Islam’s role in Tanzania’s freedom struggle

Islam’s role in Tanzania’s freedom struggle

**mkuu chabusoumenifanya niende library na kutafuta habari za historia hii;

written by mohamed said;

islam’s role in tanzania’s freedom struggle

what is saddening about the history of tanganyika’s struggle for independence is the fact that, more than four decades after achieving freedom, that important period of the people’s resistance to foreign domination has yet to be written about.

the few attempts made so far to write that history have focused on hero worship and idolising nyerere.

what we thus have is a one-sided official history full of distortions and even half-truths.

meanwhile, vital documents and photographs of the times still remain in private hands and will soon be destroyed or lost for ever.

it is now 50 years since the tanganyika african national union made the historic decision in tabora in 1958to take part in the first general election to the legislative council under extremely discriminatory conditions — an ultimately wise decision that came to be known as uamuzi wa busara.

in that election, seats were contested not only along racial lines but also saw the locking out of candidates who did not have a formal education or were not employed in a recognised profession.

but what incensed the people most was the condition that africans would have to vote for a european, an asian and an african. Mohamed said’s new book tells the story of that election.

the conditions set by the colonial government seemed on the face of it unacceptable for tanu.

the conference deliberations in tabora, a small town in the then western province, threatened to split the party into two camps —moderates in favour of participating in the elections; and radicals calling for a total boycott.

but tanu and indeed nyerere survived an internal crisis that swiftly took on religious and racial undertones.

radicals like sheikh suleiman takadir, chairman of the tanu elders, and zuberi mtemvu, then tanu organising secretary, were all set to stage a coup against nyerere and take over the party.

and they would have succeeded were it not for the ingenuity of mwalimu and a group of tanu members from tanga handpicked by nyerere to confront the onslaught.

there are no existing records to give us an insight into nyerere’s own position on the tripartite voting nor is there any indication that he even discussed the issue at the headquarters privately with sheikh takadir and mtemvu, or close associates idd faiz, haidar mwinyimvua, dossa aziz, bibi titi mohamed and the tanu propagandist ramadhani mashado plantan, owner of the radical paper zuhra – nyererere’s mouthpiece. Indeed, it would seem nyerere played his cards close to his chest right up to the voting.

so, what was nyerere’s strategy — the one he never revealed even privately in later life?

the book attempts to solve this mystery through interviews with tanu veterans, fleshing out a picture of nyerere “riding” the wave of opposition within tanu and neutralising radicals like mtemvu and sheikh takadir.


That was the first test of his capabilities as a leader of a mass party and the young nyerere passed with flying colours.

The writer takes the reader through a labyrinth of intrigues, plots and counter plots that eventually led to tanu and nyerere triumphing in the tripartite voting over the tanganyika united party — a political grouping dominated by whites that had been cobbled together by the government to counter tanu.

Nyerere’s opponents resigned from tanu, with zuberi mtemvu forming the african national congress and ramadhani mashado plantan and a group of muslims forming the all muslim national union of tanganyika — raising the spectre of racial and religious conflict.

Mtemvu’s policy was africa for africans while plantan’s group wanted assurances about the future of muslims in free tanganyika.

These long forgotten players in tanganyika politics seem to live again in the pages of this book.

What said brings out, though, is how nyerere and tanzania weathered this delicate passage thanks to the many muslims patriots who remained committed to the original vision.

Said has moving stories to tell of patriotism and sacrifice.

There is the story of tanu stalwart mzee mshume kiyate, whose contribution as party financier and close friend of nyerere’s family has never been acknowledged.

Kiyate was a prominent fishmonger at kariakoo in dar es salaam when he met nyerere in early 1950s; he was to become friend and mentor to the young leader.

Also forgotten are patriots like said chamwenyewe, who presented tanu’s appeal to the united nations visiting missions to the mandate territories when it visited tanganyika in 1955.

Chamwenyewe had earlier mobilised the first tanu members from rufiji in 1954, visiting villages on a bicycle to campaign for tanu, collecting funds from members and turning the money over to tanu treasurer idd faiz mafongo without asking anything for himself. Nothing is today known about the fate of these people.

The book contains a number of rare photographs collected from private hands.

