Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar na kero zake: Je, tuuvunje?

[Jembajemba]

kichuguu,

MAGOVI was a racial slur towards people of African descent in ZNZ. Kama ingelikuwa ni utani kwa mtu yeyote asiyetahiri basi, ungesikia Waingereza/Wazungu wakiitwa magovi pia. After all, btn Mzungu na Mwafrika, nadhani it the former ambao wamekubuhu kwa kutokutahiri.

Nadhani utani ule ulikuwepo kati ya waafrika wenyewe sio kati ya waafrika na wazungu.

Je mtu kuitwa Govi ndio sababu ya kumfanya umuuwe mwenzako?

 

[Mtu wa Pwani]

kwa kweli utani zanzibar ni jambo la kawaida kama sehemu nyengine yeyote kule.

baada ya mapinduzi utani uleiendelea, watu wabara walikuwa wakitaniwa na watu wa zanzibar wakiitwa wavuka maji, wakavirondo, waja na mwenge, machogo, wanyamwezi na lukuki.

ilikuwa ni matani ya kawaida sana na aliewahi kuishi unguja anayajua hayo sana.

vile vile wakati wa siasa matani yalirudi tena CUF waliitwa makafu kojo na CCM wakaitwa mabunju. sasa hili tusilitanue ikawa issue.


issue je mapinduzi yalikuwa na ulazima?

 

[Kichuguu]

Bado ninaweka pamoja makala yangu kuhusu jambop hili; jana niliingiliwa na lile jibu la waziri mkuu nikaanza kuliandikia lakini sikumaliza. Vile vile siku hizi kazini kwangu ninapewa maboksi mengi yanimaliza nguvu kiasi kuwa uandishi wangu umekuwa polepole sana.

(1) Ukweli ni kuwa Zanzibar ilikuwa na vyama vitatu halali. Bila kuangalia demorgraphy ya wanachama wa kila chama, kinachotakiwa ni kuangalia kama vyama hivyo vilikuwa halali. Ni kama ambavyo leo hii kuna vyama kama UDP ambavyo vina wanachama wengi kutoka makabila fulani tu, lakini huwezi kusema kuwa siyo chama halali. Kwa msingi huo, ZPPP, ZNP na ASP vilikuwa vyama halali ingawa ASP ilikuwa inapokea hata watu ambao hawakuwa wazanzibari.

(2) Uchaguzi ulioipa ZPPP/ZNP ushindi ulikuwa ni uchaguzi wa kidemokrasi uliofanyika katika misingi iliyokubwalia na vyama vyote. Vyama vyote vilishiriki katika mkutano wa katiba kule Lancaster house na vyote vilikubaliana kuhusu uchaguzi huo. Kama ASP ilidhani kuwa muundo wa majimbo ya uchaguzi haukuwa halali, walitakiwa waliseme hilo wakati wa mkutano ule na kuomba majimbo yagawanywe upya. Kwa hiyo uchaguzi ule ulikuwa halali kabisa na wala hakukuwa na uonevu wa aina yoyote.

(3) Je mapinduzi yale yalikuwa ni hahali? Hapana. Mapinduzi yale yalifanyika katika siku 33 tu tangu serikali iliyochaguliwa kihalali ya ZNP/ZPPP ianze kazi zake. Wangeiachia muda angalau wa mwaka mmoja ndipo waone kama serikali hiyo ilikuwa ya kibaguzi kama wanavyodai. In fact kwa vile ASP nayo ilikuwamo serikalini, ingetumia njia za kikatiba kudai mabadiliko ya katiba ili kuleta mabadiliko waliyotaka bila kuuwa watu wengi namna ile.

 

[MzalendoHalisi]

(3) Je mapinduzi yale yalikuwa ni hahali? Hapana. Mapinduzi yale yalifanyika katika siku 33 tu tangu serikali iliyochaguliwa kihalali ya ZNP/ZPPP ianze kazi zake. Wangeiachia muda angalau wa mwaka mmja ndipo waone kama serikali hiyo ilikuwa ya kibaguzi kama wanavyodai. Ina fact kwa vile ASP nayo ilikuwamo serikalini, ingetumia njia za kikatiba kudai mabadiriko ya katiba ili kuleta mabadiriko waliyotaka bila kuuwa watu wengi namna ile.[/QUOTE]

Kichuguu,
Jambo moja naomba ufafanuzi- katika ile serikali kabla ya mapinzuzi- nani alikuwa na madaraka ya mwisho katika maamuzi? Serikali au Sultani? Sultani alikuwa na role ipi- na je Wanzanzibari walimpenda? Was he the head of state?
Maana yangu hata kama mapinduzi haya yangefanyika angalau mwaka 1 hata 2 baada ya uhuru je ingeleta tofauti gani? Kama mapinduzi yale yalikuwa ni kumwondoa sultani- naona waliamua wasicheleweshe mambo, kwani walishaona nchi zingine za Afrika tayari zina uhuru na wana majority rule! Waliona kuwa wansasalitiwa au wanapewa uhuru kiini macho.

 

[Kichuguu]

Uingereza ni nchi iliyotawaliwa kwa mfumo wa monarchy kwa miaka yote. Kwa hiyo kila walipokuwa wakitoa uhuru kwa makoloni yao walikuwa wanayaacha katika mfumo huo wa monarchy chini ya malkia hadi hapo nchi hiyo inapodai kuwa jamhuri. Hata hivyo kwa upande wa Zanzibar, waliiacha katika mfumo wa monarchy chini ya sultan ambaye hakuwa na power yoyote juu ya mwenendo wa serikali. Serikali ingeweza kubadilisha katiba bila kuhitaji ridhaa yoyote ya sultani.

