabaha hizo na nyinginezo zinazofuatana na siasa ya ujamaa unategemea sana viongozi kwa sababu ujamaa ni imani na ni vigumu kwa viongozi kujenga siasa ya ujamaa ikiwa hawaikubali imani hiyo.

SEHEMU YA TATU SIASA YA KUJITEGEMEA Tunapigana vita:

TANU ina vita vya kulitoa Taifa letu katika hali ya unyonge na kulitia katika hali ya nguvu; vita vya kuwafanya wananchi wa Tanzania (na wananchi wa Afrika) watoke katika hali ya dhiki na kuwa katika hali ya neema. Tumeonewa kiasi cha kutosha, tumenyonywa kiasi cha kutosha, na tumepuuzwa kiasi cha kutosha. Unyonge wetu ndio uliotufanya tuonewe, tunyonywe, na kupuuzwa. Sasa tunataka mapinduzi; mapinduzi ya kuondoa unyonge ili tusionewe tena, tusinyonywe tena.

Mnyonge hapigani kwa Fedha: Lakini ni dhahiri kwamba tumefanya makosa katika kuchagua silaha; kwani silaha tuliyochagua ni fedha. Tunataka kuondoa unyonge wetu kwa kutumia silaha ya wenye nguvu, silaha ambayo sisi wenyewe hatuna. Katika mazungumzo yetu, mawazo yetu, na vitendo vyetu ni kama tumekata shauri kwamba bila fedha mapinduzi yetu hayawezekani. Ni kama tumesema, “Fedha ndiyo msingi wa maendeleo. Bila fedha hakuna maendeleo”!

Hii ndiyo imani yetu ya sasa. Viongozi wa TANU mawazo yao ni kwenye fedha. Viongozi wa Serikali, wanasiasa na watumishi, mawazo yao na matumaini yao ni kwenye fedha. Viongozi wa wananchi na wananchi wenyewe katika TANU, NUTA, Bunge, UWT., Vyama vya Ushirika, TAPA na makundi mengine ya wananchi, mawazo yao na maombi yao na matumaini yao ni FEDHA. Ni kama wote tumekubaliana na tunasema kwa sauti moja, “Tukipata fedha tutaendelea, bila fedha hatutaendea”!

Mpango wetu wa maendeleo ya miaka mitano shabaha zake kwa kifupi ni shibe zaidi, elimu zaidi na afya zaidi. Na silaha yetu tuliyotilia mkazo sana ni fedha. Ni kama tumesema, “Katika miaka mitano ifuatayo tunakusudia kujiongezea shibe, elimu na afya, na ili kutimiza shabaha hizo tunatumia $ 250,000,000”. Kama tumetaja na tunapotaja vyombo vingine vya kututimizia shabaha hizo tunavitaja kama nyongeza tu; lakini chombo kikubwa katika akili zetu, silaha kubwa katika mawazo yetu, ni FEDHA.

Mheshimiwa Mbunge anaposema kuwa wananchi wa sehemu yake wana shida ya maji, je Serikali ina mpango gani wa kuondoa shida hiyo? Jibu analotaka ni kwamba: Serikali inao mpango wa kuwapa maji wananchi wa sehemu hiyo – KWA FEDHA. Mbunge mwingine anaposema kuwa sehemu yake haina barabara au shule au hospitali au vyote, je, Serikali ina mpango gani? Naye pia jibu ambalo angependa kupewa ni kuwa Serikali inao mpango safi kabisa wa kutengeneza barabara au kujenga shule au hospitali au vyote kwa wananchi wa sehemu ya Mbunge Mheshimiwa huyo - kwa FEDHA.

Kiongozi wa NUTA anapoikumbusha Serikali kuwa mishahara ya chini kwa wafanyakazi wengi bado ni midogo mno na nyumba wanazolala si nzuri, je, Serikali inao mpango gani? Jibu apendalo kusikia ni kuwa Serikali inao mpango maalum wa kuongeza mishahara na kujenga majumba bora - KWA FEDHA. Kiongozi wa TAPA anaposema kuwa wanazo shule nyingi sana ambazo hazipati msaada wa Serikali. Je Serikali ina mpango gani wa kuzisaidia shule hizo, jibu analopenda kusikia ni kuwa Serikali iko tayari kabisa kesho asubuhi kuzipa shule hizo msaada unaotakiwa - wa FEDHA! Kiongozi wa Chama cha Ushirika akitaja shida yo yote ya mkulima jibu apendalo kusikia ni kuwa Serikali itaondoa shida hizo za mkulima – kwa FEDHA.

Mradi kila shida inayolikabili Taifa letu wananchi tunawaza Fedha, Fedha, Fedha! Mwaka hata mwaka kila Wizara na kila Waziri hufanya makadirio yake ya matumizi – yaani fedha wanazohitaji mwaka huo kwa kazi za kawaida na mipango ya maendeleo. Waziri mmoja tu na Wizara moja tu hushughulikia pia kufanya makadirio ya mapato. Ni Waziri wa Fedha. Kila Wizara ina mipango mizuri sana ya maendeleo. Wizara zinapoleta makaidirio yao ya matumizi huwa zinaamini kwamba fedha zipo ila mkorofi ni Waziri wa Fedha na Wizara yake.

Na kila mwaka lazima Waziri wa Fedha na Wizara yake awaambie Mawaziri wenzake na Wizara zao kwamba hakuna fedha. Na kila mwaka Wizara zote huinung’unikia Wizara ya Fedha kwa kupunguza Makadirio yao ya matumizi. Kadhalika Wabunge na Viongozi wengine wanapodai Serikali itimize mipango mbali mbali huwa nao wakiamini kwamba fedha zipo ila mkorofi ni Serikali. Lakini kukataa huku kwa Wizara, na Wabunge na Viongozi wengine hakuwezi kuondoa ukweli; nao ni kwamba Serikali haina fedha. Na kusema kuwa Serikali haina fedha maana yake ni nini? Maana yake ni kuwa Wananchi wa Tanzania hawana fedha.

Kiasi walichonacho hutozwa kodi, na kodi hiyo ndiyo inayoendesha shughuli za Serikali hivi sasa na maendeleo mengine ya nchi. Tunapotaka Serikali ifanye shughuli zaidi za maendeleo kwa fedha tunataka Serikali itumie fedha zaidi. Na kama Serikali haina fedha zaidi tunataka izipate, yaani iongeze kodi. Ukidai Serikali itumie fedha zaidi unataka izipate; na njia ya kuzipata ni kodi. Kudai Serikali itumie fedha nyingi bila kukubali kodi zaidi ni kudai Serikali ifanye miujiza; ni sawa na kudai maziwa zaidi bila kutaka Ng’ombe akamuliwe tena. Lakini kukataa huku kukiri kwamba tunapodai Serikali itumie fedha zaidi nia yetu ni kutaka Serikali iongeze kodi kunaonyesha kuwa tunatambua ugumu wa kuongeza kodi.

Tunatambua kuwa ng’ombe hana maziwa zaidi; kwamba hata ng’ombe mwenyewe angependa ayanywe maziwa hayo au yanywewe na ndama wake au yauzwe yamfae yeye na jamaa yake; utashi huo hauwezi kuondoa ukweli kwamba hana maziwa zaidi. Fedha kutoka nje ya Tanzania, Je? Njia moja tunayotumia kujaribu kuepukana na lazima hii ya kukiri kodi zaidi ikiwa twataka fedha zaidi ni kutilia sana mkazo fedha za kutoka nje ya Tanzania.

Fedha hizi za kutoka nje ni za aina tatu:-

(a) Zawadi: Yaani Serikali ya nje iipe Serikali yetu fedha za bure tu kama sadaka kwa ajili ya mpango fulani wa maendeleo. Wakati mwingine shirika lo lote la nje liipe Serikali yetu au Shirika jingine katika nchi yetu msaada fulani kwa ajili ya maendeleo.
(b) Mkopo: Sehemu kubwa ya fedha tunazotazamia kupata kutoka nchi za kigeni si zawadi au sadaka, bali ni mkopo. Serikali ya nje au Shirika la nje, kama vile Benki, hukopesha Serikali yetu fedha fulani kwa ajili ya kazi zetu za maendeleo. Mkopo huu huwa una masharti yake ya kulipa, kama vile muda wa kulipa, na kima cha faida.
(c) Raslimali ya Kibiashara: Aina ya tatu ambayo pia ni kubwa kuliko ya kwanza, ni ile ya fedha za watu au makampuni yanayotaka kuja katika nchi yetu kuanzisha shughuli mbali mbali za uchumi kwa manufaa yao wenyewe.

Na sharti kubwa walitakalo jamaa hawa wenye fedha zao ni kwamba shughuli yenyewe iwe ni ya faida – kwao – na pia kwamba Serikali iwaruhusu kuondoa faida hiyo Tanzania na kuipeleka kwao. Hupenda pia kwa jumla Serikali iwe na siasa wanayokubaliana nayo au ambayo haihatarishi uchumi wao.

Hizo ndizo njia tatu kubwa za kupata fedha kutoka nje ya nchi yetu. Kuna mazungumzo mengi ajabu juu ya jambo hili la kupata fedha kutoka nchi za kigeni. Serikali yetu na viongozi wetu wa makundi mbalimbali hawaachi kufikiria njia za kupata fedha kutoka nje. Na tukizipata au japo tukipata ahadi tu ya kuzipata mara magazeti yetu, au radio zetu na viongozi wetu hutangaza jambo hilo ili kila mtu ajue kuwa neema imekuja au iko njiani inakuja.

Tukipata msaada hutangaza; tukipata mkopo hutangaza; tukipata kiwanda kipya hutangaza; tukiahidiwa msaada, mkopo au kiwanda kipya hutangaza. Japo tukianza mazungumzo tu na nchi au shirika la kigeni juu ya msaada, mkopo au kiwanda, mara hutangaza japo hatuna hakika ya matokeo ya mazungumzo hayo. Na kisa? Ni kuwajulisha wananchi kwamba, tunaanza mazungumzo ya neema!

TUSITEGEMEE FEDHA KULETA MAENDELEO Ni jambo la kijinga kuchagua fedha kuwa ndiyo chombo chetu kikubwa cha maendeleo na hali tunajua kuwa nchi yetu ni maskini. Ni ujinga vile vile, kwa kweli ni ujinga zaidi, tukidhani kuwa tunaweza kuondoa hali hii ya unyonge wetu kwa kutegemea fedha za kutoka nje badala ya fedha zetu wenyewe. Ni ujinga kwa sababu mbili. Kwanza, hatuwezi kuzipata.

Ni kweli kwamba zipo nchi ambazo zaweza na zapenda kutusaidia. Lakini hakuna nchi moja duniani ambayo iko tayari kutupa misaada au mikopo au kuja kujenga viwanda katika nchi yetu kutimiza shabaha zake zote za maendeleo. Nchi zenye dhiki ni nyingi sana duniani. Na hata kama nchi zote zenye neema zingekubali kuzisaidia nchi zenye dhiki, bado ingekuwa msaada huo hautoshi. Lakini nchi zenye neema hazitakubali.

Hata katika nchi ile ile, matajiri huwa hawatoi fedha zao kwa hiari ili zisaidie Serikali kuondoa dhiki. Njia ya kuzipata fedha za matajiri ili zisaidie umma ni kuwatoza kodi wakipenda wasipende. Hata hivyo huwa hazitoshi. Ndiyo maana japo tungewakamua vipi wnanachi na wakazi wa Tanzania, matajiri na maskini, hatuwezi kupata fedha za kutosha kutimiza mipango yetu ya maendeleo. Wala duniani hakuna Serikali ambayo yaweza kuyatoza kodi mataifa yenye neema, yakipenda yasipende, ili kusaidia mataifa yenye dhiki. Hata hizo zisingelitosha. Hakuna Serikali ya Dunia nzima. Fedha ambazo nchi zenye neema hutoa huwa kwa wema wao, au hiari yao au kwa manufaa yao wenyewe. Haiwezekani basi, tupate fedha za ktuosha kwa njia hiyo.

MISAADA NA MIKOPO VITAHATARISHA UHURU WETU Pili, japo kama tungeweza kuzipata; hivyo ndivyo tunavyotaka kweli? Kujitawala ni kujitegemea. Kujitawala kwa kweli hakuwezekani ikiwa Taifa moja linategemea misaada na mikopo ya Taifa jingine kwa maendeleo yake. Hata kama pangetokea Taifa au mataifa ambayo yako tayari kutupa fedha zote tunazohitaji kuendesha mipango yetu ya maendeleo isingekuwa sawa kwa nchi yetu kuipokea misaada hiyo bila kujiuliza matokeo yake yatakuwa nini kwa Uhuru wetu na uzima wetu.

Msaada ambao ni kama chombo cha kuongeza juhudi, au nyenzo ya juhudi, ni msaada ambao una manufaa. Lakini msaada unaoweza ukawa sumu ya juhudi si msaada wa kupokea bila kujiuliza maswali. Kadhalika mikopo. Kweli mkopo ni bora kuliko misaada ya “bure”. Mkopo nia yake ni kuongeza jitihada au kuifanya jitihada itoe matunda mengi zaidi. Sharti moja la mkopo huwa ni kuonyesha jinsi utavyoweza kuulipa. Maana yake ni kwamba sharti uonyeshe kuwa unakusudia kuufanyia kazi itakayoleta manufaa ya kukuwezesha kuulipa. Lakini hata mikopo ina kikomo. Sharti upime uwezo wa kulipa.

Tunapokopa fedha kutoka nje mlipaji ni Mtanzania. Na kama tulivyokwisha sema Watanzania ni watu maskini. Kuwabebesha watu maskini mikopo ambayo inawazidi kimo si kuwasaidia bali ni kuwaumiza. Na hasa inapokuwa, mikopo hiyo ambayo wanatakiwa walipe haikuwafaidia wao, bali ilifaidia watu wachache tu. Na Viwanda vya wenye raslimali zao je? Ni kweli tunavitaka. Hata tumepitisha katika Bunge sheria ya kulinda raslimali ya wageni wanaoanzisha mipango mbali mbali ya uchumi katika nchi yetu. Nia yetu na matumaini yetu ni kuwafanya waone kuwa Tanzania ni nchi inayofaa kuingiza raslimali zao.

Kwani raslimali yao itakuwa salama italeta faida. Na faida hiyo wenyewe wataweza kuiondoa bila vipangimizi. Tunayo matumaini ya kupata fedha za maendeleo mbali mbali kwa njia hii. Lakini hatuwezi kupata za kutosha. Lakini hata kama tungeweza kuwaridhika kabisa Wageni hao na Makampuni hayo mpaka yakubali kuanzisha mipango yote ya uchumi tunayohitaji katika nchi yetu, hivyo ndivyo tunavyotaka kweli? Kama tungeweza kushawishi wenye raslimai wa kutosha kutoka Amerika, na Ulaya kuja kwetu na kuanzisha Viwanda vyote, na mipango mingine yote ya uchumi tunayohitaji katika nchi hii, hivi kweli tungekubali bila kujiuliza maswali?

Tungekubali kweli kuacha uchumi wetu wote uwe mikononi mwa wageni kwa ajili ya kupata faida na kuipeleka katika nchi zao? Hata kama wasingedai kuhamisha faida na kupeleka makwao, bali faida yote watakayopata wataitumia hapa hapa Tanzania kwa maendeleo zaidi. Hivi kweli tungekubali jambo hili bila kujiuliza hasara zake kwa Taifa letu? Huu Ujamaa tunaosema kuwa ndiyo shabaha yetu tungeujengaje? Twawezaje kutegemea nchi za nje na Kampuni za nje kwa misaada na mikopo na raslimali kwa maendeleo yetu bila kuhatarisha uhuru wetu?