There are pictures of a young nyerere surrounded by muslims townsmen in kanzu and other paraphernalia — people like issa nassir, sheikh haidar mwinyimvua, mwinjuma mwinyikambi, jumbe tambaza, sheikh suleiman takadir, mshume kiyate, said chamwenyewe and many others.

There is one touching photograph of nyerere with mzee mshume kiyate taken soon after the army mutiny of january 20, 1964, showing mshume covering mwalimu with a piece of cloth traditionally worn by people from the coast known as “kitambi” or “msuli

the gesture was a show of support by tanu elders in the face of the mutiny that almost overthrew nyerere’s government. Mzee mshume died in the early 1970s, alone, poor and forgotten.


The book ventures into the uncharted terrain of islam as an ideology of colonial resistance, depicting the central role of muslims in the struggle against the british, a topic still considered a no-go zone in tanzania.

The writer portrays nyerere in a light unfamiliar even to his fervent admirers, narrates how during the tripartite voting campaigns the young leader participated in islamic rituals specifically conducted to safeguard him and the movement against enemies.

Mohamed said deserves kudos for documenting this important chapter in the history of nationalism in tanganyika.

He puts meat on the skeleton of tanu’s history in a book that, once you start reading, you will not put down until you get to the end.




i hate threads that comes in english. Especially tanzanian english
 
Nguruvi,
Kipo kisomo kingine alisomewa na Sheikh Mohamed Yusuf Badi Lindi mwaka 1956.

Kisomo kingine alifanyiwa Mnyanjani, Tanga mwaka 1958.
Hii ndiyo historia ya Nyerere na TANU.

Vipi Waislam wasijidai...
Jambo jema sana. Kuna mahali alisomewa kisomo akasema 'walichinja' Nyerere akasema 'mimi mkorofi korofi na mambo hayo' ilikuwa ni mambo gani? Hapa kidogo sikumpata Nyerere. Ilikuwa wapi.

Mohamed Said Ritz kahtaan THE BIG SHOW
 
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Waislamu hivi, Waislamu vile. Same story in all countries with a sizable number of Muslims. Hayo majina yote yaliyotajwa ukiacha Mwl. Nyerere ni ya kiislamu, lakini mnajaribu kutuaminisha kuwa hao walikuwa vibaraka wa Mwalimu. Hamna jipya.

Sent from my BlackBerry 9900 using JamiiForums
 
Mosi:Kabla hujauliza swali hakikisha umejibu swali au kutafuta mtu wa kujibu kama huna jibu

Pili:Kwani zile zilikuwa ni harakati za kidini au kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika?

Huwezi kuacha kuandika dini zilivyo play role katika harakati za kujitafutia madaraka ya Tanganyika, hebu pitia hapa kidogo:
When the People started to organize themselves in political entities during the British rule through various associations, Muslims in Dar es Salaam formed the African Association in 1929 and Jamiatul lslamiyya fi Tanganyika in 1933. Missionaries sensing these African organisations as organised African resistance against the colonial state warned Christians not to get themselves involved in any movements that were challenging the government.5 The church and state provided education to African Christians and denied it to majority Muslims. The two worked hand in hand to mould loyal subjects out of the educated Christians alienating them from the main stream of the struggle against British rule. Resistance against British colonialism was therefore left to Muslims and the struggle for independence and nationalist politics in Tan9anyika assumed strong Muslim characteristics.
 
i dont love kenyan english men. I love good english

Because you are a Whiteman, isn't it?
83610082.jpg

 
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Mchungaji Eiyer,

Hishma ikufikie Mkuu!

Najua umeitwa hapa na wachungwaji wako baada ya mambo kuwaendea mrama,lakini si unajua ndo mambo ya mnakasha, tafadhali jaribu kupitia huu mjadala kwa utuvu....ikiwezekana pitia post by post mpaka hapa tulipo!?

Hivyo visuali vyako viduchu mbona tayari vimeshajibiwa humu!?...kuna post humu Ngongo alijaribu kuuliza suali lenye msharaza kama huo wako,nae Sheikh Mohamed Said hakumwacha...akamjibu/akamdonoa kiduchu!

Ahsanta.