 

[Jembajemba]

Kichuguu,
Jambo moja naomba ufafanuzi- katika ile serikali kabla ya mapinzuzi- nani alikuwa na madaraka ya mwisho katika maamuzi? Serikali au Sultani? Sultani alikuwa na role ipi- na je Wanzanzibari walimpenda? Was he the head of state?
Maana yangu hata kama mapinduzi haya yangefanyika angalau mwaka 1 hata 2 baada ya uhuru je ingeleta tofauti gani? Kama mapinduzi yale yalikuwa ni kumwondoa sultani- naona waliamua wasicheleweshe mambo, kwani walishaona nchi zingine za Afrika tayari zina uhuru na wana majority rule! Waliona kuwa wansasalitiwa au wanapewa uhuru kiini macho

.

Halisi,

ni suali zuri sana, take 5

 

[Jembajemba]

Uingereza ni nchi iliyotawaliwa kwa mfumo wa monarchy kwa miaka yote. Kwa hiyo kila walipokuwa wakitoa uhuru kwa makoloni yao walikuwa wanayaacha katika mfumo huo wa monarchy chini ya malkia hadi hapo nchi hiyo inapodai kuwa jamhuri. Hata hivyo kwa upande wa Zanzibar, waliiacha katika mfumo wa monarchy chini ya sultan ambaye hakuwa na power yoyote juu ya mwenendo wa serikali. Serikali ingeweza kubadilisha katiba bila kuhitaji ridhaa yoyote ya sultani.

Ahsante mzee wa Nguchiro,

Mimi niliwahi kusema huko nyuma kuwa Karume na wenzake walikuwa na uchu wa kuongoza Serikali tu (Uchu wa madaraka) nawala sio jengine, hiyo ya kumuondosha Sultan ilikuwa ni sababu tu ya kuhalalisha matakwa yao. Hii inadhihirisha wazi pale alipofanya mapinduzi ya pili ya kuwaondosha wale aliokuwa anahisi ni tishio kwa serikali yake (akina Omar Sharif, Hanga and et al).

 

[Mkandara]

Jembajemba,
Mzee wangu nadhani hukunielewa toka mwanzo kwa sababu ktk swala hili kuna vitu viwili muhimu sana vinaingiliana. Kwanza ni Sultan mwarabu (OMAN) ambaye alikuwa mtawala wa taifa la weusi (AFRICA)!
Pili, ni raia wake ambao walikuwa mchanganyiko wa waafrika, waarabu na wahindi.
Kwa hiyo nakuomba unielewe kwamba napozungumzia mapinduzi sizungumzii kabisa swala la Utengano wowote wa asili kati ya wananchi wake.

Ni jambo la kawaida kabisa kuona Wazanzibar wenye asili ya kiarabu wakitetea ufalme wa Sultan ambaye aliwapa hadhi kubwa kuliko wale wenye asili ya Kihindi na Kiafrika, na tofauti kama hizi ndizo huleta Ubaguzi tena unaweza kuwa mbaya zaidi ikiwa utawala unakumbatia tofauti hizi.
Sasa basi ndio maana nasema kwamba Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar yalikuwa muhimu sana kwani chini ya Sultan, sijui Zanzibar hii ya leo ingekuwa vipi! hasa baada ya nchi kama South Afrika na Rhodesia kupata uhuru wao wa bandia na kuweka mfumo wa Apartheid!... Hizi ni tatu tu nazifahamu ambazo zilitangaza uhuru wao wakiwa bado chini ya mkoloni sasa sintategemea mema ya kusema wangeacha Hizbu itawale hata kwa mwaka mmoja.
Hizbu has to take side! na hapakuwa na nji aikiwa Sultan angekuwa bado mtawala na mwana Hizbu vile vile. Sijuikama mnanielewa hadi hapa na ingekuwa bora sana kama mngeweza kuzitazama nchi hizo za kusini kama mfano bora wa Kuhalalisha Mapinduzi yale.
Tatizo kama nilivyosema huko nyuma ni nani kapewa madaraka baada ya Mapinduzi!, hapo sina ubishi na hoja zote!
Hata hivyo kwa jinsi navyowafahamu Wazanzibar, nyie jamaa zangu mna kitu kikorosho!..yaani mna tabia moja ambayo si rahisi mtu wa bara kuweza kuitambua hasa inapofikia swala la rangi na dini na sina hakika kama Zanzibar bila Mapinduzi na Muungano ingekuwa bora kuliko Zanzibar tunayoiona leo, tukiacha matatizo ya Uongozi wa Karume ama ASP.

Kichuguu,
Maswali unayouliza ni mazito sana hasa tunapotaka kutazama swala hili bila kioo. Kama ulivyoona kulikuwepo na Uhasama mkubwa sana kati ya Hizbu na ASP tukimwacha nje Sultan. na hivi vyama vilikuwepo kwa malengo ya rangi zaidi ya siasa. It's tough to make a fair judgement mahala vitu hivi vimesimama na hasa wakati ule. Leo hii naweza kusema tofauti kabisa kama upinzani huo ungekuwepo ktk misingi ya demokrasia isiyobaguana kwa asili.
Just imagine NAACP na KKK ndio wawe wameji andikisha ktk Uchaguzi wa Marekani na kila chama kina baadhi wafuasi wa rangi tofauti hali sera zao zimeundwa ktk kulinda na kudumisha race zao. Patashjika la hapo sijui nani atakuwa mwamuzi!