Waingereza wana methali isimayo “Amlipaye mwimbaji ndiye huchagua wimbo”. Tutawezaje kutegemea nchi za kigeni na Makampuni ya kigeni kwa sehemu kubwa ya maendeleo yetu bila kuzipa nchi hizo na makampuni hayo sehemu kubwa ya uhuru wetu wa kutenda tupendavyo. Ukweli wenyewe ni kwamba hatuwezi. Tukariri basi. Tumefanya makosa kuchagua fedha, kitu ambacho hatuna, kiwe ndicho chombo kikubwa cha mipango yetu ya maendeleo. Tunafanya makosa kudhani kuwa tutapata fedha kutoka nchi za kigeni. Kwanza, kwa sababu kwa kweli hatuwezi kupata fedha za kutosha kwa maendeleo yetu. Na pili, hata kama tungeweza, huko kutegemea wengine kungehatarisha uhuru wetu na siasa nyingine za nchi yetu.

TUMEKAZANIA MNO VIWANDA Kwa sababu ya kutilia mkazo fedha tumefanya kosa kubwa la pili. Tumekazania mno viwanda. Kama vile tulivyosema “Bila Fedha hakuna maendeleo,” ni kama twasema pia “Viwanda ndiyo maendeleo. Bila viwanda hakuna maendeleo”. Hii ni kweli siku tutakapokuwa na fedha nyingi, tutaweza kusema kwamba tumeendelea. Tutaweza kusema, “tulipoanza mipango yetu tulikuwa hatuna fedha za kutosha na upungufu huu wa fedha ulitupunguzia nguvu za kuendesha maendeleo yetu haraka zaidi. Lakini leo tumeendelea na tunazo fedha za kutosha”.

Tumeendelea,kwa hiyo, tunazo fedha za kutosha”. Yaani fedha zetu zitakuwa zimeletwa na maendeleo. Kadhalika siku tutakapokuwa na viwanda tuna haki ya kusema kuwa tumeendelea. Maendeleo yatakuwa yametuwezesha kupata viwanda. Kosa tunalofanya ni kudhani kwamba maendeleo yetu yataanza kwa viwanda. Ni kosa maana hatuna uwezo wa kuanzisha viwanda vingi vya kisasa katika nchi yetu. Hatuna fedha zinazohitajiwa na hatuna ufundi unaohitajiwa. Haitoshi kusema kuwa tutakopa fedha na kuazima mafundi kutoka nje kuja kuanzisha viwanda hivyo. Kosa hili jibu lake ni lile lile kwamba hatuwezi kupata fedha za kutosha na kuazima mafundi wa kutosha kutuanzishia viwanda hivyo tunavyotaka.

Na pia kwamba hata kama tungeweza kupata msaada huo kuutegemea huko kunaweza kukapotosha siasa yetu ya Ujamaa. Siasa ya kualika msululu wa mabepari kuja kuhozi viwanda katika nchi yetu ingefanikiwa kutupatia viwanda vyote tunavyotaka, basi ingefanikiwa pia kuzuia maendeleo ya Ujamaa. Ila labda tuwe tunaamini kwamba bila kujenga ubepari kwanza hatuwezi kujenga Ujamaa.

TUMJALI ZAIDI MKULIMA VIJIJINI Vile vile mkazo wa fedha na wa viwanda unatufanya tukazanie zaidi maendeleo ya mijini. Tunatambua kuwa hatuwezi kupata fedha za kutosha kuleta maendeleo katika kila kijiji na ambayo yatamfaa kila mwananchi. Tunajua pia kuwa hatuwezi kujenga kiwanda katika kila kijiji ili kisaidie kuleta maendeleo ya fedha na viwanda katika kila kijiji; jambo ambalo tunajua kuwa haliwezekani. Kwa ajili hiyo, basi, fedha zetu huzitumia zaidi katika miji na viwanda vyetu pia hujengwa katika miji. Na zaidi ya fedha hizi huwa ni mikopo. Japo zijenge shule, hospitali, majumba au viwanda ni fedha za mikopo. Hatimaye lazima zilipwe.

Lakini ni dhahiri kwamba haziwezi kulipwa kwa fedha zinazotokana na maendeleo ya mijini au maendeleo ya viwanda. Hazina budi zilipwe kwa fedha tunazopata kutokana na vitu tunavyouza katika nchi za nje. Kutokana na viwanda vyetu hatuuzi na kwa muda mrefu sana hatutauza vitu vingi katika nchi za nje. Viwanda vyetu zaidi ni vya kutusaidia kupata vitu hapa hapa ambavyo mpaka sasa tunaviagiza kutoka nchi za nje. Itapita miaka mingi kabla ya kuweza kuuza katika nchi za nje vitu vinavyotokana na viwanda vyetu. Kwa hiyo ni dhahiri kwamba fedha tutakazotumia kulipa madeni haya ya mikopo ya fedha kwa maendeleo na viwanda mijini hazitatoka mijini na wala hazitatokana na viwanda. Zitatoka wapi, basi? Zitatoka vijijini na zitatokana na KILIMO. Maana ya ukweli huu ni nini? Ni kwamba wale wanaofaidi maendeleo yanayotokana na fedha tunazokopa sio kwa kweli watakaozilipa.

Fedha zitatumika zaidi katika miji lakini walipaji watakuwa zaidi ni wakulima. Jambo hili linafaa kukumbukwa sana, maana kuna njia nyingi za kunyonyana. Tusisahau hata kidogo kwamba wakaaji wa mijini wanaweza wakawa wanyonyaji wa jasho la wakulima wa vijijini. Hospitali zetu kubwa zote ziko katika miji. Zinafaidia sehemu ndogo sana ya wananchi wa Tanzania. Lakini kama tumezijenga kwa fedha za mkopo walipaji wa mkopo huo ni wakulima, yaani wale ambao hawafaidiwi sana na hospitali hizo. Mabarabara ya lami yako katika miji, kwa faida ya wakaaji wa mijini na hasa wenye magari.

Kama mabarabaraba hayo tumeyajenga kwa fedha za mikopo walipaji ni wakulima; na fedha zilizonunua magari yenyewe zilitokana na mazao ya wakulima. Taa za umeme, maji ya mabomba, mahoteli na maendeleo mengine yote ya kisasa yako zaidi katika miji. Karibu yote yametokana na fedha za mikopo na karibu yote hayana faida kubwa kwa mkulima, lakini yatalipwa kwa fedha zitakazotokana na jasho la mkulima. Tusisahau jambo hili.

Japo tunapotaja unyonyaji hufikiria mabepari, tusisahau kuwa bahari ina samaki wengi. Nao hutafunana. Mkubwa hutafuna mdogo na mdogo naye humtafuna mdogo zaidi. Katika nchi yetu twaweza kugawa wananchi kwa njia mbili. Mabepari na Makabaila upande mmoja; na wafanya kazi na wakulima upande mwingine. Pia twaweza tukagawa wakaaji wa mijini upande mmoja na wakulima wa vijijini upande mwingine. Tusipoangalia tutakuja kugundua kuwa wakaaji wa mijini nao ni wanyonyaji wa wakulima. WANANCHI NA KILIMO Maendeleo ya nchi huletwa na watu, hayaletwi na fedha. Fedha ni matokeo siyo msingi wa maendeleo. Ili tuendelee twahitaji vitu vine:

(i) Watu; (ii) Ardhi; (iii) Siasa safi na (iv) Uongozi bora. Nchi yetu ina zaidi ya watu milioni kumi na eneo la eka 362,000. MAENDELEO YATALETWA NA KILIMO Sehemu kubwa ya eneo hili ni yenye rutuba na mvua ya kutosha. Nchi yetu inaweza kutoa mazao ya aina mbali mbali ambayo tunayahitaji kwa chakula na kwa fedha. Mazao ya chakula (na fedha kama tukiyatoa kwa wingi) ni kama vile mahindi, mchele, ngano, maharage, karanga n.k.

Mazao ya fedha ni kama vile mkonge, pamba, kahawa, tumbaku, pareto, chai n.k. Pia nchi yetu ni nzuri sana kwa ufugaji wa ng’ombe, mbuzi, kondoo, kuku n.k. Pia twaweza kuvua samaki katika maziwa, bahari na mito. Wakulima wetu wako katika sehemu ambazo zaweza kutoa mazao haya, kama si yote walau mawili matatu au hata zaidi. Kila mkulima wetu aweza akaongeza mazao haya ili ajipatie chakula kingi zaidi au fedha nyingi zaidi. Na kwa sababu nia kubwa ya maendeleo ni kupata chakula zaidi na fedha zaidi kwa ajili ya kujipatia mahitaji yetu mengine, ndiyo kusema kuwa jitihada ya kuongeza mazao ni jitihada, na kwa kweli ndiyo jitihada peke yake, ambayo italeta maendeleo, yaani chakula zaidi na fedha zaidi kwa kila mwananchi.

MASHARTI YA MAENDELEO

(a) Juhudi:

Kila mwananchi anataka maendeleo, lakini si kila mwananchi anaelewa na kukubali masharti ya maendeleo. Sharti moja kubwa ni JUHUDI. Twendeni vijijini tuzungumze na wananchi kuona kama inawezekana au haiwezekani wananchi kuongeza juhudi. Kwa mfano, katika miji, mfanyakazi wa mshahara hufanya kazi kwa saa saba na nusu au nane kutwa kwa muda wa siku sita au sita na nusu kwa juma. Tuseme saa 45 kwa juma, kuondoa majuma mawili au matatu ya livu, katika mwaka mzima. Ndiyo kusema mfanya kazi wa mjini hufanya kazi ya saa 45 kwa juma kwa majuma 48 au 50 kwa mwaka. Katika nchi kama yetu muda huu ni mdogo kwa kweli. Nchi nyingi hata zilizoendelea kutuzidi – hufanya kazi kwa muda mrefu zaidi kuliko saa 45 kwa juma. Si jambo la kawaida nchi changa kuanza na muda mfupi kama huo. Jambo la kawaida ni kuanza na muda mrefu zaidi na kuupunguza kila nchi inavyozidi kuendelea. Sisi kwa kuanza na muda mfupi huu na tunapodai muda mfupi zaidi kwa kweli tunaiga nchi zilizoendelea. Na kuiga huku kunaweza kukaleta majuto. Lakini hata hivyo wafanya kazi wa mishahara hufanya kazi ya saa 45 kwa juma; livu yao kwa mwaka haizidi majuma manne. Yafaa kujiuliza wananchi wakulima hasa wanaume, hufanya kazi kwa saa ngapi kwa juma na miezi mingapi kwa mwaka. Ni wengi mno ambao hawatimizi hata nusu ya wastani wa mfanyakazi wa mshahara. Ukweli wenyewe ni kwamba vijijini kina mama hufanya sana kazi. Pengine hutimiza saa 12 au 14 kutwa. Hawana Jumapili, na hawana livu. Kina mama wa vijijini hufanya kazi zaidi kuliko mtu mwingine ye yote katika Tanzania. Lakini kina baba wa vijijini (na baadhi ya kina mama wa mijini) nusu ya maisha yao ni livu. Nguvu hizi za mamilioni ya kina baba vijijini na maelfu ya kina mama wa mijini ambazo hivi sasa hazifanyi kazi yo yote ila kupiga soga, kucheza ngoma na kunywa pombe, ni hazina kubwa yenye manufaa zaidi kwa maendeeo ya nchi yetu kuliko hazina za mataifa matajiri. Tutafanya jambo la faida kubwa kwa nchi yetu kama tukienda vijijini na kuwaambia wananchi kwamba wanayo hazina hii na kwamba ni wajibu wao kuitumia kwa faida yao wenyewe na faida ya Taifa letu.

(b) Maarifa:

Sharti la pili la maendeleo ni MAARIFA. Juhudi bila maarifa haiwezi kutoa matunda bora kama juhudi na maarifa. Kutumia jembe kubwa badala ya jembe dogo, kutumia jembe la kuvutwa na ng’ombe badala ya jembe la mkono, kutumia mbolea badala ya ardhi tupu, kunyunyizia dawa ili kuuwa wadudu, kujua ni zao gani lifaalo kupandwa na zao gain lisilofaa, kuchagua mbegu vizuri kabla ya kuzipanda, kujua wakati mzuri wa kupanda, wakati wa kupalilia n.k., ni maarifa yanayowezesha juhudi kutoa mazao mengi zaidi. Fedha na wakati tunaotumia kuwapa wakulima maarifa haya ni fedha na wakati uletao faida kubwa zaidi kwa nchi yetu kuliko fedha na wakati mwingi tunaotumia katika mambo mengi tunayoyaita maendeleo.

Jambo hili kwa kweli tunalifahamu. Katika mpango wetu wa miaka mitano, mipango inayoendelea vizuri na hata kuzidi makisio ni ile inayotegemea juhudi ya wananchi wenyewe. Pamba, kahawa, korosho, tumbaku, pareto ni mazao yaliyoongezeka kwa haraka sana katika muda wa miaka mitatu iliyopita. Lakini ni mazao ambayo yameongezeka kwa sababu ya juhudi na uongozi wa wananchi, siyo kwa sababu ya fedha. Kadhalika wananchi kwa juhudi zao wenyewe na maelekezo au msaada kidogo wametimiza mipango mingi sana ya maendeleo huko vijijini. Wamejenga shule, dispensary, majumba ya maendeleo, wamechimba visima, mifereji ya maji, mabwawa, mabarabara, wamejenga mabirika ya kukoshea mifugo na kujiletea wenyewe maendeleo ya aina mbali mbali. Kama wangengoja fedha wasingeyapata maendeleo hayo.

JUHUDI NI SHINA LA MAENDELEO

Mipango inayotegemea fedha inakwenda vizuri lakini kuna mingi ambayo imesimama na yumkini mingine haitatimizwa kwa sababu ya upungufu wa fedha. Lakini kelele zetu bado ni kelele za fedha. Juhudi yetu ya kutafuta fedha inazidi kuongezeka! Sio kwamba tuipunguze, bali, badala ya safari nyingi ndefu na zenye gharama kubwa za kwenda kutafuta fedha za maendeleo yetu, itafaa kufunga safari kwenda vijijini kuwafahamisha na kuwaongoza wananchi katika kujiletea maendeleo kwa juhudi yao wenyewe. Ndiyo njia ya kweli ya kuleta maendeleo kwa kila mtu. Hii maana yake si kwamba tangu sasa hatutajali fedha, wala hatutajenga viwanda au kufanya mipango yo yote ya maendeleo inayohitaji fedha. Wala siyo kusema kuwa tangu sasa hatutapokea wala kutafuta fedha kutoka nchi za nje kwa ajili ya maendeleo yetu. LA, SIVYO.

Tutaendelea kutumia fedha; na mwaka hata mwaka tutatumia fedha nyingi zaidi kwa maendeleo yetu ya aina mbali mbali kuzidi mwaka uliopita. Kwani hiyo itakuwa ni dalili moja ya maendeleo yetu. Lakini hii ni kusema kwamba tangu sasa tutajua nini ni shina na nini ni tunda la maendeleo yetu. Katika vitu viwili hivyo FEDHA na WATU, ni dhahiri kwamba watu na JUHUDI yao ndiyo shina la maendeleo, fedha ni moja ya matunda ya juhudi hiyo.

Tangu sasa tutasimama wima na kutembea kwa miguu yetu badala ya kupinduka na kuwa miguu juu vichwa chini. Viwanda vitakuja, na fedha zitakuja, lakini msingi wake ni WANANCHI na JUHUDI yao na hasa katika KILIMO. Hii ndiyo maana ya kujitegemea. Kwa hiyo basi, mkazo wetu na uwe:-

(a) Ardhi na Kilimo. (b) Wananchi. (c) Siasa ya Ujamaa na Kujitegemea, na (d) Uongozi bora. (a) Ardhi:

Kwa kuwa uchumi wa Tanzania unategemea na utaendelea kutegemea kilimo na mifugo, Watanzania wanaweza kuyaendesha maisha yao barabara bila ya kutegemea misaada kutoka nje kwa matumizi bora ya ardhi hiyo. Ardhi ni ufunguo wa maisha ya binadamu kwa hiyo Watanzania wote waitumie ardhi kama ni raslimali yao kwa maendeleo ya baadaye.