Kwanini hukukagua kilichonifanya nikauliza hilo swali?
Inawezekana ni kweli kuna mtu ameuliza swali kama hilo,lakini ni kitu gani kinakufanya ufikiri malengo ni yale yale?

Halafu inawezekana pia swali hilo halikujibiwa ipasavyo jambo ambalo litanifanya mimi na wengine kutaka majibu stahiki!

Tulia!
 
Eiyer,
Unaelekea wewe ni mgeni hapa barzani.
Hilo swali lishajibiwa siku nyingi sana.
Harakati za uhuru zilibebwa na Waislam na Uislam ndiyo ilikuwa itikadi
yenyewe.
Mh!
Kuna vitu sivielewi hapa
Harakati zilibebwa na Waislam na Uislam ulikuwa ndio itikadi yenyewe,sasa ikawaje wakahusika na wasiokuwa na itikadi hiyo na ikafikia "kuwadhulum" Waislam?
Ni nini lengo la Waislam kwenye hili na kwanini itikadi ilikuwa ni Uislam wakati walikua wanajua kuwa Tanganyika ni ya watu wenye imani tofautitofauti?

Walikua na mpango gani na nchi hii?
Ukitaka zaidi soma kitabu changu, ''Maisha na Nyakati za Abdulwahid Sykes...''
Kitabu kinapatikana Tanzania Publishing House na Ibn Hazim Media Centre Msikiti wa
Mtoro na Manyema.
Yoyote ambae hajakisoma kitabu chako akiona mijadala inayofanyika hapa atajua kilichomo!
 
Huwezi kuacha kuandika dini zilivyo play role katika harakati za kujitafutia madaraka ya Tanganyika, hebu pitia hapa kidogo:

Mimi nilikuwa nauliza kama zilikuwa ni harakati za kidini,maana yake ni kuwa hazikuwa harakati za kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika bali za kudai haki za kidini zilizokuwa hazipo

Dini fulani itadaije uhuru wa nchi na itikadi ya kudai huo uhuru iwe ni ya dini husika?
 
Nguruvi,
Kipo kisomo kingine alisomewa na Sheikh Mohamed Yusuf Badi Lindi mwaka 1956.

Kisomo kingine alifanyiwa Mnyanjani, Tanga mwaka 1958.
Hii ndiyo historia ya Nyerere na TANU.

Vipi Waislam wasijidai...
Jambo jema sana. Kuna mahali alisomewa kisomo akasema Nyerere akasema 'walichinja...mimi mkorofi korofi na mambo hayo' ilikuwa ni mambo gani? Hapa kidogo sikumpata Nyerere. Ilikuwa wapi na nini kilipeleka Nyerere akasema hayo?
Kumbu kumbu zangu zipo dhaifu kidogo naomba msaada.

Mohamed Said Ritz kahtaan THE BIG SHOW
 
Wewe baba upako! Mzee wa kupiga chabo wanawake wanao kaa vibaya!
Nimeshakwambia hili jukwaa huliwezi utakuja chafua mazingira hapa na hio elimu yako ya kata!
Rudi kule kwenye rusha roho!
Hebu tazama washiriki humu! Kila mmoja anajaribu kujenga hoja ndeefu za maana!
We utatuletea viswali vyako vya kijinga hapa vituharibie uzi!
Hebu toooka! Pepo mchafu we!
Au niseme ki upako!

PEPO SHINDWA KWA JIIIIIIIIIIINA LA PENGO!
teh teh teh teh teh! Mzee wa chabo!!

Ni kwanini kila unapoona nimechangia unapenda kuni-quote na kuleta kejeli?
Tena kejeli za kidini?

Kwanini hata usitumie akili yako ya kitoto kukagua kilichofanya niulize hilo swali?
 
Jambo jema sana. Kuna mahali alisomewa kisomo akasema Nyerere akasema 'walichinja...mimi mkorofi korofi na mambo hayo' ilikuwa ni mambo gani? Hapa kidogo sikumpata Nyerere. Ilikuwa wapi na nini kilipeleka Nyerere akasema hayo?
Kumbu kumbu zangu zipo dhaifu kidogo naomba msaada.