Mimi navyoona ASP na Hizbu vilikuwa vyama kama vile Civil Rights movements badala ya politcal party!.. najua wengi mnaweza kutokubaliana na mimi lakini ndivyo ilivyokuwa tunzi za vyama enzi hizo. leo hii haiwezi kuingia akilini hata kidogo kwa hiyo tunapojaribu kulitzama swala la Zanzibar inabidi director wa sinema hii ajenge pia madhali na mazingira ya wakati ule.
Mapinduzi yalikuwa muhimu sana kuondoa dosari na tofauti zao sema tu kuna wajanja wametumia nafasi hiyo kuwazidi wengine maarifa!... Kama mapinduzi ya kwanza ya Habyalimana huko Rwanda yalikuwa muhimu sana na kinachonitisha leo hii ni hii habari za uchochezi toka nje akina Kagame wa Zanzibar!..
Mungu alitusetiri sana ktk kifo cha Karume, laa sivyo tusingekuwa tofauti na Rwanda, na tuzidi kuwa makini sana ktk swala hili kwani sasa hivi imekwisha vuka mipaka ya visiwa vya Zanzibar!

 

[Kichuguu]

Mkandara,

Wakati bado ninatayarisha polepole makala yangu naona ni vizuri tusahihishe mambo kadhaa kama ifuatavyo:

(a) Ingawa ni kweli kuwa HIZBU kilikuwa na waarabu wengi zaidi, usiondoe ukweli kuwa kilikuwa na waafrika na washirazi pia. Watu wengi wanaotaka kuharamisha HIZBU kama chama cha siasa wanatumia uarabu wa viongozi wake bila kujali kuwa kilikuwa na waafrika pia, tena wengi tu. Kama umesoma kile kijtibau na hata rekodi za kihistoria zinaonyesha kuwa katika jimbo la Tumbatu Hizbu ilikuwa inamsimamisha Mzee Nyakanga ambaye alikuwa mwafrika na ndiye chanzo rasmi cha Professor Babu kuondoka HIZBU kwa vile aliona mzee huyu hakuwa na elimu ya kutosha kuingia kwenye baraza la kutunga sheria.

(b) Yule Sultan wa Zanzibar hakuwa Sultani wa Oman. Sultan Jamshid Bin Abdullah alikuwa ni sultani wa Zanzibar aliyezaliwa na kukulia Zanzibar akitokana na uzao wa Sultani Khalifa uliokuwapo Zanzibar tangu karne ya 17. Ingawa alikuwa na asili ya Oman kama ambavyo Karume alivyokuwa na asili ya Kigoma, wote walikuwa ni Wazanzibar wakati huo. Mfano mzuri ni wa hivi karibuni ilipogundulika kuwa Senator John Kerry na Rais George Bush wote wanatokana na uzao wa ufalme wa uingereza ingawa wao ni wamarekani. Zanzibar ilikuwa ni nchi ambayo raia wake wengi walikuwa wahamiaji kama ilivyo merakani ya leo, kuvumiliana ilikuwa ni jambo la muhimu sana wakati huo. Nitakukumbusha kuwa hata Nyerere akigombania uhuru wa TANU, hakuwabagua wazungu na wahindi ambaoi walikuwa watanganyika; ndiyo maana tukawaona akina Bryceson na Jamal kwenye serikali yake.

(c)Swala la kuondoa usultani huko Zanzibar halikuhitaji kuvunja misingi ya demokrasi na kuuwa watu wengi namna ile. Waarabu walikuwa hawafikii hata asilimia ishirini ya wazanzibar wote, ASP ingetumia nguvu ya kura kuwaondoa madarakani. Hata kama HIZBU walikuwa wanashabikia usultani ambao uliachwa kwenye katiba makusudi, bado ASP ingeweza kufanikiwa kuuondoa na vile vile kushika madaraka ya nchi kwa nguvu ya kura bila kuuwa watu wengi vile. Kumbuka kuwa kuna uchaguzi ambapo ASP iliwahi kuchukua viti vyote, kwa nini hawakusubiri uchaguzi mwingine wakajinadi vizuri kwa wapiga kura na hivyo kujipatia viti vingi zaidi vya kuwawezesha kuunda serikali na kubadilisha vifungu vya katiba ambavyo walikuwa hawapendi? Tanganyika ilipta Uhuru wake mwaka 1961 lakini iliendea na ufalme kwa mwaka mzima hadi mwaka 1962 ilipojivua kutoka kwenye ufalme wa uingereza. Kama TANU walisubiri mwaka mzima bila kumwua mtu yeyote, kwa nini ASP hawakusbiri hata mwezi mmoja tu? Mapinduzi kufanyika katika siku 33 ina maana maandalizi yake yalianza hata kabla ya mwezi kupita.

(d) Mkandara: ASP, HIZBU na ZPP vilikuwa vyama halali vya kisiasa, havikuwa civil rights movements za kibaguzi kama unavyosema. Vyote vilikaa mkutano wa kuunda katiba ya Zanzibar na vyote vilishindana katika uchaguzi wa kidemokrasi. Kuna wakati ASP ilishinda viti vyote vilivyogombaniwa na kuna wakati ASP na HIZBU walipa viti kumi kila mmoja wakati ZPPP ilipata viti vitatu, kwa vile ZPPP ilinugnana na HIZBU, basi coalition yao ikachukua ushindi. Nadhani unasahau kuwa kiongozi wa ZPPP, Sheikh Mohamed Shamte alikuwa ASP damu damu hadi hapo aliposhindana na uongozi wa Sheikh Karume, ndipo akaamua kujitoa ASP na kuanzisha chama cha ZPPP.