Kwa kuwa Ardhi ni mali ya Taifa, Serikali ni lazima iangalie kuwa ardhi inatumiwa kwa faida ya Taifa zima na wala isitumiwe kwa faida ya mtu binafsi au kwa watu wachache tu. Ni wajibu wa TANU kuona kuwa nchi yetu inalima chakula cha kutosha na kutoa mazao ambayo yataleta fedha nchini kwa kuuzwa katika nchi za ng’ambo. Ni wajibu wa Serikali na Vyama vya Ushirika kuona kuwa wananchi wanapatiwa vyombo, mafunzo ya uongozi unaohitajika katika kilimo na ufugaji wa kisasa.

(b) Watu:

Kuiwezesha siasa ya kujitegemea itekelezwe vizuri, wananchi ni budi wajengwe moyo na shauku ya kujitegemea. Wajitegemee katika kuwa na chakula cha kutosha, mavazi ya kufaa na mahali pazuri pa malazi. Katika nchi yetu kazi iwe ni kitu cha kujivunia. Bali uvivu, ulevi na uzururaji uwe ni jambo la aibu kwa kila mwananchi. Katika upande wa ulinzi wa Taifa, wananchi wawe macho na vibaraka waliomo nchini ambao wanaweza kutumiwa na maadui wa nje wenye nia mbaya ya kuliangamiza Taifa hili na wawe tayari kulilinda Taifa inapolazimika kufanya hivyo.

(c) Siasa Safi:

Msingi wa siasa ya kujitegemea lazima uambatane na siasa ya Ujamaa ya TANU. Ili kuzuia unyonyaji ni lazima kila mtu afanye kazi na aishi kwa jasho lake yeye mwenyewe. Na ili kuleta usawa wa kugawana mapato ya nchi ni lazima kila mtu atimize wajibu wake kwa kufanya kazi kwa bidii zake zote. Asiweko mtu wa kwenda kwa ndugu yake na kukaa kwa muda mrefu bila kufanya kazi kwa sababu atakuwa anamnyonya yule ndugu yake. Vile vile mtu ye yote asiruhusiwe kuzurura zurura hovyo mijini au vijijini bila kufanya kazi ya kumwezesha kujitegemea mwenyewe bila kuwanyonya ndugu zake. TANU inaamini kuwa kila anayelipenda Taifa lake ni budi aweze kulitumikia kwa kujitolea nafsi yake na kushirikiana na wananchi wenzake kwa kuijenga nchi kwa manufaa ya watu wote. Ili kudumisha Uhuru wa nchi yetu na raia zake barabara ni budi kujitegemea kwa kila hali bila kwenda kuomba misaada nchi zingine. Kujitegemea kwa mtu mmoja ni kujitegemea kwa nyumba kumi. Kujitegemea kwa nyumba zote kumi za balozi ni kujitegemea kwa tawi zima. Kujitegemea kwa matawi ni kujitegemea kwa Wilaya ambayo ni kujitegemea kwa Mkoa. Kujitegemea kwa Mikoa yote ni kujitegemea kwa Taifa lote ambalo ndilo lengo letu.

(d) Uongozi Bora:

TANU inatambua umuhimu wa kuwa na Uongozi Bora. Tatizo lililopo ni ukosefu wa mipango maalum ya kuwafundisha Viongozi na kwa hiyo Ofisi Kuu ya TANU ni budi itengeneze utaratibu maalum kuhusu mafundisho ya Viongozi tangu wa Taifa zima hadi Mabalozi ili waielewe siasa yetu na mipango ya uchumi. Viongozi ni lazima wawe mfano mzuri kwa wananchi kwa maisha yao na vitendo vyao pia. SEHEMU YA NNE UANACHAMA Tangu Chama kilipoanzishwa, tumethamini sana kuwa na wanachama wengi iwezekanavyo. Hii ilifaa wakati wa kupigania vita vya kumng’oa mkoloni. Hivyo ndivyo ilivyobidi TANU kufanya kwa wakati huo. Lakini sasa Halmashauri Kuu inaona kuwa wakati umefika wa kutilia mkazo kwenye imani ya Chama chetu na siasa yake ya Ujamaa. Kifungu cha Katiba ya TANU kinachohusu uingizaji wa mtu kwenye Chama kinachohusu uingizaji wa mtu kwenye Chama kifuatwe na ikiwa inaonekana kuwa mtu haelekei kuwa anakubali imani, madhumuni na sheria na amri za Chama, basi asikubaliwe kuingia. Na hasa isisahauliwe kuwa TANU ni Chama cha wakulima na wafanyakazi.

SEHEMU YA TANO AZIMIO LA ARUSHA Kwa hiyo basi, Halmashauri Kuu ya Taifa iliyokutana katika Community Centre ya Arusha kuanzia tarehe 26/1/67 mpaka 29/1/67, inaazimia ifuatavyo:-

A. VIONGOZI

1. Kiongozi wa TANU au wa Serikali sharti awe mkulima au mfanyakazi na asishiriki katika jambo lo lote la kibepari au kikabaila.
2. Asiwe na hisa katika makampuni yo yote.
3. Asiwe mkurugenzi katika kampuni ya kikabaila au kibepari.
4. Asiwe na mishahara miwili au zaidi
5. Asiwe na nyumba ya kupangisha.
6. Viongozi tunaofikiria hapa ni wajumbe wa Halmashauri Kuu ya Taifa, Mawaziri, Wabunge, Wakuu wa Vyama vilivyoshirikishwa na TANU, Wakuu wa Mashirika ya Kiserikali.

Viongozi kutokana na kifungu cho chote cha Katiba ya TANU, Madiwani, na Watumishi wa Serikali wenye vyeo vya kati na vya juu. (Kwa mujibu wa kifungu hiki kiongozi ni mtu au mtu na mkewe au mke na mumewe).

B. SERIKALI NA VYOMBO VINGINE

1. Inaipongeza Serikali kwa hatua zote ilizokwisha chukua mpaka hivi sasa katika kutimiza siasa ya Ujamaa.
2. Inaihimiza Serikali, bila kungojea Tume ya Ujamaa, ichukue hatua zaidi za kutimiza siasa yetu ya Ujamaa kama ilivyoelezwa katika Tamko la TANU juu ya Ujamaa.
3. Inahimiza Serikali kutengeneza mipango yake kwa kutegemea uwezo wa nchi hii kuiendesha mipango hiyo na wala isitegemee mno mikopo na misaada ya nchi za ng’ambo kama ilivyofanya katika mpango wa maendeleo ya miaka mitano. Halmashauri Kuu ya Taifa inaazimia mpango huo urekebishwe ili ulingane na siasa ya kujitegemea.
4. Serikali ione kuwa mapato ya wafanyakazi nje ya Serikali hayapitani mno na yale ya wafanya kazi Serikalini.
5. Serikali itilie mkazo sana njia za kuinua maisha ya wakulima.
6. Inahimiza NUTA, Vyama vya Ushirika, TAPA, UWT, TYL., mashirika yote ya Serikali, kuchukua hatua ili kutekeleza siasa ya Ujamaa na Kujitegemea.

C. UANACHAMA Wanachama wafundishwe kwa ukamilifu imani ya TANU ili waielewe, na wakumbushwe wakati wote umuhimu wa kuishika imani hiyo. MULISOME NA HAKIKA MWAWEZA KULIA PITIA SEHEMU YA TANO NA LINGANISHA NA HALI HALISI YA SASA.

Click to expand...

October 16, 1997

Madam Speaker and, I think I may say, Comrade President and Comrade Vice President, ladies and gentlemen. I have told you already how I felt when you asked me to come and talk here. And then I got the message that you were coming. Of course, I am happy you are here, but what do I say in your presence in this House? This is not my first time here. I have been here before and I have thanked you, but I must thank you again. For me to come here to this Chamber and address you is a dream which you have helped me to make true. How could any one of us have thought that it would be possible for me or people of my type to come to this country and speak from a forum like this? So, Mr. President, and all your colleagues, I say thank you very much for making this possible.

Now, as for sharing my thoughts with you: my thoughts, unfortunately, don't change, so a lot of what I am going to say some of you will have heard before, but some of you have not. I am going to say two things about Africa. One, that Africa south of the Sahara is an isolated region of the world. That's the first thing I want to say. The second thing I want to say is that Africa south of the Sahara is not what it is believed to be because Africa is now changing. So let me see if I can share those thoughts with you in a very short period.

Africa south of the Sahara is an isolated region of the world. During the last ten years, since my retirement as head of state of my country, I was asked, and I agreed, to establish something called the South Commission. That has meant a lot of travelling. I have been many times to Latin America, many times to Asia, many times to many parts of Africa before coming here, and many times to a large number of countries in Europe.

The world is changing. It is not only Africa which is changing. The world is changing. Of the three big power blocs developing in the world since the end of the Cold War, one -- the obvious one - is the United States. It has always been there. The United States is building around it a group of other countries. That is the obvious area of power. It is the one which is very clear. Another is Europe, which is also an obvious power bloc. The third is Japan and the areas of Asia around it.
The US has neighbours. One of them is Mexico, from the Third World. A President of Mexico is reported to have said once -- this is a president of the country -- "Poor Mexico! So far from God, and so near to the United States!" When he said that, what Mexicans were reaping were the disadvantages of being close to the United States. They were not getting any advantages at all from being so close to the United States.

The US is reach and there is a kind of osmosis- a political osmosis, but I think also an economic osmosis. The economy of the US pulls people from Mexico into the United States. The US has been trying very hard to stop these poor Mexicans from getting into the US, but without success. They spend a lot of money on the border, and have a lot of police there. I don't know whether they have electric fences and other things to try to prevent Mexicans going to the US, but they can't succeed. They have not succeeded. Mexicans keep pouring into the United States.
The United States had decided to change its policy. They have invited Mexico to join NAFTA, and now they are working together to create jobs in Mexico to prevent poor Mexicans from looking for jobs in the United States. I think they will succeed and Mexicans will now want to remain in Mexico. Some will still want to go to the United States, but the flood can be stemmed. There will not be a flood of Mexicans going to the United States.

What is happening between Mexico and the US is happening in Europe. Europe is a powerhouse -- not a political powerhouse or even a military power house like the US, but an economic powerhouse, and one of these days, I think, they are actually going to be a bigger powerhouse than USA. They are a power and are attracting people: again there is osmosis there, the economic osmosis. Who are pulled there? East Europeans are pulled towards Europe.
But the others who are pulled towards the economic power are from Mediterranean Africa, Africa north of the Sahara. That is why I was talking about Africa south of the Sahara being the isolated region in the world. So Eastern Europe and Mediterranean Africa are to Europe what Mexico is to the US.

Geography, the logic of geography, means that if you have problems of unemployment in Eastern Europe, East Europeans will want to move into Western Europe. The Germans know it, and others know it. They will try to keep them out. They will not try to keep them out by building fences or putting up another wall. They will try to help East Europeans to stay at home by creating jobs in Eastern Europe, and they are already doing that. They will do the same with regard to the Africans of North Africa.

So Europe has a policy with regard to the countries of North Africa -- not simply an economic policy, but actually a security policy. The French, the Italians, the Portuguese, the Spaniards -- those are the ones in particular who are frightened of a flood of unemployment from North Africa into Europe. And some, of course, are afraid not only of the unemployed. Some think they don't like the export of Islamic fundamentalism into Europe. But I think that's a minor problem. The real problem is unemployment, people moving into Europe from North Africa. Europe has a plan. They can't just sit there and watch this happening. European countries will have to work together to help the countries of North Africa to create jobs.

The other bloc is Japan. Japan is small, Japan is wealthy, Japan doesn't like other people going to Japan. They don't like that. But they are a big trading nation and they are pouring a lot of money into Asia, and I think they'll do it in China also. I don't think they'll be frightened of China. They'll put money in China.

So there are those three blocs of countries, three power blocs -- power developing in Asia, power developing in North America, power developing in Europe- and those countries which are geographically in the orbit of those areas. These rich areas are being forced to help the countries which are near them.

Africa south of the Sahara is different - completely different. It's not in the orbit of any of those big areas. If you people here are unemployed, very few of you will want to go to the US. The unemployed here will stay here. But so will unemployed in Tanzania. We'llnot go to the US. We'll not go Europe. Certainly we'd never dream of going to Japan or anywhere else. A trickle will go out -- the stowaways. But there is no answer to our unemployment in running away from where we are. And if you try it, it won't work.

So the USA is not frightened of unemployment in Africa south of the Sahara. It's your problem. It's not their problem. They will not do here or in Tanzania or in Nigeria, what they are doing about Mexico. No, it's not a problem for them, and it's not a problem for Europe either. Europe has a problem arising from Algeria, yes, or even from Egypt, from that part of the world. But from Africa south of the Sahara? No, they've no fear of a problem there. There is no flood of unemployed moving from this area going to Europe to seek jobs. So what would be the imperative from Europe? What pressure has Europe to deal with you people, unless you create some very attractive means of attracting a few business people?

And in Asia, the Japanese are afraid that if they don't share their wealth with some of the poor, these poor might come to Japan. Those poor are not the African poor from this part of the world. They are from Asia.

So that is the first thing I wanted to say about Africa south of the Sahara. You are isolated from the centres of power. There is no internal urge in the US, in Europe or in Japan to help Africa. None. And, I think, to some extent the urge of imperialism has gone. So you could easily be forgotten. Africa is of interest when we are killing one another. Then we arouse a lot of interest. The big news now in Europe and North America is not here. It's in Congo Brazzaville; Congo Brazzaville is now big news. The television screens are full of what is happening in Congo Brazzaville. That's news. And won't last for long. It might last until the end of this week, then it's out. And then, if Africa wants to appear on European television, we can cause more trouble somewhere, I think I've made that point.

Africa south of the Sahara is isolated. Africa south of the Sahara, in the world today, is on its own -- totally on its own. That's the first thing I wanted to say. The second thing I wanted to say is that Africa is changing. I've been to Europe, Asia, North America and Latin America, and Africa is a stereotype. The Africa which now arouses some interest is the Brazzaville Africa, that Rwanda Africa, that Somalia Africa, that Liberia Africa. That is the Africa which arouses interest, and I don't blame these people. That's the Africa that they know.

And so I go out. I come from Tanzania, and we don't have these blessed troubles that they have in other places, but I go out. Sometimes I get annoyed, but sometimes I don't get annoyed. Here I am a former president of my country. There are no problems in Tanzania -- we have never had these problems that they have -- but I'm an African. So when they see me they ask about the problems of Rwanda. I say, "I don't come from Rwanda." And they answer, "But you come from Africa" But if Blair were to come to Dar es Salaam, I wouldn't ask him what is happening in Bosnia. If I meet President Kohi somewhere. I don't ask him, "what is happening in Chechnya? Kohi could say, "Why are you asking about Chechnya? I don't know hat is happening in Chechnya."

But this is not true about Africa. Mr. President, here you are trying to build something which is a tremendous experience, but perhaps you are different. Sometimes they think South Africa is different, so perhaps they would say, "This is President Mandela, this is different." But for the likes of me, no, I am an African. And sometimes I get irritated, but then I say, "Why? Why do I get irritated?" Because, of course, I am a Tanzanian.

But what is this Tanzania? Why should these Europeans see me as a Tanzanian? What is this Tanzania? This is something we tried to create in my lifetime. I built Tanzania. So what is this Tanzania? The Europeans are right. The North Americans are right to look at me as an African, not as a Tanzanian, because Tanzania is a creation of colonialism, which is causing us a lot of trouble on the continent.

So, to some extent, Europeans are right when they choose to see us in this differentiated manner. The Tanzania here is a president of Tanzania. He struggled there for 23 years before he stepped down to try and turn those 125 tribes into some kind of nation, and he has succeeded to some extent. This is what I want them to think of. Why? They see me correctly as an African. So that is where I want to end. This is the other thing I really wanted to say.

Africa South of the Sahara is isolated, Africa south of the Sahara is changing. That stereotype of "There is trouble in Africa all the time" is nonsensical. There is trouble in Africa, there is trouble in Asia, there is trouble in Europe, there is trouble everywhere, and it would be amazing if after the suffering of the blessed continent for the last 100 years, we didn't have what we are having. Some of these nations we have are not nations at all. They make no sense at all, any geographical sense or ethnic sense or economic sense. They don't. The Europeans set somewhere and said, "you take that part, you take that part." They drew these lines on a map and here we are, trying to create nations which are almost impossible to create. But we are changing. The continent is changing.

