Buchanan,
Nadhani mnawekeza juhudi kubomoa hata future yenu wenyewe kwa ushabiki tu. Hoja yako ni nyepesi sana kuijibu, na sioni Lissu akishindwa kuijibu vile vile.
Kinachotazamwa hapa is our desire:
1. For a constitutional government and a fair administration ambayo inatawala kwa mujibu wa, na kufuatana na sheria.
2. For the laws themselves kuwa JUST, FAIR and EQUITABLE.
Hoja yetu (mkipenda tuite wachache) ni kwamba TANU na baadae CCM has breached both conditions above. Katika hili, Shivji nae analizungumzia in "let the people speak: Tanzania Down the road to neo-liberalism(1995, page 95) kwamba:
If one is to judge by the standards of constitutionality, which are proclaimed today, our union has hardly had a constitutional government for the last thirty years. there were so many major breaches - including surreptitious manipulations of the constitution - that in reality we did not live by our constitution. We even forgot to swear by it. We, at the Hill, stopped teaching Constitutional Law in 1971 o 1972!
Kuna haja pia ukaelewa kwamba katiba isn't simply a legal document, bali its also a political document. Kimsingi, its a political document than a legal document. Lazima kwanza iwe na political legitimacy kabla ya kuwa enacted into law. Lakini kabla haijapata political legitimacy na kustahili obedience and loyalty ya watawala na watawaliwa, lazima ipatikane kwa consensus ndani ya jamii. That's what a constitution is all about, umuhimu wake wa kuwa na "political legitimacy", sio legalities and technicalities as the primary motive.
Pamoja na Katiba ya sasa kukosa sifa zote hizi,lakini haina maana kwamba serikali ya TANU na CCM ilikosa uhalali wa kutawala. Uhalali ulikuwepo lakini chanzo chake hakikuwa Katiba ya nchi bali:
1. Charisma and integrity ya Mwalimu.
2. Azimio la Arusha lililolenga kumwinua mwananchi.
3. Na mafanikio ya TANU katika kupigania wanyonge ndani na nje ya nchi.
Hizi ndio factors au sources zilizoipa CCM uhalali wa kutawala, kuunda serikali, kukamata dola, na kuendesha shughuli zote za kijamii, kisiasa na kiuchumi. Lakini kwa bahati mbaya, all these sources of legitimacy zimeporomoka, CCM imeziua yenyewe, ndio maana sasa katika mazingira ya leo, the only source of legitimacy kwa ccm au chama chochote kutawala ni Katiba ya nchi itayo tokana na maoni ya wengi. Period.
Tukirudi kwenye hoja yako ya msingi inayo hoji vyeti vya Lissu, kazi na Lissu n.k, tuchukulie mfano wa Afrika ya Kusini. Kwa miaka mingi (wakati wote wa ubaguzi wa rangi), serikali ya makaburu ilidai kwamba inatawala kwa mujibu wa katiba. In the process, kina mandela, tambo, sisulu na wengine bado walisoma, walifanya kazi za uwakili kutetea wenzao weusi chini ya katiba na sheria zile zile za makaburu, walikamatwa na kufungwa kwa sheria zile zile, na hatimaye wakaachiwa huru, katiba mpya ikaandikwa, na uhuru kupatikana. Je hali ya Lissu na wanaharakati wote hawafanani na hali hii ya Mandela? Je kina Mandela walijikaanga na mafuta yao wenyewe?
Mwalimu Nyerere alisoma chini ya sheria za mkoloni, akatumia mfumo wao kufanikisha harakati nyingi za uhuru, na akaja kupinga mfumo huo huo kwa hoja kwamba haukuwa mfumo halali, na matokeo yake, elimu, uzoefu na mafanikio ya Mwalimu chini ya mfumo na utawala wa mkoloni hayakubadilika kwa sababu tu alikuja pingana na mfumo huo, na alipoingia tu madarakani, akaibadili Katiba na pia mfumo uliomlea, mwelimisha, na kumfikisha siku ile ya uhuru wa Tanganyika. Je Mwalimu Nyerere alijikaanga na mafuta yake mwenyewe?
Turejee kwenye mfano wa Afrika ya Kusini. During apartheid, kwa makaburu, wao, a constitutional government simply meant that the government was following the letter of the constitution and the law. Na hii pia ilikuwa ni hoja ya muda mrefu ya CCM katika kupinga haja ya Katiba mpya. Lakini kwa makaburu (na pia ccm sasa), it became obvious kwamba the pre-requisite of a constitutional governmment ni kwamba the constitution and the laws themselves have to be just, fair, and equitable. Sio tu kwamba serikali ikifuata katiba na sheria bila ya kujali kama sheria ni just, fair and equitable basi serikali hiyo ijulikane kwamba ni halali kikatiba. Legitimacy inakuja iwapo katiba ni just, fair and equitable kwa maoni ya walio wengi (wananchi), ambao ndio msingi wa katiba.
Iwapo hili halikuwa a prerequisite, basi serikali ya Makaburu ingeendelea kuwa moja ya constitutional governments in the world - kwani katiba ya kikaburu followed the letter of the constitution and the law. Lakini ingekuwa ni upuuzi kuwaambia wapiganaji wa ANC kwamba they should strictly follow and respect the law. Kama ANC wangefanya hivyo, basi wasingeweza kuanzisha harakati for their right to self determination ambayo ilikuwa denied by the constitutional and legal order ya wakati ule.
Katika muktadha wa Tundu Lissu, same applies - harakati za Tanganyika zinalenga our right to self determination ambayo ipo denined by the current constitutional and legal order.
Nirudie kusema tena:
Mzee Mandela alisoma katika mfumo alioupinga, akafanya kazi za sheria katika mfumo huo huo, akakamatwa na kufungwa kwa kupinga mfumo ule, miaka 27 baadae akatolewa jela na taifa likaandika katiba mpya na kuupata uhuru. Mandela akawa rais wa kwanza mzalendo. Leo mandela ni shujaa na mfano wa kuigwa kwa kila mwanadamu duniani. Je, unataka kutuambia kwamba Mandela alijikaanga kwa mafuta yake mwenyewe? Kumbuka hata yeye alikuwa mwanasheria aliyepinga katiba na mfumo wa kikaburu, na alipata upeo huo baada ya kusoma katika mfumo ule ule na kufanya kazi katika mfumo ule ule.
Buchanan, ebu tuache masihara. Tuungane na Lissu kuinzidua Tanganyika.
Tanzania Kwanza, Tanganyika Kabla.
Cc
Nguruvi3
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