(e) Mfano wa South Africa na Zimbabwe ni tofauti kabisa na hali ilivyokuwa Zanzibar. Kule hawakupiga kura za kidemokrasi kuamua nani aunde serikali, UDI ilikuwa ni tamko la mabavu, wakati South Afrika waingereza waliiweka chini ya makaburu bila kuhusisha waafrika kabisa. Uingereza ilikuwa na interest kuona kuwa makampuni yaoa yanabaki na namna fulani ya kucontrol Zimbabwe na Uingereza; hali haikuwa hivyo kwa Zanzibar.

 

[Jembajemba]

Kitu ambacho nimekigundua katika siasa zetu au tusema mitizamo yetu sisi waafrika ni kuwa tuna double standard kwa maana kwamba sultan akiwa Muingereza basi sio tatizo sana lakini sultan akiwa Muarabu ndio inakuwa shida kweli kweli wakati hawa wote ni wakoloni ambao walitutawala sasa hii sielewe ni kwa nini? kuna kitu gani hapa katikati?

Mkandara,

nimekusoma mkuu wangu, lakini sikubaliani na wewe kwa kitu kimoja kuwa zanzibar bila ya Muungano isingeliweza kufika hapa ilipo? sijui umekusudia kitu gani kwa kusema hivyo? yaani sasa hivi kuna maendeleo zaidi kuliko wakati wa ukoloni? au sasa hivi hakuna ubaguzi ambao ulikuwepo wakati wa ukoloni?

Tatizo kama nilivyosema huko nyuma ni nani kapewa madaraka baada ya Mapinduzi!, hapo sina ubishi na hoja zote!
Hata hivyo kwa jinsi navyowafahamu Wazanzibar, nyie jamaa zangu mna kitu kikorosho!..yaani mna tabia moja ambayo si rahisi mtu wa bara kuweza kuitambua hasa inapofikia swala la rangi na dini na sina hakika kama Zanzibar bila Mapinduzi na Muungano ingekuwa bora kuliko Zanzibar tunayoiona leo, tukiacha matatizo ya Uongozi wa Karume ama ASP

Mimi sikuyaona Mapinduzi lakini kwa mujibu wa vitabu vya historia nilivyovisoma vinaeleza kuwa Zanzibar kabla ya Mapinduzi ilikuwa na maendeleo makubwa sana hata kuweza kutoa misaada kwa nchi nyengine zenye matatizo. Sasa unaponiambia Zanzibar now is better baada ya Mapinduzi na Muungano naona uniambia jambo geni ambalo sijawahi lisikia hapo kabla.

 

[Jembajemba]

Jembajemba,
Mzee wangu nadhani hukunielewa toka mwanzo kwa sababu ktk swala hili kuna vitu viwili muhimu sana vinaingiliana. Kwanza ni Sultan mwarabu (OMAN) ambaye alikuwa mtawala wa taifa la weusi (AFRICA)!
Pili, ni raia wake ambao walikuwa mchanganyiko wa waafrika, waarabu na wahindi.
Kwa hiyo nakuomba unielewe kwamba napozungumzia mapinduzi sizungumzii kabisa swala la Utengano wowote wa asili kati ya wananchi wake.

Zanzibar kabla ya Mapinduzi ilikuwa chini ya mtawala gani? Muingerea au Muarabu? sasa huyu Muingereza alikuwa anaplay part gani? Je yeye alikuwa ni mzuri kuliko Muarabu? mbona sisikii yeye kutajwa as if yeye alikuwa ni mkoloni safi. Kama ni biashara ya Utumwa na yeye alikuwa akifanya kama ni ubaguzi wa rangi na dini na yeye alikuwa akifanya na nadhani mpaka leo anaendelea kufanya japo kwa siri siri, sasa na yeye huyu vipi kwa nini asiondoshwe yeye kwanza halafu akafuata muarabu? tuache huu udouble standard wananchi.


hilo la watu wenye asili ya uarabu kuusupport usultan zanzibar naweza nikalikubali hata ungelikuwa wewe ndio muarabu basi sina shaka ungeliwasupport jamaa zako (sultan) kama sasa hivi unavyosupport waafrika na mapinduzi.


Lengo la Mapinduzi ilikuwa ni kumuondosha Sultan zanzibar well, sasa kulikuwa na ulazima wa kuchupa hatua ya pili baada ya kuanza hatua ya kwanza? kama vile Tanganyika walivyofanya?

 

[Kichuguu]

Jamani ninaomba nitoa ufafanuzi kidogo kuwa mimi siyo Mzanzibari, na wala sijawahi kuishi Zanzibar ingawa nimewahi kuzuru au kupitia kidogo. Vile vile mimi siyo mwislamu ingawa mke wangu ni mwislamu. Kwa hiyo maoni yangu hayasukumwi na Uzanzibari wala udini. Ninaliangalia swala la mapinduzi kwa sura yake kama mapinduzi yaliyouwa watu wasio na hatia bila kujali rangi na jinsia zao. Vile vile nayaangalia mapinduzi hayo katika msingi wa demokrasia kuwa ndiyo yaliyoondoa demokrasia visiwani pale kuanzia pale yalipofanikiwa na kujenga utawala wa mabavu, jambo ambalo ni tatizo kubwa kwa nchi nyingi za Afrika.

Nimesoma vyanzo vingi sana kuhusu historia ya mapinduzi yale na sijaona inayoyahalalisha. Kadri ninavyosoma historia hiyo ndivyo ninavyopata picha ya kuonyesha kuwa ASP kilikuwa ni chama kisichokuwa na organization nzuri, na wala hawakujua kuwa baada ya mkoloni kuondoka wangejenga taifa la namna gani. Sheikh Karume alikimbilia kuungana na Tanganyika kusudi aweze kumtumia Mwalimu Nyerere kumsaidia kuongoza Zanzibar ambayo yeye hakuwa anajua aifanyeje.