My friend who was introducing me mentioned neocolonialism. I'm glad you still use the word "neocolonialism", because, you know. We went through a period when some of our people thought we were so advanced now to talk about neocolonialism. Uh-uh, no, no. It is almost communist to talk about neocolonialism. He is a communist? Well, I am not a communist, but I agree with you! We went through a neocolonial period in Africa. It nearly destroyed all the hopes of the struggle for the liberation of the continent, with a bunch of soldiers taking over power all over the continent, pushed, instigated and assisted by the people who talk about this stereotype of Africa.

We have just got rid of Mobutu, who put him there? I don't know what Lumumba would have been if he had been allowed to live. I don't know. He was an elected leader, but angered the powerful and they removed him within weeks. Then Mobutu came on the scene within weeks and he's been there since. He was the worst of the lot. He loots the country, he goes out, and he leaves that country with a debt of US$14 billion.

That money has done nothing for the people of Congo. So I sit down with friends of the World Bank and IMF. I say, "You know where that money is. Are you going to ask Kabila to tax the poor Congolese to pay that money? That would be a crime. It's criminal." And that was the type of leadership we had over a large part of Africa. They were leaders put there either by the French or by the Americans. When we had the Cold War, boy, I tell you, we couldn't breathe.
But Africa is changing. You can make a map of Africa and just look at the countries stretching from Eritrea to here. Just draw a line and see all those countries. You still have a Somalia and a Burundi there, but it's a very different kind of Africa now, it has elected governments, it has confident governments. Actually, most of those countries with the exception of Uganda, have never been under military rule. Never! And since your coming onto the scene, this is completely different kind of Africa.

When we were struggling here, South Africa still under apartheid, and you being a destabiliser of your neighbours instead of working together with them to develop our continent, of course that was a different thing. It was a terrible thing. Here was a powerful South Africa, and this power was a curse to us. It was not a blessing for us. We wished it away, because it was not a blessing at all. It destroyed Angola with a combination of apartheid; it was a menace to Mozambique and a menace to its neighbours, but that has changed. South Africa is democratic. South Africa is no longer trying to destroy the others. South Africa is now working with the others. And, boy please work with the others!

And don't accept this nonsense that South Africa is big brother. My brother, you can't be big brother. What is your per capita income? Your per capita income is about US$3,000 a year. Of course compared with Tanzania you are a giant. But you are poor. When you begin to use that money this is arithmetic, simple arithmetic and if you divide the wealth of this country for the population, of course everybody gets US$3, 000, but not everybody in this country is getting US$ 3,000. That would be a miracle. That is simply arithmetic.

So when you begin to use that wealth, Mr. President and I know you are trying to address the legacy of apartheid -- you have no money. You are still different from Tanzania, but you have no money. You are still more powerful. So Tanzania and the others to say that South Africa is big brother, and they must not throw their weight around, what kind of weight is that? And, in any case, this would be positive weight, not the negative weight of apartheid.

So this is a different Africa. I am saying that this Africa now is changing. Neocolonialism is being fought more effectively, I think, with a new leadership in Africa. And I believe the one region which can lead this fight is our region. With the end of apartheid and South Africa having joined SADC, this area of Africa is a very solid area. It is an extremely solid area. It is strong, it has serious leaders and these leaders know one another. I know that because where some of them have come from, They have a habit of working together, Mr. President, so let them work together. Deliberately. It should be a serious decision to work together. Why? You have no other choice. You have absolutely no other choice.

South Africa, because of its infrastructure, can attract more investment from Europe, from North America, than Tanzania can. Fine, go ahead. Do it, use your capacity to get as much investment as you can. That's good. But then don't be isolated from the rest of Africa. What you build here because of your infrastructure and the relative strength of your economy, you are building for all of us here.

The power that Germany has is European power, and the Europeans are moving together. The small and the big are working together. It is absurd for Africa to think that we, these little countries of Africa, can do it alone. Belgium has 10 million people. Africa south of the Sahara if you exclude South Africa has 470 million Africans, I sit down with the Prime Minister of Belgium, and he talks to me about European unity. I say, "You are small, your country is very small, so how can you talk of European unity with giants like Germany and the others? He says, "This question of the protection of our sovereignty we leave to the big powers. We lost our sovereignty ages ago."

These countries are old, their sovereignty is old. These Europeans fought wars. When we were studying history, it was the history of the wars of Europe. They fought and fought, and they called their wars World Wars. But now I can't imagine Europeans fighting. No, war in Europe is an endangered species. I think it's gone, certainly war between one country and another. The internal problems you will still have, the problem of the Balkans, but that is a reflection of something that is like Africa.

So I'm saying that Africa is changing because the leadership in Africa is changing. Africa is beginning to realise and we should all encourage Africa to get that realisation more and more that we have to depend upon our selves, both at national level and at the collective level. Each of our countries will have to rely upon its own human resources and natural material resources for its development. But that is not enough. The next area to look at is our collectivity, our working together. We all enhance our capacity to develop if we work together.

Click to expand...

During the long period during which I have had the good fortune to lead our country, I have made very many speeches to Tanzanians. Today, in my last speech as President of the United Republic, I have only one extra thing to say.

To every one of you individually, to all people organised together in villages, in cooperatives, in professions, voluntary organisations contributing to our development, to all honest workers in Government and parastatals – to everybody – I say thank you very much.

Since we began to govern ourselves, I have been the leader, first of Tanganyika, and then of the United Republic of Tanzania. Time and again you have re-elected me and thus expressed your continued confidence in my ability to do the job you needed done.

And in the last few weeks you have paid many tributes to my work as President of our country.

You have forgiven, even if perhaps you have not forgotten, my many mistakes of omission and commission.

I am a human being, and we all like our work to be appreciated. So I thank you for what you have said in my praise in so many public and private meetings. And I thank those elected leaders and officials in Government and the Party who by their advice and research work have helped me carry out my duties.

I also thank all those who have implemented my instructions regardless of whether or not they as individuals liked my decisions, or the personal unpopularity they incurred when carrying out their instructions. For there were occasions when others bore the blame for my decisions and even my mistakes – and did so without complaining. I thank them all very much.

We have built a nation – together. The Angel Gabriel could not have been Tanzania alone, still less a fallible human being like myself. Even if the Angel Gabriel had been assisted by Ministers and public servants made up of other Angels, he still could not have built Tanzania. You, the people of Tanzania, acting together and individually, have built Tanzania into what it is – a proud, united, and self-confident nation. I thank you very much.

And the truth is that in praising me you have been praising your own judgement! For my chance to play the role I have played in our joint work has been the result of your decisions, and your actions in voting for me and loyally upholding our constitutional processes.

There have always been a few people who have exercised their democratic right and voted against my leadership; but they too have taken part inn the building of our country. First, they used and thus consolidated the system we have established; and secondly, once the democratic decision of the people was made, they have respected it and been absolutely loyal to our country, to me, and to our Government and its decisions.

I thank you all for entrusting me with such a responsible and prominent part in our joint nation-building work, and for continuing to give me your active support as I tried to fulfil your trust.

This loyalty to our country, its Constitution, and its President, is a national virtue which is essential for national peace and stability. But it is not a virtue which every country – in Africa or elsewhere – can count on. And you have gone much further than passive loyalty.

When our country was invaded, you unitedbtogether and worked with our Armed Forces to repel the enemy troops, and to make sure that they could never repeat their actions against us.

It was this clear support which gave me the strength to fulfil my strategic responsibilities as Commander in Chief, and make decisions which I knew would result in death and injuries, as well as have heavy material costs.

But it is easier to respond to a simple challenge such as an invasion than to withstand the constant difficulties and disappointments, as well as triumphs, of trying to develop a poor and backward country like ours. Yet for nearly 22 years – on the mainland for longer –we have worked and struggled together, and you have supported my leadership while we went through the very many difficulties and troubles of our short national life. And even now we are still contending with extremely difficult economic circumstances, with no sign that external conditions will move in our favour.

I repeat: we have faced the sacrifices and fought the difficulties together. And although I say we have done these things together, it is you, the people of Tanzania, who have borne the real burden – which is a very heavy one.

Over the last six or seven years, our country has been hit by many events over which neither Government nor people had any control. Our standard of living has consequently gone down
instead of going up. But you, the people of Tanzania, have not just become uselessly and destructively angry, nor suggested that we should sell our independence for very temporary relief from our economic problems. Instead, you have supported me and your Government, and fought against the effects of the break-up of the East African Community, the drought, the drop in our export prices, and the international economic recession. And you have understood that the struggle is not over – that it will go on for a long time. Thank you very much.

It is you who have made it possible for Tanzania to survive as a really free, independent, principled, and Non-Aligned country; it is you who have made ours into a nation which other look at with envy. For we have an international reputation, and I have an international reputation also. You have created both.

When a person is hard-pressed or in other economic trouble, he can either crawl on his knees and beg the rich for alms, or he can stand up for justice while he endures and struggles to become more self-reliant. The same thing is true
for a nation. But the nation has to be politically strong and proud in order to make the latter choice. You, the people of Tanzania, have provided that strength by your unity, your self-respect and your pride in our independence.

Many times I have spoken at the United Nations or elsewhere as the leader of Tanzania. And not infrequently, after I have done so, a number of very responsible African and other Third World personalities have come to me and whispered:

“Thank you very much, Mwalimu, for speaking for us.”

They are not talking about my oratory; they are talking about the fact that, through their loyalty, the people of Tanzania have given me the strength to say things which need to be said for the long-term development of our country and of Africa, but which conditions in some of their own countries would not allow their leaders to say even if they wished to do so.

And of course, all over the world, good people respect someone who stands up and argues reasonably for justice more than they do those who beg – provided that, while arguing, the victims of injustice also try to help themselves by their own work and sacrifices. That is why our country is respected; and because it is respected we have friends who do help us without demanding our freedom as the price of that help.

It is you who have won that respect. My job has been to explain the circumstances and the choices facing us. So I have tried to explain the way I, together with the Party and the other members of the Government, believe the problems can be tackled in conformity with our national principles of human equality and freedom.

You have understood, and accepted, my
leadership. After that my job has been to
express our national pride and determination when making decisions, and when explaining our decisions to the rest of the world – with which our country is so unavoidably linked economically, politically and socially.

I have also joined other Third World national leaders in trying to explain internationally how and why the world economic arrangements affect us so badly, and to call for reform. This Third World struggle for justice has not yet been successful. Yet there are certainly now more people who understand the injustices of the present international economic system than there used to be, and Tanzania’s reputation has been enhanced because our endurance and persistence in struggling for justice has
promoted that cause.

Nor is it that our only contribution to
international peace and justice. We in Tanzania have always understood that the nation states which Africa inherited from the colonialists cut across a natural geographical and cultural unity among our continent’s many people. We therefore understood from the beginning that cooperation cannot be confined within our own national boundaries, and that total African
liberation and unity is important for all Africa’s peoples – including ourselves.

Because of that understanding, we have given hospitality to hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing from war and persecution elsewhere in our continent.

Although this hospitality has sometimes material demands on us, these are demands which we have recognised as those of brotherly solidarity. Some of the refugees have now become Tanzanian citizens, equal with all others, and others have settled among us and are contributing to our production and development while time and events determine their future.

But in all cases we have lived up to our African traditions, and served the cause of future peace and justice in our continent. Once again – and as I said when receiving it – it is you who really
earned the Nansen Medal which I received on your behalf for our work for refugees.

Our nation is also famous internationally for its firm support for the liberation struggles in Africa. And you have made this possible… as an expression of solidarity with their brothers who are still fighting for freedom.

This solidarity still continues, so that in Angola recently, I was able to say that Tanzania will “continue to be committed to the Liberation of Africa, politically and economically. For this is not my policy; it is not even just the policy of Chama Cha Mapinduzi. It is a policy to which our whole people are committed”. Being able to state that truth made me very proud. I thank you very much.

I thank you because your support for those struggling against colonialism and apartheid has been inspired by your feelings of solidarity. But I also thank you for it because it is part of the necessary defence of our own national security and independence. They are fighting for us while they fight for their own freedom, and it is only right that we should do what we can to support them.

We are all members of one tribe or another; there are said to be more than 123 tribes in Tanzania, as well as groups of people with ancestry in other continents. But you have never allowed this to matter politically, or to our economic development. You have judged candidates for political office, and for
employment, on the basis of their own qualifications and qualities regardless of their tribe. No one has even been allowed to divide us by playing one group against another. We have been able to fight apartheid and racism elsewhere because racial discrimination is completely absent in our own national
organisation.

Once again, I get praised internationally for this absence of tribalism and racial discrimination in Tanzania, but you are responsible. All I can do is speak and make just a handful of appointments; the rest of the action is yours. I thank you very much.

This applies to religion also. Almost all
Tanzanians are believers in God, but some are Muslims, some are Christians, some are followers of traditional religions, and a few are Hindus or Buddhists or adherents of other faiths. So we have created and sustained a secular state, and secular Party, in which is everyone is free to follow their own religious belief and no one is discriminated against for what he believes about God and the way to worship and serve Him. Our refusal to allow ourselves to be divided on these
grounds has been vital to our peace, our
development, and our unity.

And the truth is that religious conflict could have been a bigger danger to us in Tanzania than tribalism. We inherited a situation where the two major religions had about the same number of adherents but where, as far as the Africans were concerned, one had had almost a monopoly of access to secondary and higher education.

When we began to Africanise posts which were previously held by colonial servants, almost all of the few Africans who had the necessary qualifications were Christians. This fact could have been used to divide us along religious lines – and there were a few individuals who did try to do that.

But the Muslims of our country absolutely refused to be hoodwinked by this attempt to divide us; in doing so they made a contribution to our later peace and development which is of
inestimable value. And they gave us a chance, through our educational policies, to correct the imbalance we had inherited – which we have done.

I am now in the happy position of sometimes not knowing whether a new Member of Parliament, a Minister, or a new Principal Secretary in our Government Ministries, is a Muslim or a Christian or neither – unless their first name happens to give it away. And even
that is not a sure guide in Tanzania, for we have Christians with Muslim names, and Muslims with Christian names. The religious tolerance and freedom in our country is your creation; what I have done is to speak up for these values on
your behalf. I thank you very much.

What more can I say? We have worked together, rejoiced together, been sad together, and mourned together when we have lost a colleague or a friend of our country. We have laid the foundations of socialism and self-reliance together. I thank you for your comradeship in all these struggles. I thank you for making Tanzania what it is.

But I am not going away from Tanzania! We have elected a new President for our country, who will be sworn into his office tomorrow. I shall be proud to serve our country under his leadership.

And shall be able to do so for two reasons. First, you have observed our constitutional processes laid down for selecting the Party candidate; and you have played your part during the Parliamentary and Presidential election campaigns by listening, and sometimes questioning, the candidates and by using your vote. In other words, you have used the system we built together. And secondly, I shall continue for two years to work for our country as Chairman
of Chama Cha Mapinduzi. For both these facts, I thank you.

Finally, I am grateful to you for choosing Ndugu Ali Hassan Mwinyi to receive the honour and to bear the burden of the Presidency. I thank you all very much. Now let us help him.

God bless Africa! God bless Tanzania.

• Slightly abridged version of farewell address by founding President Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, delivered in Dar es Salaam on November 4, 1985.