Mohamed Said Ritz kahtaan THE BIG SHOW
Ayatoola chamvinga unaweza kutusaidia kidogo
 
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Sheikh Mohamed Said hawa vikaragosi kama Eiyer wasikupotezee wakati wako!
Huyu hana ajualo zaidi ya kwenda kuimba kanisani na kunyweshwa damu ya bwana!
Kitu kingine nachokuomba ni kuwa hawa vinyangarika wengine wenye kutoa matusi wala huna haja ya kuwajibu kitu!
You have your reputations and honour and you have a lot to loose by talking to this lawless individuals!
Mimi sikuwakilishi hapa wala sisemi kwa niaba yako lkn yale mambo ya uswahilini niachie mimi na jamaa zangu wengine humu!
We tupe elimu tu! Manake sisi wengine tuna ihitaji kwa sana!
Ahsante.

Hongera sana wewe ulie na muda na hizi kashfa!
Huwezi kusema jambo bila kuizungumzia imani ya mtu sijui ukoje wewe!
 
Hapana The big, hujanisoma vizuri. Gari yangu ina indicator nzuri sana tatizo watu wanaangalia kwa macho ya kengeza tena wanaangalia full light teh teh

Nimesema mara nyingi Bakwata ilianzishwa na Nyerere kama counter attack dhidi ya makundi.
Nikasema Nyerere amenusurika mara nyingi kuondolewa uongozini kwasababu ya Ukristo.

Kwa muktadha huo mbegu ya Bakwata haikuanza mwaka 1967 bali utengnezaji wake ulifanywa na makundi hasimu kuanzia 1957 kwa mtindo ule ule analolaumiwa Nyerere. Alipotengwa ilikuwa haijambo , alipodhibiti makundi ikawa nongwa! jamani haya makengeza kwanini tusiyafanyie appointment CCBRT?

Nikasema baada ya kuundwa Bakwata, iliungwa mkono na waislam kwa kuiendesha wenyewe.
Nikasisitiza kama kulikuwa na remote control katika uendeshaji wake hilo ni jambo jingine.

Mwisho nikasema hata MoHamed Said aliwahi kuwa ndani ya Bwakata hivyo tatizo si Bakwata kama chombo ni viongozi wa Bakwata. Nikaishia kutanabaisha kuwa ulua na maslahi ndio chanzo cha kuipa nguvu Bakwata ambayo ilianzishwa kudhibiti makundi yaliyoleta vurugu za kichini chini ya akina Amir na Platan

Makundi hayo bado watoto wao wapo na wajukuu! nikasema JK na Mwinyi walipaswa kuliona hilo lakini wameikumbatia. Hii maana yake Bakwata haikuundwa kuwadhibiti waislam bali makundi na hatari hiyo wameiona waungwana.

Nimeuliza iweje Machame na Mkuranga watofautiane katika mazingira yale yale ya kudhibitiwa 'Uislam' kama hilo lilikuwa lengo?



Kwahiyo Kikwete na mwinyi kwa mujibu wa maelezo yake wamechaguliwa kwenda ikulu kuwatetea waislamu? Kama wanatekeleza majukumu yao kikatiba kwanini humtaji Mkapa kuiondoa Bakwata?
 
Jambo jema sana. Kuna mahali alisomewa kisomo akasema Nyerere akasema 'walichinja...mimi mkorofi korofi na mambo hayo' ilikuwa ni mambo gani? Hapa kidogo sikumpata Nyerere. Ilikuwa wapi na nini kilipeleka Nyerere akasema hayo?
Kumbu kumbu zangu zipo dhaifu kidogo naomba msaada.

Mohamed Said Ritz kahtaan THE BIG SHOW @Chamvinga
Remote na Wickama mnaweza kusaidia kidogo naona jamvi limeingia baridi.

Mimi nilijizuia kabisa nikasema busara zinaniongoza nisimwage mtama.
Sijui yametokea wapi mungu akaleta neema zake watu wakafungulia njiwa kabla ya mtama.
Nimekuwa sina budi sasa, maana njiwa wanalia nje mimi nina mtama kwanini niufiche tena?

Niliahidi kuwa nikiumwaga mtama ni ule wa Dodoma una vumbi watu watakung'uta jamvi, hapatakalika!!
 
Untold story...
People need to know about this

Zamboni,

Untold Story indeed...''The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 - 1968)
The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika''
Minerva Press, London 1998.
 
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