 

[Mrisho Abdallah]

Ahsante Jembajemba

Mie niko contraversial kidogo kwako. Sidhani kama Karume kweli na wenzake walikuwa na uchu wa madaraka. Ila nionavyo mie kwa hali ya wakati ule ilibidi jambo la Mapinduzi lifanyike kwa kuwa waliokuwa wengi, I mean Africans hawakupewa uhuru wa kuamua yale watakayo bali waliamrishwa kufuata yale ambayo utawala wa sultan ulitaka, kwa hali kama hiyo hata wewe ungefanyaje?. Sina budi kusema nguvu zilihitajika ili kuokoa maisha ya wengi. Take another Example, pale mwalimu alipojitolea kukomboa nchi zingine za kiafrika, do you mean kwamba alikuwa na uchu wa madaraka? totally is NO bali ni moyo wa kizalendo wa kuwapenda waafrika wenzako na kuhakikisha wanao uhuru wa kuamua mambo yao wenyewe bila ya kushinikizwa

 

[Kichuguu]

Ahsante Jembajemba

Mie niko contraversial kidogo kwako. Sidhani kama Karume kweli na wenzake walikuwa na uchu wa madaraka. Ila nionavyo mie kwa hali ya wakati ule ilibidi jambo la Mapinduzi lifanyike kwa kuwa waliokuwa wengi, I mean Africans hawakupewa uhuru wa kuamua yale watakayo bali waliamrishwa kufuata yale ambayo utawala wa sultan ulitaka, kwa hali kama hiyo hata wewe ungefanyaje?. Sina budi kusema nguvu zilihitajika ili kuokoa maisha ya wengi. Take another Example, pale mwalimu alipojitolea kukomboa nchi zingine za kiafrika, do you mean kwamba alikuwa na uchu wa madaraka? totally is NO bali ni moyo wa kizalendo wa kuwapenda waafrika wenzako na kuhakikisha wanao uhuru wa kuamua mambo yao wenyewe bila ya kushinikizwa

Kaka Mrisho Karibu ukumbini na nashukuru kuwa umepost kabla sijaondoka kwenye keyboard.

Ninapenda kukujibu kwa kifupi kuwa ungesoma kwanza katiba ya uhuru wa Zanzibar ujue mamlaka aliyokuwa nayo Sultani. Sultani yule hakuwa kikwazo chochote kabisa kwa mambo ya kila siku ya wazanzibar na ASP, na kifungu cha sultani kingeweza kuondolewa kutoka kwenye katiba bila kumwaga damu za watu vile. Mapinduzi yale yaliuwa watu karibu laki mbili ambao hawakuwa na uhusiano na Sultani ambaye aliondoka salama salimini na kwenda kuishi uhamishoni.

 

[Jembajemba]

Ahsante Jembajemba

Mie niko contraversial kidogo kwako. Sidhani kama Karume kweli na wenzake walikuwa na uchu wa madaraka. Ila nionavyo mie kwa hali ya wakati ule ilibidi jambo la Mapinduzi lifanyike kwa kuwa waliokuwa wengi, I mean Africans hawakupewa uhuru wa kuamua yale watakayo bali waliamrishwa kufuata yale ambayo utawala wa sultan ulitaka, kwa hali kama hiyo hata wewe ungefanyaje?. Sina budi kusema nguvu zilihitajika ili kuokoa maisha ya wengi. Take another Example, pale mwalimu alipojitolea kukomboa nchi zingine za kiafrika, do you mean kwamba alikuwa na uchu wa madaraka? totally is NO bali ni moyo wa kizalendo wa kuwapenda waafrika wenzako na kuhakikisha wanao uhuru wa kuamua mambo yao wenyewe bila ya kushinikizwa

Mrisho,

Suala la kuwa Karume alikuwa na uchu wa madaraka ni wazo langu tu kutokana na picture nzima ya mapinduzi ninavyoiona. Kilicho nipelekea nifikiri hivyo ni kutokana na historia inavyoonyesha na hali nzima ya mapinduzi. Kama umekisoma kile kijitabu alichotuletea mwl Kichunguu utaona kuwa Karume kama mara mbili aliwahi kuambiwa na muungano wa chama cha ZPPP/ZNP waunde serikali ya mseto na yeye akakataa na sababu kubwa nadhani iliyomfanya akatae serikali ya mseto ni kuwa yeye asingelikuwa head of state so akakataa wazo la serikali ya mseto.

Jambo la pili lililonifanya nidhani kuwa alikuwa na uchu wa madaraka ni kwa namna ya mapinduzi yaivyofanywa haraka haraka kiasi kile wakati kulikuwa na njia ya kuweza kuepukika.

hayo ni mawazo yangu

 

[Kichuguu]

Zanzibar wadai mgawo wa madini

na Mwandishi Wetu
SUALA la mgawanyo wa rasilimali zinazohesabika kuwa ni za Muungano, linazidi kuchukua sura mpya kila siku na sasa wajumbe wa Baraza la Wawakilishi kutoka Chama cha Wananchi (CUF) wanataka Zanzibar ipatiwe mgawo kutokana na mapato ya madini kabla ya kuanza kuchimbwa kwa mafuta ya Zanzibar.

Waliyaeleza hayo jana wakati wakichangia bajeti ya Wizara ya Maji, Ujenzi, Nishati na Ardhi, iliyowasilishwa na Waziri wa wizara hiyo, Mansour Yussuf Himid.