SOURCE: THE GUARDIAN

Click to expand...

hotuba ya mwalimu julius k. Nyerere aliyitoa wakati wa kilele cha sikukuu ya wafanyakazi duniani,
mbeya mei 1, 1995.



mwenyekiti wa ottu,
viongozi wa ottu,
viongozi wa serikali,
viongozi wa madhehebu ya dini mkoani na
wananchi wote wa mkoa na mji wa mbeya.


utangulizi


sababu za kukataa mwaliko wa mwaka uliopita na kuukubali mwaliko wa mwaka huu:


kwanza kabisa, napenda kuwashukuru viongozi wa ottu ambao walinijia na kuniomba nishiriki katika shughuli hii ya leo. Shukurani ya pili nataka kutoa kwa wananchi wa mjini mbeya na mkoani mbeya jinsi mlivyonipokea tangu jana mpaka leo. Ahsanteni sana.


ninyi siku zote, pamoja na mimi, tulikuwa tunazo tabia zetu za maadili ya kumwalika rais wa jamhuri ya muungano wa tanzania kuwa ndiye awe mgeni rasmi katika shughuli hii. Kweli najua sasa taratibu zimebadilika, vyama vingi vya siasa, na kadhalika lakini, hata hivyo, bado mnaweza mgeni wenu rasmi kuwa rais.


mwaka huu hamkusudii mnakuja kunialika mimi? Sababu ya pili ya kukataa (mwaka jana) ni ile niliyowambia. Mwaka huu mmegomeana na serikali. Sasa mwaka ambao mmefanya mgomo na serikali kuja kuniomba niwe mgeni rasmi katika shughuli kama hiyo ndiyo tunatoa ujumbe gani? Ujumbe wa namna yo yote ile mimi siwezi kuutoa. Nilikataa.


nasema hizo ndizo sababu zangu za msingi za kuwakatalia mwaka jana na kuwakubalia mwaka huu. Vijana niliowakatalia ndio hawa. Sasa mwaka huu niwakatalie tena? Angalao hiyo ni sababu moja ya kuwakubalia mwaka huu. Huwezi kuwakatalia mwaka hata mwaka!


sababu yangu ya pili iliyonifanya nikakubali ni kwamba huu ni mwaka wa uchaguzi. Sasa, mwaka wa uchaguzi lazima wote tushirikiane kusema tunakwenda wapi? Nafasi kama hii ni nzuri kwa mtu ye yote mwenye mawazo kusema "jamani huu ni wakati wa uchaguzi tunakwenda wapi?"


nikadhani ni nafasi nzuri mkinipa niitumie kutoa maoni yangu. Si yote. Ni baadhi, lakini ni sehemu ya maoni yangu katika jitihada za kusaidiana kuelewa tunatoka wapi, tuko wapi na tunakwenda wapi. Na kama tunataka kwenda huko, tufanyeje ili tufike huko. Tusije tukashtukia tunapelekwa mahala ambako siko tulikokuwa tunakusidia kwenda.


hizo ndizo sababu zangu kubwa za kuwa hapa. Hasa ya pili ndiyo iliyonifanya nikakubali kuja hapa. Kwa hiyo, kwanza ninawapongezeni ndugu wafanyakazi kwa siku ya leo, siku ya wafanyakazi duniani. Tunaiadhimisha dunia nzima.


chimbuko la vyama vya wafanyakazi duniani na haja ya mshikamano


wazo la kuwa na vyama vya wafanyakazi duniani, kwamba wawe na mshikamano na umoja wa kutetea maslahi yao sio wazo la tanzania wala la nchi zilizoendelea. Kusema kweli, kwa historia, lilianza huko marekani na lilikubalika.
wafanyakazi wa wakati huo, katika nchi ambazo maendeleo yake yalikuwa mazuri, waliamua wafanye mshikamano wa kuleta maendeleo yao na hasa ya kupambana na waajiri wao.


mwajiri anaanzisha shughuli yake na anafanya kwa nguvu zake mwenyewe. Anataka kulima na analima kwa nguvu zake mwenyewe. Kama anataka kufungua kiwanda chake cha mbao, maana ninyi ni wafanyakazi inapasa nizungumzie habari ya viwanda badala ya kilimo, anafungua kiwanda chake cha kutengeneza samani. Anaweza kutumia vitu vyake mwenyewe na akawa anafanya kazi na seremala mmoja. Atakuwa amepata randa, meza, patasi na kila kitu chake.


anafanya kazi yake mwenyewe, anatengeneza vitu vyake, anauza na anapata hicho anachokipata. Hicho anachokipata kinatokana na nguvu yake mwenyewe. Anataka mbao na anatengeneza. Mtu anamwendea na kumwambia, "mimi nataka meza bwana", anamtengenezea.


inabidi mwenyewe ashughulike na meza hii mpaka inakuwa nzuri. Anapata kile anachopata. Nyingine anafidia zile gharama zake za meza, randa na za vyombo vingine vyote hivyo. Halafu, kinachobaki cho chote, ndiyo maslahi yake. Lakini, kile anachopata kinatokana na jasho lake mwenyewe. Akitoka hapo, anaweza kuwa mshiriki na mwenzake, washirikiane wote wawili na sio kwamba mmoja atamwajiri mwingine. Hapana! Wote wawili watafanya kazi kwa pamoja. Watasaidiana vizuri zaidi wakifanya pamoja. Wao, vile vile, wanaweza wakapata maslahi kutokana na nguvu zao wenyewe.


mwanzo wa dhuluma ya unyonyaji


wakitoka hapo nao wakajifanya ni waajiri wanaotaka kuwaajiri wengine, shughuli ile si ya hawa walioajiriwa tena. Ni ya hawa wawili tu. Wakisha kuwaingiza wengine, hao si yao. Wanasema. Sasa njoo hapa tusaidie kutengeneza meza, vitanda, madirisha na milango. Lakini, meza inapokuwa imekwisha, tunaiuza. Si mali yenu ninyi wafanyakazi. Ni mali yetu. Ninyi chenu humu ni ule mshahara na wala sio faida itakayopatikana humu. Faida, [baada ya kutoa gharama zote za ununuzi wa mbao, usafirishaji wa mbao zote zile pamoja na gharama za kuwaajiri ninyi mwitoe meza hii - kwa kuwa mishahara yenu ni sehemu ya gharama] nikitoa gharama zote hizi, kinachobakia ni changu.


sasa ile inayobaki, baada ya kutoa gharama hizo, inaweza kuwa kubwa na inaweza kuwa ndogo. Inategemea sana gharama zilikuwaje. Kama gharama za kununulia mbao zilikuwa kubwa, zinanipunguzia faida yangu. Kama gharama za wafanyakazi ni kubwa mishahara ya wafanyakazi kama ilikuwa mikubwa, inanipunguzia faida yangu. Kwa hiyo, sipendi vyote viwili. Sipendi muuza mbao aniuzie aghali na sipendi mfanyakazi adai mshahara mkubwa. Napenda wote waniuzie rahisi. Nataka mbao kiurahisi, nataka mishahara iwe chini. Hapo ndipo ninapopata faida kiuchumi.


hili sijambo la ajabu la wazungu wenzetu wanaojua bali ni la kila mtu mwenye akili kama zenu kutokana na mtiririko wa mantiki wa hoja yenyewe. Kwamba, mimi nataka mshahara wenu uwe mdogo kwa kuwa faida yangu inatokana na mshahara wenu kuwa mdogo. Sasa ninyi mtasema: Alaa bwana mkubwa, kazi tufanye sisi halafu wewe utupe mshahara mdogo. Tukufanyie kazi wewe? Basi uone iwapo tutakufanyia.


umoja na mshikamano ndio silaha va kupambana na dhuluiua ya unyonyaji
kama watakuwa wananiambia mmoja mmoja, nitawafukuza. Unakuja peke yako na unaniambia lakini mzee sasa mimi nataka uniongeze mshahara. Nitakuambia. Unaniambia nini wewe? Unasema nikupe mshahara wa shilingi ngapi? Utajibu. Ah, kama utakavyoona, lakini uniongeze. Mungu anaona na mtume. Nikaona kidomodomo chake huyu nikamuambia: Unataka mshahara huo ninaokupa sasa hivi? Nyamaza na nenda kafanye kazi huku utachagua. Kama hutaki, toka. Kazi sikukuomba. Ulikuja mwenyewe.


nitakutisha hivyo. Ukifikiri mchezo, nitakufukuza. Na wenzako watajua kafukuzwa kwa nini yule. Amedai mshahara mwingi. Mimi kimya! Wengine hawatathubutu tena maana watafikiri. Nikisemasema hapa na mimi nitatimuliwa na watoto wana njaa. Nikitimuliwa nitapata taabu. Wewe unaonaje? Anaendelea huyu kukunyanyasa. Kama anaweza kuwanyonya wauza mbao na kukunyonya wewe mfanyakazi, atawanyonyeni wote mpaka wauza mbao washirikiane kwa pamoja wapate bei nzuri. Mpaka wafanyakazi washirikiane kwa parnoja wapate mishahara mizuri. Bila kushirikiana, hawapati mishahara mizuri.


hii ndiyo asili ya kuanzisha vyama vya wafanyakazi. Nasema hamkuvianzisha ninyi vilianzishwa zamani, tena marekani. Lakini, marekani havikuwa na nguvu sana. Vilikuwa na nguvu zaidi ulaya. Hata hivyo, havina nguvu sana tena ulaya. Sitaki kuingilia na kuliendeleza hili kwa kuwa viongozi wenu kama wanaelewa, watawaelezeni.


zamani, vyama vya wafanyakazi vilianzisha mshikamano wa wafanyakazi duniani. Kauli mbiu yake ilikuwa wafanyakazi duniani unganeni. Hamna cha kupoteza isipokuwa minyororo yenu. Mantiki ya kauli mbiu hiyo i1ikuwa kwamba, kwa kuwa mmefungwa minyororo na mmenyonywa unganeni. Huo ulikuwa ndio ujumbe wa kauli rnbiu hiyo kwa wafanyakazi dunia nzima..hata hivyo, sisi hatukuwapo.


tumetoka wapi?


hatukuwa wamoja


hii ni nchi mpya na ndiyo ambayo tumekuwa tunajaribu kuijenga. Kwanza tanganyika, kwa muda mfupi na, halafu, tanzania. Kusema kweli, sisi wengine maisha yetu ya urais wetu ni wa nchi inayoitwa tanzania.


nilipokuwa rais wenu, ni1ifanya juhudi za kukomboa eneo hili linaloitwa tanganyika. Lakini, uongozi wangu niliowaongoza ninyi katika nchi huru inayojitawala na raia duniani wa nchi huru inayojitawala. Niliwaongozeni katika nchi inayoitwa tanzania. Tanganyika niliwaongozeni kwa muda mfupi tu; tangu disemba 1962 mpaka aprili 1964 basi. Kipindi changu kingine chote, niliongoza nchi inayoitwa tanzania siyo tanganyika. Kwa kweli, siijui tanganyika ya watu huru. Ni muda mfupi mno.


nchi hii tanganyika, ni nchi changa. Watu wake waliwekwa katika sehemu inayoitwa moja na wajerumani. Wamakonde na wazanaki hawakuwa wamoja. Waliwekwa pamoja na wajerumani ili watawaliwe. Jitihada ya kuwafanya wawe pamoja na kuanza kusema "ninyi ni wamoja" haikufanywa na wajerumani. Hakuna wajerumani arnbao wangeweza kusema "ninyi ni wamoja" kwa kuwa lengo lao halikuwa kujenga umoja. Wajuremani walichoweza kuserna ni kwamba "ninyi ni tofauti, ninyi ni tofauti!" ili waendelee kututawala.


jitihada ya kwanza ya dhati ya kusema "ninyi ni wamoja" ilikuwa ni yetu sisi tulipoanzisha chama cha tanu. Shabaha yake kubwa ilikuwa ni kujaribu kujenga umoja ili tuwatimue waingereza. Lakini mbinu yake ya kwanza kabisa iliyotajwa ilikuwa ni kufuta ukabila. "sahau ukabila!" tulitamka kwa ukali. Wale ambao, labda mpaka leo, wanako kakitabu ka milango ya historia ka katiba ya tanu wataona tumeshambulia kitu ukabila. Tukaanza hatua ya kwanza kabisa, kusema "sisi ni taifa". Lakini halikuwa likiitwa taifa la tanganyika.


tujenge misingi va umoja ili tuelewane na tujuane kuwa ni wamoja na ni ndugu
nataka kusisitiza nini: Kwamba sisi ni taifa changa miongoni mwa mataifa machanga. Taifa hili halijajenga mizizi mirefu ya kuwa taifa huru kuwakaribia waingereza. Waingereza wana miaka mingapi? Sijui, labda elfu na zaidi.


katika mataifa machanga duniani, moja ni marekani. Lakini, marekani wana miaka mia mbili na zaidi ya kuwa taifa. Vitaifa vingi vya ulaya vina miaka mingi tu! Mataifa machanga haya lazima yajenge misingi inayowafanya raia wake wajiite sisi.


tumejitahidi na ndivyo jitihada zetu zilivyokuwa. Lakini ukijenga nchi moja, unajenga misingi ya umoja ili tuelewane na tujuane kwamba sisi ni wamoja, ni ndugu. Kama tunahangaika kufanya kazi hapa, tunahangaika kwa pamoja. Kama tunahangaikia ulinzi, tunalinda nchi yetu kwa maslahi yetu pamoja.


tunaulizana "nini mahitaji yenu?" tunajitahidi wote, tunayapata. Kama tunataka elimu, tunasaidiana wote tupate elimu. Siyo tuseme kwamba wengine wapate elimu wengine wasipate. Kama tunataka afya, tunataka kujitahidi wote tuweze kutafuta njia kusudi wote wote tupate afya, wote tuwe na afya. Siyo wengine wapate afya wengine wasipate. Kama tunataka nyumba nzuri, wote tujitahidi kwa pamoja tuone kwamba tunajenga mazingira wezesha yatakayohakikisha kuwa kila mtanzania atakuwa na nyumba nzuri kwa pamoja. Hapo ndipo tunaweza kushirikiana tujenge nchi pamoja.

azimio la arusha na siasa ya tanu ya ujamaa na kujitegemea


tukaweka kitu kimoja hapa kinaitwa azimio la arusha. Leo narudia kusoma azimio la arusha hata kama hamlitaki. Kama kuna watu tanzania hawajali, wachukue waanze kulisoma ili waone na waniambie wanachokiona mle kibaya ni nini hasa. Asome tu kwa dhati tu na kisha aseme hiki ni kibaya.


siasa va ujamaa


linasema azimio la arusha, kwa msingi kabisa, kwamba "nchi.yetu ni ya wakulima na wafañyakazi". Sasa mnasemaje? Imeacha kuwa ni nchi ya wakulima na wafanyakazi? Kwa hiyo, kama tunaijenga nchi hii, tunaijenga kwa faida ya wakulima na wafanyakazi. Ndivyo azimio ia arusha linavyosema. Ukweli huo umekwisha? Umefutika? Umefutwa na nani? Nini kimefuta ukweli huo kwamba nchi hii ni ya wakulima na wafanyakazi? Ninyi hapa ni wakulima na wafanyakazi. Mtaona wafanyabiashara wadogo wadogo, siku hizi wengine wanaitwa wamachinga. Lakini, hasa hasa, nchi hii bado ni nchi ya wakulima na wafanyakazi. Kama tutafanya jitihada za kuijenga nchi hii, tutajenga uchumi wake na huduma zake za umma ambazo lazima ziwafae wakulima na wafanyakazi. Hali hiyo imebadilika lini?


siasa ya kujitegemea


tukasema kwamba "hatuna budi kujenga nchi hii kwa kujitegemea". Hatuwezi kuwa tunataka maslahi yetu ya watanzania ya afya bora, maisha bora na elimu nzuri lakini eti tudhani tunaye mjomba huko nje atakuja kutuletea maslahi hayo. Hatuna!

Tutajenga nchi hii kwa faida yetu wenyewe sisi wenyewe. Akipatikana mtu kutusaidia, tutamshukuru. Lakini kazi ya kujenga nchi hii kwa manufaa ya watanzania wote ni kazi ya watanzania, si kazi ya mtu mwingine. Msimamo huo tukauita siasa ya kujitegemea.


msingi huo umekufa. Hivi mmeshapata mjomba? Hivi kweli mtawadanganya wafanyakazi hawa msiwambie "chapeni kazi kama mnataka maslahi yenu yaboreshwe, tuchape kazi kwa faida yetu!" tuache kuwambia wakulima kwamba "kama tunataka maendeleo, tuchape kazi hivyo hivyo". Hivi mtawambia hawa kwamba "tumeshapata mjomba msiwe na wasiwasi!" mjomba huyo ni nani? Mimi nitafurahi kumwona. Nitakwenda kumwona, lakini sitamwuliza lo lote. Nitafurahi kumwona.

