Jaribio la kutaka kuiangusha serikali ya Nyerere 1982/1983

Wabishi na Wanapropaganda hebu someni huu ushuhuda wa askari aliyekuwepo kwenye hilo seke seke la 1964: allAfrica.com: Tanzania: Col Kashmiri Puts 1964 Army Mutiny in Perspective (Page 1 of 3)

Yericko Nyerere said:

Hivi historia hutengenezwa au hujitengeneza?

Mheshimiwa kama unakijua kitu na kipo akilini mwako huku ukizima wanaotaka kujua kwakuwaita hawajii huo ni uhaini wa fikra huru!

Unadiriki kuzorotesha machipuzi huru bila kusadifu kilicho chema cha kichwani mwako!

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Kuna mtu kuandika imani yake na matamanio yake na kuyafanya yawe historia. Katika Tanzania hayajawahi kutokea Mapinduzi ya kijeshi. Hilo la kwanza.

La pili kile ambacho tunakiita kwa Kiswahili "maasi ya jeshi" kwa kweli hayakuwa maasi ya "jeshi" kwa maana ya "armed rebellion". Wanajeshi wetu hawakuinua silaha zao dhidi ya watawala wa kisiasa ili kuwaondoa madarakani. Kilichotokea (na Kwa Kiingereza kinatumia neno zuri la kitalaamu" kinaitwa "mutiny". Utaona karibu maandishi yote ya kihistoria hayaelezei kile kilichotokea kuwa ni "military rebellion" bali "army mutiny". Mutiny ni aina ya uasi ambapo kikundi cha watu waliokuwa kwenye amri au chini ya mtu fulani wanaamua kukataa kutii amri hiyo na hata kureplace. Hii inatumiwa sana kwa mfano kwenye meli, au jeshini ambapo maaskari wanakataa kutii amri za mkubwa wao kijeshi.

Sasa "mutiny" inaweza kabisa kufikisha kwenye rebellion ambapo kundi kubwa zaidi la wanajeshi linaamua kuchukua silaha na kuanza harakati za kupinga serikali. Lakini kama mutiny inatokea mara moja na uasi wa kijeshi unatokea mara moja na kuharakisha kuwaondoa watawala walioko madarakani kinachotokea ni mapinduzi. Mapinduzi hata hivyo si lazima yafanywe na wanajeshi. Na kwa kawaida sana "mutiny" inazungumzia mambo ya kijeshi kwa mfano raia hawawezi kudaiwa kufanya "mutiny" japo wanaweza kuanzisha uasi dhidi ya watawala.

Uhaini kwa upande mwingine siyo mutiny (japo kosa la mutiny linaweza kuingizwa kwenye uhaini). Uhaini ni ile kula njama ya kutaka kuiondoa serikali halali madarakani kwa kutumia njia zisizo za kidemokrasia au kwa hata kutumia nguvu. Yaliyotokea katika kesi mbili za uhaini (ya kina Bi. Titi na baadaye ya miaka 1980s) ni uhaini kwa maana ya kwamba kulikuwa na madai ya watu waliokuwa wanajaribu kula njama. Sasa uhaini unaweza kufanywa na raia si lazima awe askari. Na katika nchi yetu kosa kubwa zaidi dhidi ya Jamhuri ni uhaini na huu unaweza kufanyika dhidi ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa TAnzania na si dhidi ya Zanzibar.

Narudia hakujawahi kuwepo Mapinduzi dhidi ya serikali ya Nyerere. Kumewahi kuwepo uasi (mutiny) ya kikundi cha wanajeshi dhidi ya maafisa wao (siyo dhidi ya Nyerere - of course wakitumwa ujumbe kwa wanasiasa kuwa mambo hayakuwa sawa jeshini) na kumewahi kuwepo na njama za uhaini (kumpindua).

Lakini watu wengine wanafikiria kwenda kumficha Nyerere wakati nchi ina utata lilikuwa jambo la ajabu. NI labda kutttokujua tu. Wakati Marekani inashambuliwa Septemba 11, 2001 Rais Bush aliondoka Florida na kwenda "kusikojulikana" akifichwa angani kwa muda hadi wajue nini kinaendelea hasa kwa vile kulikuwa na tuhuma za ndege kuelekea Ikulu ya DC. Sasa kama taifa kubwa na tena mwaka 2001 linamficha Rais wake "at undisclosed location' sisi ka nchi ka Tanganyika mlitaka Nyerere ajitokeze au akae Ikulu pale anakunywa chai kwa ajili ya nini?