Waziri kivuli wa wizara hiyo, Hamad Masoud, alisema kwamba ni jambo la kushangaza kuwa Zanzibar haikushirikishwa wakati Tanzania Bara inafanya utafiti wa rasilimali ya mafuta na gesi.

Alisema kwamba Serikali ya Muungano ilipaswa kutafuta mshauri wa kuweka utaratibu wa mgawo wa maliasili za madini, lakini jambo hilo halikufanyika na badala yake linafanyika katika kutafuta mafuta ya Zanzibar.

“Leo hii kwa kuwa kuna uvumi wa dalili ya kuwepo mafuta Zanzibar, ndiyo Serikali ya Muungano imetanabahi na kutushirikisha,” alisema.

Masoud alisema kwamba ni vyema Waziri Kiongozi akatoa hoja kwa Waziri Mkuu katika vikao vyao kuwa, Zanzibar nayo ipate mgawo kutokana na mapato yanayotokana na madini yanayochimbwa Tanzania Bara, tangu uchimbaji ulipoanza.

“Hili litawathibitishia Wazanzibari kwamba wenzetu walighafilika na walipotanabahishwa walitenda haki kwa kuwapa Wazanzibari fungu lao,” alisema Masoud ambaye pia ni Mwakilishi wa Jimbo la Ole.

Alisema kwamba kambi ya upinzani haina nia ya kuvunja Muungano, bali inatetea maslahi ya Zanzibar kwa manufaa ya wananchi.

“Tabia ya wenzetu ya chao kuwa chao peke yao na cha Zanzibar kuwa cha pamoja, ni tabia iliyodumu kwa zaidi ya miaka 40,” alisema.

Naye Mwakilishi wa Jimbo la Tumbe, Ali Mohammed Bakar (CUF), alisema kwamba mafuta ya Zanzibar yaondoshwe na yasiwe katika orodha ya mambo ya Muungano kwa vile ni maliasili ya Zanzibar.

“Kama mafuta yataingizwa katika mambo ya Muungano, basi na madini yote yawe katika orodha hiyo ya mambo ya Muungano,” alisema mwakilishi huyo.

Alisema kwamba Wazanzibari wanayo mapenzi na watu wa Bara, hasa kwa kuzingatia hivi sasa ni ndugu wa damu, lakini si vizuri kuwa na Muungano unaohujumu upande mmoja kiuchumi.

Mwakilishi wa Jimbo la Mkanyageni, Haji Faki Shaali (CUF), alisema ni jambo la kushangaza Serikali ya Zanzibar na ya Muungano wameamua kutafuta mshauri katika suala la mafuta ya Zanzibar, wakati hatua kama hiyo haikuzingatiwa katika utafutaji wa gesi huko Tanzania Bara.

Kwa upande wake, Zakia Omar (Viti Maalum-CUF), alisema Serikali ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar inapaswa kulipwa mgawo wa madini ya tanzanite, almasi na dhahabu kwa asilimia 50 tangu biashara hiyo ilipoanza kufanyika Tanzania Bara.

Alieleza kwamba kuingiza mafuta katika orodha ya mambo ya Muungano na kuacha madini kama vile tanzanite na almasi hakuleti sura nzuri katika matumizi ya maliasili baina ya pande mbili za Muungano.

Akiwasilisha bajeti yake, Waziri Mansour alisema suala la uchimbaji mafuta na gesi asilia ni suala la Muungano na linapaswa kutawaliwa na katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Alisema kwamba suala la mafuta Zanzibar hadi sasa linajadiliwa katika vikao vya pamoja vinavyofanywa na Waziri Mkuu wa Tanzania na Waziri Kiongozi na vikao hivyo vimeagiza Wizara ya Nishati na Madini Bara na Zanzibar kutafuta mshauri mwelekezi atakayezishauri serikali zote mbili juu ya namna sahihi ya kugawana mapato ya mafuta na gesi.

“Kwa misingi hiyo, inapaswa kuamuliwa na pande zote mbili za Muungano kwa kuzingatia kuwa suala la utafutaji na uchimbaji mafuta na gesi linatawaliwa na Katiba ya Muungano,” alisema.

Aliwaomba wajumbe wa Baraza la Wawakilishi kuidhinisha sh bilioni 3.6 kwa ajili ya matumizi ya wizara hiyo katika mwaka wa fedha 2007/08

Huyu mbunge anasema kweli tupu. Majuzi tumesikia Zakia kawanyima fedha serikali ya mapinduzi. Lakini kimsingi katika pesa hizo kulikuwa na mgawao halali wa Zanzibar ambao hawakupewa. Matatizo kama haya tutayamaliza kwa kuwa na katiba mpya inayobainisha mambo haya badala ya kutegemea huruma ya mtu mmoja tu

 

[Mtu wa Pwani]

sawa sawa wakati umefika tupige mbinja za kudai haki setu, ila nnasikitika sana na ndugu zangu wa CCM zanzibar, wakiwamo kwenye madaraka hutetea sana muungano, hao hao wakitupwa nje judai muungano unawaonea.

wewe subiri watakaoachwa kuwa na nafasi 2010 halafu wafate pembeni uwasikie watakavyokuhadithia jinsi muungano inavyoionea zanzibar.

kazi tunayo

 

[Mtu wa Pwani]

nnaweka hii speech ya kihistoria iliosomwa na PM wa kwanza wa zanzibar Sh. Shamte, tarajio itasaidia ktk mjadala wetu wa kuelewa nini dhamira na kazi ya serikali ya mwanzo ilipanga kufanya kabla ya kupinduliwa, hii ilisomwa baada ya zanzibar kukubaliwa kuwa mwanachama wa umoja wa mataifa.

pia utaona jinsi gani ilivyoweka mikakati haki za binaadamu , ambalo jambo lilokataliwa na serikali ya ASP na hata serikali ya muungano imepiga kelele sana tume ya haki za binaadamu ifanye kazi zanzibar na kukataliwa.