Halafu mkinionyesha, "ndiye huyu mjomba", nitacheeka!! Hali ya nchi hii haijabadilika hata kidogo. Tanaweza kujenga nchi kwa maslahi ya watanzania kwa siasa ya kujitegemea tu, lakini kwa manufaa ya wote. Manufaa ya wote ndicho tulichokiita ujamaa.


nchi ya kijamaa


"nchi ya ujamaa", tukasema, "ni nchi ambako kila mtu anafanya kazi. Kama ni mkulima, anafanya kazi; kama ni mfanyakazi, anafanya kazi". Lililokuwa la msingi na linalotawala ni mfanyakazi: Maslahi yanatokana na kazi yake na jasho lake. Watu ambao hawana ulazima, kimsingi ya kupata maslahi yao kutokana na jasho lao wenyewe wapo. Watoto wadogo hawana jukumu hilo.

Eti chakula chao kitokane na nguvu zao wenyewe? Hao ni wanyonyaji wa haki sawa kwani wanawanyonya mama zao. Ni haki yao. Lakini zee na madevu yake hatulitazamii limnyonye mama yake.

Watoto wadogo tu wanayo haki hiyo. Vile vile, kuna watu ambao hawana uwezo wowote ule wa kujifanyia kazi- sio uwezo wa kutokuwa na kazi! Wako watu hawawezi. Wana vilema fulani ambao hawawezi kufanya kazi wajipatie riziki kwa kazi na kwa nguvu zao wenyewe.

Hawa wana haki ya kulishwa na kutunzwa na umma pamoja na jumuiya zote. Hali kadhalika, wako watu wazima ambao wamefanya kazi zao. Walipofika umri wao wa kushindwa, hawawezi kufanya kazi tena. Ah, basi tena. Hawajiwezi hawa, tuwatunze. Hawa ni haki kuwatunza. Wamo watu wa aina hiyo wanajulikana kila mahala.


nchi ya kibepari


hata hivyo, mbali ya makundi hayo, wapo watu wengine ambao wanapata riziki yao kwa kufanya kazi na wengine wanapata riziki yao kwa kafanyiwa kazi. Nasema nchi ya namna hiyo inaitwa ya kibepari. Nchi inakubali wengine wafanye kazi na kupata riziki yao kwa jasho kama inavyosema misahafu, wengine wanafanyakazi kwa kunyonya kama watoto wadogo kama vile vilema na vizee. Ni majitu yanakaa na uwezo wao yanatumia wengine kama vyombo.

Kwa hiyo, mfanyakazi na randa ni sawa sawa. Nasema nchi ya namna hiyo inaitwa ni nchi ya kibepari. Sasa katika dunia ya siku hizi maneno hayo si inazuri sana kuyasema. Na mimi nawakumbusheni tu na wala sijayasema! Mimi sina taabu, nawakumbusheni tu. Hill azimio la arusha, ambalo sasa mnalitemea mate, lilikuwa linasema hivyo na, kutokana nalo, kuna mambo fulani tukaanza kuyapata.




baadhi ya matunda ya azimio la arusha


moja ya mambo yanayopaswa kuzingatiwa ni la hali yetu mbovu ilivyokuwa kwanza wakati tunajitawala. Nchi tuliyoipokea kutoka kwa wakoloni ilikuwa ni masikini sana. Ilikuwa nyuma kabisa kwa upande wa elimu. Tulipojitawala, tulikuwa na wahandisi wawili. Kijana mmoja aliitwa mbuya na alifariki katika miaka miwili hivi baada ya kujitawala. Tulikuwa na madaktari kumi na wawili wakati tunajitawala mwaka wa sitini na moja.


kujenga uçhumi wa viwanda


tukaanza shughuli ya kujenga uchumi wetu. Natumaini nitazungumzia hili la viwanda. Nchi zinazoendelea duniani [kama marekani ya kaskazini, marekani yenyewe na kanada, ulaya, hasa ulaya magharibi na japani] na maana moja ya kuendelea ni kwamba uchumi wake unategemea viwanda. Viwanda ndivyo vinatengeneza vipaza sauti, kamera zetu tunazotumia sasa nakadhalika.


maana ya maendeleo ya leo ya uchumi wenye nguvu ni maendeleo ya viwanda. Nchi yenye viwanda tunasema ni nchi iliyoendelea. Hata hivyo, tuna maana nyingine ya nchi zilizoendelea ya kuziita ni nchi zenye viwanda. Nchi haiwezi kuendelea bila kuwa na viwanda vya kisasa.


viwanda vya nguo ndio rahisi kuanza navyo: Historia ya utawala wa waingereza india wakati tunajitawala, hatukuwa na viwanda. Tulikuwa tunalima kahawa, mkonge na pamba, lakini tunanuza vyote nje. Mimi najua kidogo historia ya uingereza, ilikuwa ndiyo nchi ya kwanza duniani kuanza maendeleo ya kisasa ya viwanda. Sekta moja ya viwanda walioanza nayo, ambayo ilikuwa rahisi wakati huo na leo ni rahisi zaidi, ilikuwa ya kutengeneza nguo. Waingereza wakaitumia na wakajenga viwanda. Nguo zao zikawa zinatokana na viwanda vyao.


vile vile, walikuwa wana dola kubwa. Walikuwa wanatutawala sisi afrika, wanawatawala asia na wanatawala sehemu nyingine za amerika, lakini hasa afrika na asia. Walipoingia india, walikuta wahindi tayari wanatengeneza nguo zao kwa mashini. Wakawaza "hata wahindi nao wanatengeneza nguo! Haina maana". Wakawazuia wahindi kutengeneza nguo kusudi soko duniani liwe la waingereza: Liwe huru lisizuiwe zuiwe.

Namna moja kulifanya soko hilo kuwa huru ilikuwa ni kwa kuvitawala vijitu hivi, halafu unauza vitu vyako. Wenyewe ndivyo walivyoanza na viwanda vya nguo na, baadaye, wakaongeza vingine na hatima yake, waingereza wakawa wakubwa. Wenzao duniani wakaona "alaa hivi vingereza tunaviachia vinaendelea namna hii kwa nini?". Wakaanza mambo, wakagombana gombana, wakapigana pigana na wakanyang' anyana.


tulipojitawala mwaka sitini na moja tulikuwa tunajua mambo haya, ijapokuwa tulikuwa wachache, kwamba nchi haiwezi kuendelea na kuwa ya kisasa bila viwanda. Mtawachumia pamba wakubwa hawa na kukata miwa. Hiyo ilikuwa sababu moja ya kuleta utumwa ili kuwachukua waafrika waende marekani wakachume pamba na wakakate miwa.


baada ya kupata uhuru tukajiuliza. Leo tunajitawala, tuendelee kuchuma pamba na kukata miwa? Tukaamua: Tuanze kujenga viwanda kwa kuwa sisi tunalima pamba. Kwa hiyo, shughuli ya kwanza kabisa tutakayoanza nayo ni ya kujenga viwanda vya nguo.


nikawaomba wanaojua mambo haya ya viwanda duniani. Wakati huo sisi wenyewe hatukuwa na watalaam. Nikawaeleza watu hawa maneno haya: Hivi tunajitawala, tuendelee kuuza pamba ghafi nje? Nataka nianze kutengeneza nguo hapa tanzania.
wakanishauri na wakaniambia mwalimu, mnaweza kuanza kutengeneza nguo kutoka pamba yenu hapa. Jenga uwezo ili tanzania iweze kutumia asilimia themanini na tano (85%) ya pamba inayolimwa tanzania kutengeneza nguo hapa hapa.


walinishauri nijenge uwezo ndani ya tanzania wa kutumia asilimia themanini na tano (85%) ya pamba yetu hapa hapa. Asilimia kumi na tano (15%) ya pamba iliyobaki, ama tunaweza tuitumie wenyewe hapa hapa au tunaweza kuiuza nje. Hiyo ilikuwa safi sana, kwamba tujenge viwanda kwa makusudi kabisa.


wakati ule, hata mimi ningekuwa na sera za kibepari, ningejenga viwanda. Mabepari ndio walioanza viwanda na viwanda vyenyewe hivyo havikuwa na sera ya ubepari au ujamaa. Vilikuwa ni viwanda tu! Sasa tukaanza kujenga viwanda vya nguo na sasa sitaki kusema sana juu ya jambo hili.

tuko wapi – makosa ya ubinafsishaji wa mashirika ya umma

​

juzi juzi, wakati nipo pale dodoma, vijana walinikumbusha. Mwalimu, ulipotoka, uliacha viwanda vya nguo vya umma kumi na viwili. Kati ya viwanda hivyo kumi na viwili, kumi vimefungwa na viwili vilivyobaki kimoja hatujui hata kama kitapata pamba. Tusipoangalia, vyote viwili vilivyobaki vitafungwa.


juu ya mashirika ya umma


nataka kusema kidogo juu ya hiki kitu kinachoitwa mashirika ya umma. Sijui yananuka? Hata hivyo, hata kama yananuka, nataka kujua kwa nini yananuka. Lazima tujiulize kwa nini yananuka. Sababu ya kusema hivi ni kwamba mimi nilikuwa sijui, lakini vijana walinikumbusha wakaniambia "mwalimu, ulipondoka, uliacha kumi na mbili", mimi kitu kimoja nilichokuwa nakifikiria ni kwamba sasa viwanda vyetu vya nguo vilikuwa vinafikia shabaha ile tuliyokuwa tunataka ya kuweza kutumia asilimia themanini na tano (85%) ya pamba hapa nyumbani.


nilipowauliza vijana kwa nini viwanda kumi vimefungwa na viwili vilivyobaki vipo katika hatari ya kufungwa, nilielezwa kwamba kuna sera inayoitwa sera ya ubinafsishaji. Ccm wasiogope sana, na ninyi mniwie radhi kwa kusema ccm, maana ndiyo yenye serikali inayotawala.


sasa mimi nifanyeje? Wala ccm wasije wakaninung'ukia, maana ndicho chama kinachotawala, na wale wa vyama vingine wasije wakasema "mbona mwalimu umesema kama unaipendelea ccm? Aka! Kama wanataka niwabomoe, naweza kuwabomoä, lakini sitaki.


mimi nataka kueleza hali yetu ilivyo hivi sasa na nataka kusema, mosi, tunatoka wapi, tuko wapi na tunataka kwenda wapi, pili, kama tunataka kwenda huko, tufanye nini tusije tukashtukia tunapelekwa mahala ambako siko tunakokusudia kwenda. Na hiyo ndiyo shabaha yangu.


ccm imebadili sera ya azimio la arusha


ccm imebadili sera ya azimio la arusha. Mimi sina ugomvi hata kidogo. Naweza kusema nina ugomvi wa kiitikadi, ingawa sijasema "mbona mnaacha sera yetu ina ubaya gani?". Aidha sina ugomvi wa msingi wa kitaifa kwa sababu mnaweza mkaacha azimio la arusha na baadae mkajenga uchumi imara tu kwa manufaa ya wananchi. Ziko namna nyingi za kufanya hivyo na si lazima kufuata azimio la arusha.

sera za ccm


sasa ccm wanazo sera ambazo zimefafanuliwa katika kakitabu haka kanakoitwa mwelekeo wa sera za ccm katika miaka ya tisini. Hii imetengenezwa na ndio marekebisho ya azimio la arusha. Ndiyo sera yao mpya baada ya kusahihisha azimio la arusha. Kuna sehema ninayotaka kuitumia kueleza hayo ninayotaka kuyaeleza ambayo inahusu mashirika ya umma.


sera ya ubinafsishaji wa mashirika ya umma


kuhusu mashirika ya umma, sera yake inasema. "mashirika ambayo ni ya msingi na nyeti kwa maendeleo ya taifa kama bandari, reli, posta ma simu, nishati na mabenki ya umma yaliyopo, yaendelee kumilikiwa na dola. Hata hivyo, wananchi wataweza kuuziwa sehemu ya hisa katika mashirika hayo yote na mashirika haya yanaweza kuingia ubia na makampuni binafsi, mradi tu kwa uwiano unaolifanya shirika kuendelea kuwa la dola". Mimi nilipokuwa nasoma jana nikaafiki na kukubali. Sina ugomvi na hilo na sina ugomvi kabisa kwani ndivyo tulivyosema katika azimio la arusha. Lakini mambo haya lazima yabadilike. Sasa sina ugomvi na hili.

pili: "mashirika ya umma ambayo yanaendelea kwa ufanisi lazima yaendelee kuwa ya dola kwa lengo la kuendelea kuwashirikisha wananchi katika umilikaji. Mipango itaandaliwa ya kuwawezesha wananchi kununua hisa katika mashirika hayo. Pia mashirika ambayo yanahitaji mtaji au kupenyeza sayansi na teknolojia ya kisasa yataweza kuingia katika ubia iili kutimiza azma hiyo. Aidha kwa mashirika ambayo serikali italazimika kumiliki, mashirika haya itabidi yaendeshwe kibiashara". Mimi nakubali mia kwa mia, sina maneno na wala sioni tatizo na hilo.

tatu: "kwa upande wa mashirika ambayo yanaweza kufanya shughuli zake kwa faida lakini yana matatizo mbali mbali kama ya ukosefu wa mtaji, madeni makubwa katika mabenki, menejimenti mbovu na kadhatika, dola itachukua hatua ya kulazimika kuondoa menejimenti mbovu, kuimarisha mtaji kwa kuwauzia wananchi hisa na kuingia ubia na vyombo vingine vya kiuchumi au kuyakodisha kwa mteja mwenye uwezo wa kuyaendesha kwa faida". Mimi hiyo bado naikubali na sina matatizo.

nne: "mashirika yaliyo sugu ["mashirika yaliyo sugu" tena kiswahili kizuri sana] kwa kufanya shughuli kwa hasara yatakodishwa, ama kuuzwa au kufungwa kwa kutilia maanani zaidi jawabu ambalo ni la maslahi zaidi kwa taifa". Sasa mimi nasema hilo bado nalikubali kwani shughuli hii imekuwa inaendelea. Nimesikia kwamba shirika, halikuwa ni shirika la umma, lilikuwa ni benki ya ushirika na maendeleo vijijini (crdb), peke yake ndicho chombo cha namna hiyo ambacho kimepitapita kuuza hisa. Mengine sijayasikia, yanaweza kuwa yapo.

uuzaji wa mashirika ya umma


uuzaji wa mengine, ambayo sivyo sera inavyosema [sera haisemi mashirika yanayoendeshwa kwa faida yauzwe hata kidogo], sijui yanavyouzwa. Crdb wamepita kwangu pale wameniomba ninunue hisa. Nitapata wapi mimi? Hata hivyo, wamepitapita wanaomba watu wanunue hisa; wanakwenda kwenye vyama vya ushirika na wanawaomba watu binafsi. Angalau, hicho ni kitendo cha kushirikisha watu ambacho wamekifanya na watu wametumia fursa hiyo kama sera inavyosema.


mengine tunasikia yanakwenda tu. Eti sasa ni kwamba, kwa mfano, kile kiwanda cha sigara, ni cha umma ni chetu wote pamoja. Najua wewe huna hisa, mimi sina hisa na wala hakuna mtu mwenye hisa. Lakini ni cha umma na kinafanya shughuli zake kwa faida.


tofauti kati va shirika ya umma na shirika/kampuni binafsi

nimechukua mfano wa kiwanda ambacho kinafanya shughuli zake kwa faida. Kama kinafanya shughuli zake kwa faida, wote tunapata faida. Chukua mfano wa viwanda viwili vinavyoendeshwa vizuri na vinapata faida. Kimoja kama kile cha sigara na cha pili ni cha watu binafsi. Sasa tofauti yake ni nini? Hiki cha watu binafsi kinalipa kodi ya serikali na hiki cha umma kinalipa kodi ile ile na kwa mujibu wa sheria ile ilee. Kwa hiyo, hivyo vyote vinalipa kodi ile ile juu ya faida kwa asilimia ya faida zao kwa mujibu wa sheria. Baada ya kodi, pato lililobaki linagawanywa kwenye hisa. Kile cha umma pato lake linakwenda kwa serikali: Kwa umma. Hiki kingine, faida yake inakwenda kwa watu binafsi wachache.