Hata leo hii ikitokea kuna watu wanatishia Ikulu msidhani Kikwete ataenda kupiga nao soga na kuanza "ndugu zangu..." watamkimbiza kwenda kumficha (na mipango hiyo ipo na mahali pa kumpeleka papo).

Hivi kama Kambona angetaka kuchukua nchi 1964 si angechukua - hebu turejee maelezo haya kutoka vyanzo tofauti:

"He played the main role in the army mutiny of 1964 and was quoted in the obituary in the Daily Telegraph as saying "After I had calmed down the soldiers I went to fetch the other leaders (who had been in hiding) in my Landrover to bring them back to the city". Mwalimu Nyerere praised him for his bravery" - Tanzanian Affairs » OBITUARIES

"At about 10 the following morning, he says, they saw Mr Oscar Kambona, then the Minister of State - Defence, who read out something which he thought was what the government had agreed to meet the soldiers' demands" - allAfrica.com: Tanzania: Col Kashmiri Puts 1964 Army Mutiny in Perspective (Page 2 of 3)

"He was a shining star in the constellation of Tanganyikan (later Tanzanian) politicians and it was widely believed that he would be the next president of the country if Nyerere no longer ran for office or stepped down for whatever reason. His stature as Nyerere's heir apparent or successor was enhanced when, as defence minister, he calmed down soldiers who could have overthrown the government. That was during the army mutiny in January 1964 when President Nyerere and Vice President Rashidi Kawawa were taken to a safe place by the members of the intelligence service in case the soldiers wanted to harm them. It was Oscar Kambona, alone, who confronted the soldiers and negotiated with them. He drove himself to the army barracks to talk to the army mutineers and listen to their demands. The soldiers wanted their salaries increased and British army officers replaced by African officers" - Oscar Kambona - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Companero said:

Mkuu give credit where it is due, Kambona ndiye aliyemsaidia Nyerere. Na ndio maana tunasisitiza kuwa hawa walikuwa washikaji hadi Nyerere akawa ndiye aliyemtoa bibi harusi wa Kambona siku ya harusi yake. Picha zipo zimejaa tele kwenye gazeti la Drum mlilolifungia!

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Companero,
Nakubali Nyerere na Kambona walikuwa marafiki wa karibu. Hata alipotembelea Uingereza wakati Kambona ni mwanafunzi Mwalimu alilala chumba cha Kambona. Pia nakubalia Mwalimu alimtoa bibi harusi wakati wa ndoa ya Kambona, lakini sikubali kuwa Kambona alimficha Mwalimu. Ninachojua ni kwamba Kambona hakujua Mwalimu amejificha wapi na only person aliyekuwa na habari alikuwa ni Kawawa.

Companero.. kuna baadhi ya vitu ambavyo vimekuwa ni sehemu ya 'myths' za Kambona. Kambona ndiye alikuwa Waziri wa Ulinzi wakati maasi yanatokea. Lilikuwa jukumu la nani kuwatuliwa maaskari au kukutana nao? Leo tumeona madaktari wanagoma nani anaenda - Waziri wa Afya; tumeona mgogoro wa raia na polisi nani anaenda - Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani. Maasi yale (mutiny) yalikuwa ni maasi yaliyohusiana sana na suala la ajira na hali za kazi mambo ambayo yalikuwa ndani ya waziri wa ulinzi - Oscar Kambona.

Lakini kinyume na watu wanavyosema Kambona asingeweza kuchukua urais wakati Nyerere yuko mafichoni. Hakuwa na uwezo wa kuwa Rais na wala hakuwa amejenga ile 'political clout' dhidi ya popular figure like Nyerere. Watu wengi wanachosahau ni kuwa Nyerere alijitokeza siku mbili baadaye na kutembea katikati ya jiji la Dar kukagua hali ilivyokuwa na kuonesha kuwa alikuwa na uwezo dhidi ya jeshi - alilivunja.

Kikwete ajaribu kuvunja sungusungu leo...

Mzee Mwanakijiji said:

Companero.. kuna baadhi ya vitu ambavyo vimekuwa ni sehemu ya 'myths' za Kambona. Kambona ndiye alikuwa Waziri wa Ulinzi wakati maasi yanatokea. Lilikuwa jukumu la nani kuwatuliwa maaskari au kukutana nao? Leo tumeona madaktari wanagoma nani anaenda - Waziri wa Afya; tumeona mgogoro wa raia na polisi nani anaenda - Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani. Maasi yale (mutiny) yalikuwa ni maasi yaliyohusiana sana na suala la ajira na hali za kazi mambo ambayo yalikuwa ndani ya waziri wa ulinzi - Oscar Kambona.