Prime Minister Muhammed Shamte Hamad (as Head of Government of the independent and Sovereign State of Zanzibar) delivered the following historic speech on the historic day of 16th December, 1963 to the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization in New York.

Mr. President! It is a very great honour and a very great pleasure for me to be here as Zanzibar's representative at the moment when Zanzibar's application to join the United Nations Organization has been accepted by the General Assembly. Zanzibar's entry to this great Organization is to my mind of special significance, and this is that there is no country so small and so modest in its means that it cannot be represented here in equal terms with the great nations of the world. There are some people who consider this scheme of things to be wrong. But I consider it to be a source of strength to this Organization, and that one that will inspire Zanzibar to use its privileges with a sense of responsibility and dedication to the ideals which prompted the establishment of the United Nations.

To our many friends throughout the world who have done so much in supporting our struggle towards national liberation, to the Decolonization Committee which has contributed so much in speeding up our march to Independence, and to this august Organization of the United Nations to which we owe so much, I would like to convey my country's deep gratitude. To them we continue to look for aid and support in the upliftment of our people so that we may also be able to contribute our humble share towards the solution of the world's problems. To the distinguished delegates in the Security Council and in this General Assembly who paid tributes to the struggle and achievements of my country I would like to convey the sincere gratitude of my delegation. To all those who have sponsored our application, and to all the distinguished delegates who have unanimously voted us into membership of the United Nations, I say: Thank you.

Mr. President. Political problems tend to hit the world headlines, but it is not generally known, for instance, that malaria which a few years ago used to cause as much havoc as any war, is now almost wiped out from Zanzibar, as a result of an intensive joint effort on the part of WHO, UNICIEF and the Government and people of Zanzibar. It is also not known that quietly but determinantly we are trying with the aid of the ILO and FAO to do away with the curse of under-employment. There are many other ways in which individual countries and international organizations have been co-operating with us in solving our problems. We are grateful to them all.

Now that the energies of our people are unleashed by the restoration of our national pride and sovereignty we can look forward with confidence to greater and more comprehensive assistance from every quarter. Zanzibar is one of the smallest nations in terms of population and size to be accepted for membership. This in itself entails sacrifices for Zanzibar, sacrifices which are of little significance to nations of great wealth, but are of very great concern to us of slender means. These sacrifices we are very glad to make. If we are not rich in numbers, in territory, in material wealth we do not count ourselves poor in values of life which are so inestimably more important; and it is because of this that we feel we can contribute, even if only modestly, in the affairs of this Assembly.

We have a long and honourable history and civilization behind us. Like so many of the great peoples of the world our roots are sprung from many different sources, from Africa primarily, but also from Arabia, from the civilization of Asia, Persia, from India and from many others. The Europeans in their great voyages of exploration found succour and sustenance on our shores. And men of many races found rest and stability in our islands from where to organize the exploration and development of Central and Eastern Africa It is due to these roots established over centuries, the mixing of so many cultures, that make us proud of our reputation for moderation and friendliness. While in the modern world we do not intend looking back to our past, it is this tradition on which we intend to build our future.

Zanzibar is a constitutional monarchy founded on liberal and democratic traditions, governed by a Prime Minister and a Cabinet of elected Ministers, with collective responsibility and answerable to a National Assembly elected on the basis of universal adult suffrage. The Fundamental Human Rights to personal liberty and protection against discrimination are entrenched in Zanzibar's Constitution. Our overall aims are peace and progress at home and abroad. The chief object must be to help create a political atmosphere in the world in which man's real enemies of hunger, ignorance and disease can receive full attention so that resources and time are not wasted on fruitless matters of dissension. Zanzibar's general policy is one of benevolent and positive neutrality without discrimination against any country on grounds of race, creed, culture or ideology. It supports all measures of peace in the world on the basis of international cooperation. On the achievement of its independence Zanzibar has freely elected to remain a Member of the Commonwealth of Nations, and it is fitting and pleasurable to pay tribute to the continuing harmonious relations which have obtained between Zanzibar and the United Kingdom. We believe in the Commonwealth as a large number of equal and sovereign states of many peoples and cultures who have voluntarily and democratically joined together and are dedicated to the furtherance of peace, co-operation and prosperity throughout the world.

It is the object of Zanzibar to strengthen the many ties it possesses with both Africa and the East. To this end we subscribe to the principles of the Bandung Declaration of 1955 and of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity framed at Addis Ababa this year. Zanzibar has particularly close relationship with the other territories of East Africa, and it is our intention to continue this in friendship and co-operation, whether inside or out of a form of an East African Federation. In this respect I am particularly glad that Kenya with which Zanzibar has so many close connections is being welcomed into this Assembly at the same time. At this proud moment in our history I may be permitted to quote Shakespeare and say: "We are two lions littered in one day."

Sir, In submitting the application for membership for Zanzibar I have made a solemn declaration in common with that made by other nations represented here today that on behalf of my government I have accepted the obligations contained in the Charter of the United Nations, and have undertaken to fulfil them. This solemn declaration is a very real one for me, and I pray that this indeed will be so, and that Zanzibar in future will honour it to the full.

Thank you, Sir.