ndiyo maana, mpaka leo, mimi napendelea hiki cha umma zaidi kuliko kile cha watu binafsi. Vyote vinafanya biashara nzuri tu na vinalipa kodi ya serikali kama kawaida na vinawapa faida iliyobaki wenye kiwanda. Hata hivyo, hicho cha kwanza, cha umma kinawapa faida iliyobaki wenye kiwanda hicho ambao ni umma, na msimamizi wake ni serikali. Kwa hiyo, serikali ndiyo inayochukua mapato yake kwa niaba ya wananchi wake. Mimi mpaka leo, hata ninyi mngesemaje, bado nakipenda hiki cha umma.


tukitaka kuongeza viwanda vya watu binafsi, tuongeza tu!


kama tunasema sasa hivi tunataka kuongeza vile viwanda vya watu binafsi, tuongeze tu! Nani atatuzuia? Ongezeni vile vya watu binafsi. Viongezwe kwa wingi kabisa! Hata hivyo, mnapochukua hiki cha umma, kwa maana niliyoieleza, mkasema eti mnataka sasa kiwe cha wananchi moja kwa moja ili na mimi nyerere niseme "sasa nina hisa pale", mimi siafiki. Watu wangapi mtakuwa na hisa? Hebu niambieni, wangapi?


mnachukua mali yetu wote kabisa, kiwanda cha sigara kile kina mali, kinapata faida na serikali inaitumia kuongezea fedha za kodi na tunaifanyia kazi ya umma. Mnavyosema leo ni kwamba mmegundua njia moja nzuri zaidi ya kushirikisha wananchi katika uchumi. Mimi nawambineni: Ongezeni viwanda.

muwashawishi wananchi wa tanzania waongeze viwanda. Wasaidieni kuongeza viwanda. Lakini, hiki cha wote, mnataka kuwapa watu wachache, halafu mnasema ndio ushirikishaji? Mimi sielewi maana yake. Hii ni mali yetu wote pamoja: Ni mfuko wa pamoja tunachota inatusaidia katika elimu, afya na mahitaji mengine.


sasa hivi tunayo matatizo ya ukusanyaji kodi. Kiwanda hiki hakina matatizo hata kidogo. Kinaendeshwa vizuri kwa faida. Kwa hiyo, tunacho chombo ambacho kinatoa faida. Kinatusaidia. Leo shule na hospitali zina matatizo kwa sababu kodi mbali mbali hazikusanywi. Lakini kiwanda hiki kinalipa kodi yake kama kawaida. Miongoni mwa wale wanaokwepa kulipa kodi, si mmoja wao.

Viwanda vya umma si mmoja wapo hata kidogo. Vinalipa kodi zake kama kawaida, havikwepi kulipa hata senti moja. Halafu, kinapopata faida, tunabaki nayo na tunafanya shughuli za wananchi. Hiki mnasema leo tukigawanye tuwashirikishe wananchi kwa kukimiliki moja kwa moja. Wangapi mtamiliki: Ninyi wangapi? Itakuwa ni kuchukua fulani na fulani tu! Kiwanda ambacho ni chetu wote kabisa na faida itakapobaki, badala ya kwenda hazina, iende kwa wewe na mimi!


ndiyo tumekibinafsisha na hii ndiyo sera mpya ya kuleta manufaa tanzania! Hii ndiyo mbinu mpya imegunduliwa? Ujamaa mpya huo! Huo ni unyang'anyi tu wa mali yetu wote.


kutegemea mtu mwingine kwa mawazo ni kubaya kupita yote kabisa
hili ni jambo la upumbavu. Katika masuala ya uchumi wa nchi, lazima tufanye tofauti baina ya kujitajirisha wachache na kuleta manufaa ya watu wengi. Sasa, sera hii itazaa mamilionea sasa hivi na sio baadaye, lakini watakuwa mamilionea watano. Hata hivyo, wakati huo huo, pia itazaa masikini na tanzania itakuwa na masikini wengi sana.

sasa nataka niseme kuwa nimetumia kiwanda cha sigara kama mfano tu kuonyesha kwamba nchi haiwezi kuendelea hata kidogo kwa kupuuza viwanda. Sasa tunafunga viwanda. Sijui hiyo inaitwa sera ya kuondoa ama kuzuia viwanda, lakini haya ni matatizo ambayo tunayo na usifikiri ni tanzania peke yake. Nilikuwa mwenyekiti wa tume ya kusini nimepita pita afrika, asia na amerika ya kusini. Nimeshuhudia mawazo na mipango ya aina hiyo kuwa ndiyo inayoongoza na kutawala. Hilo ndilo nililowambia hivi punde kwamba, wakati waingereza wanatawala india, waliwaambia wahindi. "hapana kutengeneza nguo."


hali hiyo inaendelea na wala haijabadilika mpaka leo kwani bado duniani tunaona nchi zenye viwanda huvibana viinchi vidogo viache mambo ya viwanda. Sasa taabu yetu, wala si tanzania peke yake kuna vi inchi vingi, ni kwamba viongozi wetu hawakatai. Wanakubali tu. Lakini sisi ni madodoki? Dodoki ulitumbukize katika maji, hata yenye takataka, linazoa tu!


kusema kweli, duniani watu wanafikiri kwamba labda sisi ni masikini. Lakini umasikini mbaya kulio wote ni umasikini wa mawazo. Ni mbaya sana. Duniani kuna kujitegemea na kutegemea. Unaweza kutegemea, lakini kutegemea kokote ni kubaya sana. Kwa hali yo yote ile, kutegemea kubaya kupita kote kabisa ni kutegemea mtu mwingine kwa mawazo. Ni kwa ovyo sana kunakunyima utu wako.


watu tunaafikiana na wazo. Lakini mawazo ambayo wazi wazi ni ya kijinga lazima tuyakatae. Kwa sababu mtu mwenye akili akikupa mawazo ya kipumbavu, usipoyakataa, atakudharau. Narudia, mtu ye yote mwenye akili akikupa mawazo ya kipumbavu na wewe una akili na unajua ni ya kipumbavu na ukayakubali, atakudharau. Sasa hatuwezi tukakubali mambo ya kipumbavu tanzania.

shirika la fedha la kimataifa sio wizara va fedha ya kimataifa
ukiuliza kwa nini, wanasema "mwalimu benki ya dunia". Benki ya dunia hawa nani?. Mungu gani mpya huyu anaitwa benki ya dunia? Vile vile wanasema, "mwalimu, tumebanwa na shirika la fedha la kimataifa".

Hawa ndio nani? Hawa nimeanza kuwasema mwaka 1980 nikasema "tangu lini shirika la fedha la kimaatifa limegeuzwa kuwa wizara ya fedha ya kimataifa?" swali hili nililiuliza mwaka themanini wakati nilikuwa nadhani nitaacha uongozi wa nchi yetu. Kwa nini, kama kweli sisi watu wazima na akili zetu, tunakubali mambo ya kipumbavu tunasema, ‘tuuze mashirika yetu'. Tulianza na mashirika ambayo hayana faida tukasema; "uzeni hili halina maana'.


lakini, taratibu tukasema, ‘mashirika yenye faida sasa uzeni' na tunaanza kuyauza. Hata hivyo, tunauliza "haya tunayauza kwa misingi gani maana hata chama chetu kinasema tusiyauze" wanajibu, "ah! Mwalimu, tumebanwa na shirika ia fedha la kimataifa". Mungu mpya nani huyu? Hivi ni kweli hatuwezi kukataa sasa? Kwa nini nasema hivi ni kwa sababu tayari tunayo matatizo mengi katika uchumi, afya na huduma za umma zote. Mambo yanakwenda ovyo. Ukiuliza kwa nini, wanajibu "shirika la fedha la kimataifa mzee". Ni kitu gani hicho?


serikali haihimizi ulipaji kodi


wamewahi kunijia vijana wetu wamiliki wa viwanda hapa nchini wakati bado ningali mwenyekiti wa ccm wakaniambia: "mwalimu, wafanya biashara hawa si wafanya biashara ni walanguzi". Vile vile, wafanyabiashara wenye viwanda vyao walinifuata pale msasani, wakati ningali mwenyekiti wa ccm, wakaniambia: Mwalimu, tunaomba serikali ikusanye kodi, hilo tu. Hatuombi serikali itulinde. Isilinde viwanda vyetu kwa namna nyingine yo yote isipokuwa ikusanye kodi basi. Kama ikikusanya kodi, basi nguo zinazoingia kutoka nchi jirani, zisiingie bila kulipa kodi. Zilipe kodi, hatuombi zaidi ya hapo. Zikilipa kodi, basi tutashindana. Zisipolipa kodi, bidhaa tunazoziona zote hizi hazilipi kodi. Hatuwezi kushindana hata kidogo. Tutakufa. Wakubwa hawa hatuwawezi. Wataleta vitu hapa, kwanza ni rahisi zaidi kuliko vyetu. Pili, visilipe kodi forodhani, viingie nchini hivi hivi! Viwanda vyetu vitakufa! Sasa nasema, angalao serikali ichukue kodi na kodi ipo, na wala sisemi waongeze kodi kwani vipimo vile vya kodi vipo. Tunachoomba serikali itoze tu.
"serikali", wananiambia, " zaidi ya miaka mitatu tokea mwaka 1995 imepoteza shilingi sitini bilioni taslim". Nimeambiwa hilo zaidi ya mara tatu na wafanyabiashara "serikali inapoteza shilingi sitini bilioni kwa kutokusaya kodi". Mara tatu! Kwa hiyo, safari hii niliposikia wakubwa wanasema mmepoteza sabini bilioni miaka mitatu au minne iliyopita, sikushangaa.
hamkusanyi kodi kwa nini? Kwa kutokusanya kodi, mnaviua viwanda vyetu vya nyumbani hapa. Lakini, mnafanya madhambi mengine makubwa zaidi kuliko kuviua viwanda vyetu. Mnasemaje, maana kisingizio hiki cha kusema ni shirika la fedha la kimataifa na benki ya dunia hakipo tena kwani baadhi yao ndio wanaosema "kusanyeni kodi". Hivi kisingizio hiki cha kwamba kila jambo ni shirika la. Fedha la kimataifa na benki ya dunia ni cha kweli mpaka leo? Mbona wao tena ndio wanaowambieni "kusanyeni kodi msipokusanya, tunaweza tukafikiria kuchukua hatua kama mnadhani ni mambo ya utani hivi. Sasa kusanyeni kodi!"




























tunakwenda wapi? - viongozi tunaowataka
naeleza baadhi ya matatizo ambayo viongozi tutakaowachagua tuwe na hakika iwapo wanayaona hivi kama sisi tunavyoyaona. Yanawauma kama sisi yanavyotuuma na kwamba, watakapofika hapo wanapopataka watusaidie kuyatatua. Wanayaona, yanawakera na hata watakapofika hapo, hicho ndicho kitakachowasukuma kutaka kuwa marais wetu na wabunge wetu. Marekani walikuwa na rais wao kijana mmoja mdogo anaitwa john kennedy. Walimpiga risasi. Marekani nao ni watu wa ajabu sana! Vijana walilaani tukio hilo kwa kuwa walikuwa wanadhani wamemchagua rais wa umri wa kama miaka arobaini na mitatu au minne hivi. Sasa huyo ni kijana, hata kwa hapa tanzania leo ni kijana. Alipochaguliwa na marekani akawa rais wao. Katika hotuba yake ya kwanza kabisa aliwambia wananchi wenzake, hasa vijana "usiulize marekani itakufanyia nini, jiulize wewe utaifanyia nini marekani?".


kila anayetaka kuwa mgombea wa urais/ubunge ajiulize ataifanyia nini nchi yake
tunataka mtu anayetaka kuwa rais wetu ajiulize anataka kuifanyia nini nchi yetu na sio nchi yetu itamfanyia nini. Na tunataka swali hilo ajiulize kila mtu anayetaka kuwa mgombea wa chama cho chote kuwa mbunge/rais: "kwa nini, kwa dhati kabisa, anaumwa na umasikini wetu na umasikini huo ndio unaomsukuma ashughulike na mambo haya ya siasa katika ngazi hiyo ama ya ubunge ama ya urais". Kama sivyo, hatufai!
mtu hapakimbilii ikulu: Hakuna biashara ikulu
mtu anayetaka kwenda ikulu kutaka faida ye yote ikulu pale hatufai hata kidogo. Wananchi, mimi nimekaa pale ikulu kwa muda mrefu zaidi kuliko mwingine ye yote, wala sidhani kuna mtu mwingine anaweza kuzidi muda huo. Tayari hapa tumeweka sheria. Kwa mujibu wa sheria, mtu hawezi tena kukaa ikulu zaidi ya miaka kumi, kipindi ambacho hata hakijafikia nusu ya kipindi nilichokaa. Mimi nimekaa miaka ishirini na tatu!
najua, kwa mtu halisi kabisa, ikulu ni mzigo! Hupakimbilii! Si mahali pa kupakimbilia hata kidogo; huwezi kupakimbilia ikulu. Unapakimbilia kwenda kutafuta nini? Ni mgogoro; ni mzigo mkubwa kabisa! Ukipita barabarani, unakuta watu wana njaa, unaona ni mzigo wako huo. Pazito pale! Huwezi kupakimbilia na watu safi hawapakimbilii. Ukiona mtu anapakimbilia, na hasa anapotumia tumia vipesa kwenda ikulu, huyo ni mtu wa kuogopa kama ukoma!
mtu ye yote anayeonekana anapenda sana kwenda ikulu na hata yupo tayari kununua kura ili kumwezesha kufika ikulu ni wa kumkwepa kama ukoma. Kwanza, hizo fedha kapata wapi. Mtanzania wa leo hawezi kununua watu bila kwanza yeye kununuliwa. Na kama kanunuliwa, atataka kuzilipaje? Kazipata wapi? Watanzania wote ni masikini tu. Mtanzania anaomba urais wetu kwa hela! Amezipata wapi?
pili, kama hajanunuliwa, kazipata wapi? Kama kakopa, atarudishaje? Ikulu pana biashara gani mtu akope mamilioni halafu aende ayalipe kwa biashara ya ikulu? Ikulu mimi nimekaa kwa muda wa miaka ishrini na mitatu. Ikulu ni mahali pazito. Kuna biashara gani ikulu?
rushwa na matumizi ya fedha bila utaratiba wakati wa chaguzi
sisi waafrika ni watu wa ajabu sana. Unajua ni wadogo, lakini nasema, ni udogo wa mawazo. Umaskini wa mawazo ni umasikini mbaya kupita wote. Unaweza ukawa na almasi mfukoni, akaja tapeli na kijiwe kimetengenezwa kama almasi akakuambia "ebu tuone almasi yako. Bwana aa! Hii ya kwako sio almasi ni chupa tu, almasi ni hii. Kwanza nipe bwana." mkabadilishana. Yeye akachukua almasi yako na akakuachia kichupa na ukatoka hapo unashangilia kama zuzu!
sisi hapa tanzania tulikuwa tumeanza utaratibu ambao ukitumia fedha nje ya fedha za chama na serikali na ukatumia fedha zako mwenywe katika uchaguzi, tunakutoa. Hufai! Huo ndio ulikuwa utaratibu wetu. Tulikuwa tunakuuliza: "hii nchi ya masikini, wewe mwenzetu una mali umeipata wapi?"
mali, kwa wakati huo, kwetu sisi ilikuwa ni sifa ya kukunyang'anya uwezo wa kugombea uongozi tanzania. Tulijua kwamba, kama una mali, utaficha. Leo watu wanasema waziwazi: "mwalimu uchaguzi wa mwaka huu utapitishwaje?"
marekani wanatumia fedha nyingi sana katika uchaguzi. Nyingi sana! Kama marekani sasa hivi wanazungumza watunge sheria inayofanana na ile mliyoitupa ninyi mnadhani kwa sababu ni mawazo ya masikini, haina maana. Wakubwa wanayafikiria mawazo hayo sasa hivi. Marekani wanafikiria uwezekano sasa wa kutunga sheria itakayoweka utaratibu wa fedha za ugombeaji kutokana na mfuko mmoja baada ya kugundua kwamba inapokuwa holela na kila mtu akiachiwa lwake, inavuruga. Inaleta rushwa kubwa kabisa. Unanunuliwa urais na unaweza kununuliwa na fedha za wauza bangi na wauza baa. Wauza bangi wanaiona hatari hiyo, ninyi haa!
hapa tulikuwa na utaratibu mzuri kabisa tuliouanzisha mlioutupa, mnafikiri, sisi mwaka huu fedha tu! Uchaguzi wa fedha, mtazipata wapi? Mimi nimetoka juzi tu, mara mmetajirika kiasi hiki! Waswahili hee! Kumbe mnaweza kutajirika zaidi kwa haraka hivyo? Sasa kama mnao uwezo wa kutajirika, nawambienj ‘fanya wote tutajirike. Hivi mtajirike peke yenu, tutajirike wote". Wapi! Ni rahisi sana watu wachache kutajirika.
tunataka serikali inayotoza kodi
kwa hiyo, naserna sasa hivi mimi sijali kabisa na wala msifikiri tena napinga watu wanaotaka uhuru wa kujipatia mali. Tunataka serikali itakayotoza kodi. Tulikuwa na viserikali vya rafiki zetu za skandinavia vinavyoongozwa na watu wanaojali maslahi ya umma. Vinatoza kodi matajiri, halafu mapato hayo yanasambazwa kwa faida ya wote. Hata hapa fanyeni hivyo. Lakini isiwe ni kukusanya kodi na halafu, kilicho chetu mnataka kukiuza. Hata hicho muuziane, halafu mpate pesa na hizo pesa zenu wala rnsilipe kodi! Hii ndio kazi tuliyowapeleka ikulu?