Lakini kinyume na watu wanavyosema Kambona asingeweza kuchukua urais wakati Nyerere yuko mafichoni. Hakuwa na uwezo wa kuwa Rais na wala hakuwa amejenga ile 'political clout' dhidi ya popular figure like Nyerere. Watu wengi wanachosahau ni kuwa Nyerere alijitokeza siku mbili baadaye na kutembea katikati ya jiji la Dar kukagua hali ilivyokuwa na kuonesha kuwa alikuwa na uwezo dhidi ya jeshi - alilivunja.

Kikwete ajaribu kuvunja sungusungu leo...

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Lakini pia kuna myths dhidi ya Kambona, aisie pitia tena makala na mapicha ya Drum magazine ya enzi hizo (kumbuka Nyerere alikuja kulifungia Tanzania) - Kambona was way too popular, kuna sehemu nilizipiga picha hizo picha ngoja nizitafute!

Jasusi said:

Companero,
Nakubali Nyerere na Kambona walikuwa marafiki wa karibu. Hata alipotembelea Uingereza wakati Kambona ni mwanafunzi Mwalimu alilala chumba cha Kambona. Pia nakubalia Mwalimu alimtoa bibi harusi wakati wa ndoa ya Kambona, lakini sikubali kuwa Kambona alimficha Mwalimu. Ninachojua ni kwamba Kambona hakujua Mwalimu amejificha wapi na only person aliyekuwa na habari alikuwa ni Kawawa.

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Kawawa yeye hakujificha?

Companero,
Ni kweli kwamba kama Kambona angetaka kuchukua nchi angeweza lakini kumbuka kwamba a. waliaonzisha mutiny hawakuwa wafuasi wake na kwa hiyo hakuwa na base ndani ya jeshi na b. hakujua Nyerere amejificha/amefichwa wapi.

Companero said:

Kawawa yeye hakujificha?

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Hapana. Kawawa hakujificha. Lakini aliadimika. Paul Bomani alipigwa makofi na wanajeshi usoni.

Companero said:

Lakini pia kuna myths dhidi ya Kambona, aisie pitia tena makala na mapicha ya Drum magazine ya enzi hizo (kumbuka Nyerere alikuja kulifungia Tanzania) - Kambona was way too popular, kuna sehemu nilizipiga picha hizo picha ngoja nizitafute!

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Companero.. hilo halina ubishi kabisa; Kambona was SECOND to Nyerere kwa umaarufu katika Tanganyika. He was only SECOND.. ni sawasawa na jamaa fulani aliyewahi kuwa Waziri Mkuu akajiuzulu kwa kashfa.. bado amebakia kuwa maarufu sana. Binafsi ninaamini kabisa to be fair to history Kambona should have been restored kama walivyokuja kuwa restored wengine (Tumbo, Fundikira n.k). Of course.. kuna mambo ambayo aliyafanya baadaye uhamishoni ambayo kwa kweli yalitokana na machuungu.

Pitia nyaraka za CIA kabla ya 1964 utaona walivyokuwa wameprofile Kambona.. he was reckless na kuwa alipenda sana kupendwa... (hii ilikuwa ni kabla ya kukosana na Nyerere). Nafasi yake kihistoria inatahiji kurudishwa. Hatuwezi leo kuzungumzia Muungano bila kumzungumzia Kambona; Kambona mwenyewe nakumbuka alikuwa anamtambulisha Nyerere kama Baba wa Taifa.. this was way kabla hawa watawala wa sasa walivyojaribu kulifuta hilo hadi tulipowakemea..

Rejea mada hii: https://www.jamiiforums.com/great-t...baba-wa-taifa-;-hotuba-yake-tuliyoisahau.html

Historia ya Kambona bado haijaandikwa. Bintiye naona bado anasuasua. Watanzania tunazembea. Mzungu huyu kaivalia njuga:

Oscar Kambona: A Life in Nationalism and Exile

I am proposing to write a short book (70,000 words) on the life and political career of Oscar Kambona, a prominent Tanzanian politician. This book will be read by those interested in African nationalism and liberation politics, as well as historians of Africa and political exile. Oscar Kambona (1928-97) was the second most important political figure in Tanzania after Julius Nyerere, the founder of the country"s nationalist movement and its first president from 1962 to 1985. Kambona became widely known as the most effective political actor besides Nyerere, who not only ran the day-to-day business of the main nationalist party (TANU) as its general secretary, but also became Foreign Minister after the country"s independence in 1961 and, crucially, chairman of the Organization of African Unity"s African Liberation Committee, which coordinated money and arms to deserving African liberationist parties then fighting against the white-dominated governments of southern Africa. Kambona, however, fell out with Nyerere after the latter visited China in 1965 and returned determined to implement a Maoist national strategy in the form of ujamaa or African socialism, which involved nationalization of all large businesses and the collectivization of agriculture. This opposition led him to flee the country in exile to London, where he would remain from 1967 until his return in 1992. In this book, I use the life of Oscar Kambona to introduce readers to key themes of African history since independence in (roughly) the early 1960s: the possibilities and limitations of formal political opposition; the role of militarized liberation movements in national politics; the experience of political exile and hopes of return in post-imperial London; the idea of treason and the role of law in the post-colonial state; the highly international character of both African socialism and opposing movements that champion private property and liberalization; the role of intelligence agencies in determining both political loyalties and legal evidence; and finally the role of one individual"s personality, judgment, and energy to shape political structures often taken to be either beyond the reach of individual agency, or alternatively the straightforward product of a chosen leader"s national vision. I envision a book of five chapters, arranged chronologically but each having its specific theme.

Research Board Award

Wagefanikiwa

Companero said:

Historia ya Kambona bado haijaandikwa. Bintiye naona bado anasuasua. Watanzania tunazembea. Mzungu huyu kaivalia njuga:

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unajua kitu cha kwanza ambacho academics wetu wangepigania ni kufunguliwa kwa classified materials ambazo zilikuwa zinazuiwa hadi ipite miaka 30. Karibu nyaraka zote za kati ya 1961 hadi sasa zimeshapita huo muda na zinatakiwa kisheria ziwekwe huru kwa wasomi kupitia. Nyaraka zote kuhusiana na uhuru, mapinduzi, muungano, n.k .. vinatakiwa viwe kwenye public domain sasa. But.. I said our academics.. sijui kama bado wapo...

Mzee Mwanakijiji said:

unajua kitu cha kwanza ambacho academics wetu wangepigania ni kufunguliwa kwa classified materials ambazo zilikuwa zinazuiwa hadi ipite miaka 30. Karibu nyaraka zote za kati ya 1961 hadi sasa zimeshapita huo muda na zinatakiwa kisheria ziwekwe huru kwa wasomi kupitia. Nyaraka zote kuhusiana na uhuru, mapinduzi, muungano, n.k .. vinatakiwa viwe kwenye public domain sasa. But.. I said our academics.. sijui kama bado wapo...

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Joan Wickens, yule msaidizi wa Nyerere, nasikia nyaraka zake kazipiga embargo (kama sikosei) ya miaka 50!

Yalikua maasi ya wanajeshi sio mapinduzi.yalizimwa na jeshi la uingereza.kuna kitabu cha paulo sozigwa,kama sikosei alikua mwandishi wa rais ndo kimeelezea vizuri hatua kwa hatua kuhusu kilichotokea.ukitafuta library waweza kukipata.

Safi mkuu, hapa sasa umefunguka vema na kutanua wigo wa mjadala huru!

Hapa linakuja tena suala la KAMBONA..
Huyu jamaa alikua waziri wa ulinzi au mambo ya ndani kama sikosei.. Nini kilichopelekea hasa kukosana na NYERERE au ni mtafaruku wa sera ya ujamaa na sera za kibepari za enzi hizo??

Mzee Mwanakijiji said:

unajua kitu cha kwanza ambacho academics wetu wangepigania ni kufunguliwa kwa classified materials ambazo zilikuwa zinazuiwa hadi ipite miaka 30. Karibu nyaraka zote za kati ya 1961 hadi sasa zimeshapita huo muda na zinatakiwa kisheria ziwekwe huru kwa wasomi kupitia. Nyaraka zote kuhusiana na uhuru, mapinduzi, muungano, n.k .. vinatakiwa viwe kwenye public domain sasa. But.. I said our academics.. sijui kama bado wapo...

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Hili suala la kutunzwa kwa classified documents mpaka miaka 30 ipite ni la kisheria au ni watawala wameamua kuweka ili kulinda mambo yao???
Je nchi nyingine zina utaratibu huu au ni hapa hapa BONGO tuu

Yericko Nyerere said:

Saf mkuu, hapa sasa umefunguka vema na kutanua wigo wa mjadala huru!

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Kwa hiyo mkuu Lengo la ule uasi haikua kuchukua nafasi ya urais wa mwalimu ila ilikua kma kamgomo fulani kakudai maslahi mazuri pamoja na vyeo???
Kwa nini sasa wa nigeria waje kulinda amani kwa almost one year kama hali haikua tete kihivyo mpaka mwalimu aliweza kuzunguka mitaani dar es salaam kabla ya officially kutokea publicly??