sifa za ziada za viongozi


nilipokuwa dar es salaam, nilieleza mahala fulani kwamba watu wanaotaka kutuongoza wawe angalau na sifa hizi na hizi. Sasa nasema hata wakiwa nazo bado tutawauliza: "sifa mnazo, lakini mnakwenda kufanya nini?" hata nikiwa na watano wenye sifa nzuri bado nitasema: "ninyi watano mna sifa nzuri kabisa, mimi sioni kama mna kasoro lakini bado nitawauliza hasa mnakwenda kutafuta nini ikulu. Uniambie kwa dhati ya moyo wako kinakuuma nini kwamba unaweza kweli ukaumwa kabisa". Halafu ukasema: "mwalimu, ikulu sipapendi. Ikulu siyo tatizo. Kama mambo yanakwenda ovyo ovyo utaacha tu?


zile sifa nilizozitamka hazitoshi: Kwamba lazima uwe mtanzania na unaheshimu tanzania. Maana tunatafuta rais wa tanzania na wala hatutafuti wasifu wa rais wa tanzania. Tuna miezi saba uwe umezipata zile tano na kuendelea. Hata hivyo, bado tutawauliza mambo ya uchumi, viwanda na shule unavyoyaelewa. Mambo ya afya, ninyi mnayajua yote. Hospitali zetu, hali yake ya sasa hivi mnaielewa inaendaje endaje na kama mnaelewa ninyi unaionaje? Unaona raha tu? Maana sisi ni watu wa sera ya kuchangia. Sawa. Lakini wewe umechangia mara ngapi? Hebu nenda katika hospitali moja uone watu wanavyochangia.


tunataka kufikiria kwa msingi kwamba kitu kimoja tunachotaka kuelewa ni hali ya matatizo yetu yalivyo sasa. Hii ni kwa sababu awamu ya kwanza, awamu yangu mimi, imefanya mema na imefanya ya kijinga. Yale ya kijinga, mnayaacha. Lazima yanaachwa. Ubaya wenu ni kwamba mnayaacha mema na mnachukua ya kijinga.
miaka ishirini na tatu, bwana, lazima tumefanya makosa.

Pale, bwana, hatukuwa na wasomi wengi, ujuzi wala cho chote. Tulikuwa tunahangaika tu. Kama watu hamjui kuogelea, mnatupwa kwenye maji, mnahangaika kuogelea, lazima mtafanya makosa. Tusifanye makosa kwani sisi ni malaika? Awamu ya kwanza ina mambo fulani fulani na hasa ya msingi na mengine ya utekelezaji mazuri, mnaendelea nayo. Mengine ya utekelezaji ya ovyo ovyo, mnayachilia mbali mnaanzia hapo tena.


ila la ajabu ni kwamba hata ya msingi mnayawekea alama ya kuuliza. Mimi sikudhani kama ya msingi yalikuwa na matatizo, nilidhani mambo yetu ya utekelezaji yana matatizo mengi hivi ya kusikilizana, hata ya msingi. Sasa watu wataanza kugombana katika misingi ya ukabila, udini na mambo mengine ya kijinga kabisa.


kwa hiyo, nasema, awamu ya pili mnaanza na mengine mnaongeza hapo. Awamu ya pili nayo inafanya makosa yake, itafanya mema yake. Yale mema, ndiyo mnayoendelea nayo; mnaendelea na yale mema yake. Yale mabaya mnayaacha kama yalikuwapo ya msingi yamesahauliwa mnayarudia. Kutoyarudia yale ya msingi, mtapotea tu. Mnafanya hivyo halafu mnaendelea.


mimi nataka kujua kama viongozi wetu wa sasa hivi wanaotaka kuingia katika awamu ya tatu ya uongozi wanayaelewa hivyo na tutaelewana hivyo au wanafikiri uongozi ni biashara tu! Je wanaotaka kutuongoza wanaweza, kwanza, kuelezea tulikuwa wapi, tuko wapi, tunataka kwenda wapi? Pili, je wanao uwezo wa kutupeleka kule tunakotaka kwenda? Tatu, watatushirikishaje kule ili na sisi tusaidiane kwenda huko? Hiyo ndiyo kazi iliyobaki. Pimeni sana!


hoja ya wagombea binafsi


nataka kusema kauli ya mwisho kuhusu sheria ya uchaguzi ilivyo sasa hivi. Ninalo tatizo moja. Hili nataka kulisema kwa sababu nadhani ni la msingi kidogo. Tulipokubali tuwe na vyama vingi vya siasa tulisema kwamba hivi vyama vingi vina migogoro. Mnaweza mkawa na chama cha dini, kabila, mkoa kinaitwa chama cha mbeya ama katika nchi kikaitwa zanzibar au tanganyika tu. Tulisema sisi hapana ni taifa changa. Lazima tujihadhari na chama kinachoweza kutugawa.

Tunataka chama kinachokubali umoja. Kwa hiyo, tukakataa vyama vya udini, ukabila na vya kutenganisha tanzania. Tanzania tukaigawa, sijui inaitwa tanganyika na zanzibar, sijui inaitwa tanganyika na tanzania zanzibar. Hapana tukatae vyama vya namna hiyo.


kwa hiyo, tuliamua kwamba yawepo masharti ya kisheria yanayozuia vyama kuwa vya namna hiyo. Hii ni kulinda umoja ili tujenge upya kwa kuwa bado tu wachanga mno. Basi, sheria hiyo ndivyo ilivyotungwa na ndivyo ilivyo. Huwezi kuanzisha chama ambacho kinakiuka upande huo wa sheria. Hata hivyo, mimi nadhani sheria imekosea kuzuia wagombea binafsi.


nataka nieleze sababu kwa nini nadhani kukosea huku ni kwa msingi na si kwa juu juu. Hili jambo limekosewa ni la msingi. Ndiyo maana napenda kulisema kwa nini ni la msingi. Linahusu haki yangu na yako ya kupiga kura. Hii ni haki ya uraia. Madhali wewe ni raia wa tanzania [huna kichaa, huko generzani, umetimiza umri unaotakiwa wa miaka kumi na minane] una haki ya kupiga kura. Ni haki yako ya uraia.

Iko mfukoni mwako! Hii haki ya kuomba upigiwe kura pia ni haki ya uraia; ni haki yako. Unaomba ubunge au cho chote kile upigiwe kura na hata unaomba urais, ni haki yako ya uraia; huwezi kunyimwa maadam wewe ni raia wa tanzania kisisasa una haki ya kuomba uwe rais.


ukiwa katika chama ama hupo katika chama. Unayo haki inayotokana na uraia wako ya kupiga kura na ya kupigiwa kura ambayo haiwezi kudaiwa na mtu ambaye si raia wa tanzania.


aidha, raia wa tanzania hawezi akanyang'anywa haki hii ya kuomba uongozi wa nchi yake tangu ngazi ya kijiji mpaka ngazi ya taifa. Iwapo wapo wasio na uwezo huo wa kutaka kuwa rais, hiyo ni shauri nyingine. Lakini haki ninayo wakataohukumu kama nina uwezo au sina uwezo ni wananchi.

Mimi sasa hivi niko hapa nawaelezeni jinsi ya kuwahukumu wenye uwezo na wasio na uwezo. Lakini sisemi hawana haki. Haki hiyo ndiyo inayowafanya ninyi wafanyakazi, ninyi wafanyakazi mnazo haki za wafanyakazi, nikasema "lakini mmoja mmoja hatuwezi, lazima tushirikiane". Kwa hiyo, mnashirikiana wote kwa pamoja. Hivyo ni vizuri zaidi.


tunasema ni vizuri tuiombe na tujaribu kuitumia haki ile ya kuunda vyama. Mnaweza mkaunda vyama. Sijui wangapi wameweza kuingia katika vyama maana tunayo haki hiyo. Sasa hivi mnasema viko kumi na vitatu. Sina hakika kama vimechukua watanzania wote. Watanzania wengine hawamo ccm, hawapo wapi na hawana chama chochote. Hata hivyo, nikikataa kuingia katika chama isiwe sababu ya kuninyang'anya haki yangu ya kupiga an kupigiwa kura. Ninayo tu na naweza nikaamua kuitumia mwenyewe tu!


lakini, msije mkanielewa vibaya kuhusu kile ninachotaka kusema kwamba raia ye yote wa tanzania anaweza kusema "mimi mgombea urais". Tutamwambia: "ah! Unaweza bwana peke yako kweli utasimama hivi kwa tanzania peke yako utapitapita huku na kule watakupigia kura?"


unaweza kumlaumu na kumhukumu useme: "wewe ni mjinga". Lakini huwezi kusema huna haki hiyo. Ni haki yake. Anaweza kuwa mjinga. Labda kuwa ni mtu anayedhani kwamba "watanzania wakishaona uso wangu, hata kama sina kitu, watanichagua". Anaweza kuwa si mgombea makini, lakini ni haki yake.


sasa sheria inawanyima raia wa tanzania haki hiyo. Mtu mmoja akaenda mahakamani kudai haki hiyo akasema "sheria hii si haki". Jaji mmoja akahukumu akasema "naam, si haki". Mimi nakubaliana na maamuzi yale ya jaji kabisa. Jaji alikuwa sahihi, hata kama alihukumu vile kwa bahati, kwa sababu haki hii iko katika katiba. Ingekuwa haiko katika katiba, ungekuwapo ubishi, lakini imo ndani ya katiba. Kwa hiyo, jaji akasema: "naam, hawawezi kumnyima haki".


sasa serikali watafanyaje? Badala ya kukubali uamuzi wa jaji, kwa kweli walichokifanya kwa kweli ni kuifuta. Ndiyo, hamwezi kufuta haki za raia. Hamna uwezo wa kufuta haki za raia. Ndugu waziri, hamna uwezo wa kufuta haki za raia. Hamuwezi kweli kabisa kabisa. Serikali haiwezi ikasema haki hii inakera kidogo. Inakera kisiasa tu lakini na sio kimaadili. Sheria hii inawakera kisiasa halafu mnaifuta, mtatunga kesho sheria nyingine itawakera, mtaifuta. Mtafuta ngapi?


sasa mimi nina ugomvi huo. Na ni ugomvi wa kasoro kubwa, si kasoro ndogo. Ingekuwa kasoro ndogo, nisingejua. Hatuwezi kumnyima raia haki yake. Mimi napenda watu watumie hii haki yao ndani ya vyama. Kama vile nilivyosema, mfanyakazi unayo haki ya mshahara na kudai mshahara mzuri. Unaweza kudai peke yako tu hivyo hivyo. Unayo haki, ijapokuwa haiwezi kukupa nguvu.

Mfanyakazi kutoingia kwenye chama hakumpotezei haki yake ya kudai mshahara mzuri hata kidogo. Kunampunguzia ile nguvu ya kufanikiwa peke yake; lakini, anayo haki bado, inabaki ni haki yake. Huyu raia wa tanzania akisimama peke yake tu, hana uwezo ule ule kama angekuwa ana simama na wengine.


tujifunze kutoka historia ya uchaguzi wa 1961


sasa mfano mmoja nautumia mwisho kabisa. Mwaka wa elfu moja tisa mia na siti na moja tulikuwa na uchaguzi mkuu. Akatupinga kijana wetu mmoja anaitwa herman sarwatt. Ndiyo, si ulikuwa uchaguzi wa vyama vingi? Tanu ilikuwa imechukua viti vingi bila kupingwa. Kiti cha mbulu tulikuwa tumemweka chief mmoja anaitwa chief amri dodo. Mwanàchama wetu mmoja alikuwa anaitwa herman sarwatt akasema. Alaa! Hiki chama changu hakina akili hata kidogo. Hawa viongozi wangu hawana, akili! Hawa machifu ndio zamani wakitaka kutufunga wakati tukigombana na mkoloni. Leo wanamchukua chief dodo aliyetaka kutufunga sisi ndiye awe mbunge wetu katika jimbo la mbulu?


sasa sisi tulikuwa tumekwisha kumchukua huyu kuwa ndiye mgombea rasmi wa tanu. Kijana yule akatupinga. Mimi nilitokea hapa mbeya na nikasafiri kutoka mbeya kwenda mbulu kumteiti yule mgombea wa tanu. Nikashindwa.


wananchi wa mbulu hawana uanachama tena, wengi tu wakasema "tanu wamekosea". Wakampa kura sarwatt. Wakafanya hivyo, mwanachama wa tanu akasimama mwenyewe akatushinda! Ilikuwa haki yake. Hatukuiondoa.


mimi nadhani kwamba kwa kuwa sasa tunarudisha vyama vingi, vile vile tunarudisha haki zote zile zilizokuwapo za raia pamoja na haki; siyo haki ya kuunda vyama bali pia wagombea binafsi kusimama kama sarwatt alivyofanya.

Click to expand...

Gama said:

Hotuba ya kwanza ya Mwalimu Julius Nyerere mara tu baada ya kuwa
Waziri Mkuu kufuatia ushindi wa TANU ambao ulikipa ridhaa chama hicho
kuunda Baraza la Kwanza la Mawaziri wa Serikali ya Tanganyika mwaka
1961 - Hatuna mkononi fedha walizonazo ndugu zetu wa Nigeria. Kwa kweli,elimu yetu iko nyuma zaidi kuliko Kenya na Uganda.

Click to expand...

Gama said:

Hotuba ya kwanza ya Mwalimu Julius Nyerere mara tu baada ya kuwa
Waziri Mkuu kufuatia ushindi wa TANU ambao ulikipa ridhaa chama hicho
kuunda Baraza la Kwanza la Mawaziri wa Serikali ya Tanganyika mwaka
1961.

Click to expand...

Gama said:

Utajiri wa Tanganyika, bado uko ardhini. Hatuanzi na akiba kubwa ya
fedha kama Ghana kwa mfano, iliyoanza nayo ilipopata uhuru wake.
Hatuna mkononi fedha walizonazo ndugu zetu wa Nigeria.

Sasa tunauondoa utajiri huo kwa kasi kubwa, huku watanzania walio wengi wakibaki masikini wa kutupwa.

Click to expand...

Mkandara said:

Yoote tisa kubwa kuliko yote nchi yetu ni ya MADAI - Tunadai tunadai tunadai hasa wasomi ktk nchi maskini ambayo hao wanaodai ndio unaotuongezea umaskini maana makabati yao hayajai na hayatajaa hivi karibuni. Nadhani mimi pengine ni mjamaa ktk hali hii..

Click to expand...