 

[Mtu wa Pwani]

na haya maneno ya SH. Ali bin Muhsin Albarwaniy pia yanaweza kutusaidia kama sources ya kuutia ladha mjadala wetu.
nimo nikijitahidi kukitafuta hiki kitabu nikikipata nitaweka

ZNP/ZPPP FOR ALL PEOPLE.
Our very restricted resources compelled us to have our diplomatic offices in
New York also accredited to Washington, in London accredited to the rest of
Europe, in Cairo to cover the rest of the Arab world, and in due course
Indonesia, which was importing the greatest share of our clove production,
to be the base for the rest of Asia.

While we made certain that the ambassador and the counsellor (his second in
command) were our political nominees, being supporters of the ZNP/ZPPP
alliance, we appointed the first secretaries by virtue of merit irrespective
of their political affiliation. Thus the first secretary to the UN embassy
happened to be Khamis Hassan Ameir, to the Cairo embassy was Ali Khamis
(once speaker to the Zanzibar House of Representatives), and the would-be
first secretary to Indonesia was to be Ali Hassan Mwinyi. (he later became
President of Tanzania.) All three were known to us as supporters of the
ASP. Professionally they had the capacity to fill the posts, and that was
all that mattered to us. It was not very easy to convince everybody in our
party's national executive of the fairness and wisdom of making these
appointments, but I did manage at last to get unanimous support by reminding
my colleagues that ours was, from the very beginning, a vanguard party
working for the whole nation and not for a segment of the population.

Such and other measures began to have a telling effect on the more thinking
section of the opposition, particularly the younger educated elements
aspiring for higher things in the future. They were pleasantly surprised to
find that the ZNP/ZPPP government was being fair and just, and that it
assessed people according to merit irrespective of their political
connections. There was even some talk about their joining the ruling
alliance en masse. This was a threat to the semi-literate leadership of the
ASP, the newly created Umma party and their common boss across the channel.
The longer the government stayed in power the more popular it was bound to
make itself, and the more likely the opposition would be losing support.
Thus was it imperative that the rebellion had to take place as soon as
possible. And thus it was that after the general massacre of the thousands
of the ZNP/ZPPP supporters Karume and his immediate thug supporters began
murdering one by one the educated elements in the ASP whom they had always
suspected of considering changing their allegiance. Othman Sharif, Kasim
Hanga, Mdungi Usi, Twala, Jaha Ubwa and many others were liquidated. Dr.
Kingwaba was disgraced. From being a successful qualified medical officer he
was put in charge of the post office. Dr. Ahmed Rashid, a veterinary
officer made into a Director of Economy, had to flee for his life. He died
in Britain.
(Conflicts and Harmony in Zanzibar – page 216)

 

[Mtu wa Pwani]

nnaendelea kuweka ushahidi mwengine unaonyesha jinsi gani serikali ya mapinduzi ilivyoendeshwa bila ya sheria hadi wakati wa jumbe pia nitaweka attachement ya source ninayatolea ushahidi

II. ZANZIBAR:
A BACKGROUND TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL REGIME
2.1 From 1832 to 1984: Colonial Heritage, Revolution and
Union
Zanzibar consists of two main islands, Unguja and Pemba that
together comprise 2,332 square kilometers, with the former making up
67% and the latter 37% of the total land area. With a population of
979,637 people according to the 2002 census, Zanzibar is united by a
common language, Kiswahili that is spoken by all and is both the
lingua franca and the language of official business on the island.
Zanzibar was the main center of Arab trade on the East African coast
since the 7th Century A.D. In 1832, Sultan Seyyid Said, the ruler of
Oman and Zanzibar transferred his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar,
thereby establishing a permanent physical presence on the island. In
1890, Zanzibar became a British Protectorate, with the British in
charge of all key political and administrative matters, while the Sultan
remained the symbolic head of state. In 1914, a Protectorate Council
was formed with the Sultan as President and the British Resident as
the Vice President, although as was typical with all colonial
arrangements of indirect rule, the colonial power was the entity in
control. In 1926, the Legislative and Executive Council were formed,
although representative issues relating to the Arab and African
populations illustrated once again, that real power lay with the British.As was the case with the other East African countries, nationalist
politics witnessed an upsurge during the post-Second World War
period. The first political party to be formed on the island was the
Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), that was established in 1955. It was
followed in 1957 by the Afro Shirazi Party (ASP). The two parties
enjoyed almost equal political support among the electorate. The 1957
elections were won by ASP. However due to significant
gerrymandering by the Protectorate Government, in 1961 and 1963,
KCK - Zanzibar: Constitutionalism and Political Stability – Muafaka and the Search for a New Vision 10
ZNP (together with a minor party, the Zanzibar and Pemba People’s
Party (ZPPP) garnered more parliamentary seats and thus came to
dominate the legislature. As a matter of fact, ASP secured an overall
majority of votes and thus should have formed the government that led
the islands to self-government and eventually to independence. Once
again, the intent of the British government was not to allow genuine
democracy to prevail, but instead to force a situation in which its
strategic and other interests were protected.Zanzibar gained independence on 10th December 1963 from the
British and its Independence Constitution followed the Westminster
model of government. Executive powers were vested in the Sultan, as
head of state, while a Prime Minister appointed by the Sultan on the
advice of the British Resident was head of government. Legislative
power was enshrined in the Parliament consisting of the Sultan and a
National Assembly of not more than 31 members who had been
elected by adult suffrage. The constitution contained a bill of rights
and particularly provided for protection against slavery and forced
labour.However, this arrangement did not last long. The independence
government was overthrown on January 12th 1964 through the
Zanzibar revolution, which led to the ouster of the Sultan and his
forcible exile. The Revolutionary Council revoked the 1963
independence Constitution and proceeded to govern Zanzibar under
Presidential Decrees, the most prominent being Decree No. 5/1964
entitled Constitutional Government and the Rule of Law and No.
6/1964, entitled Equality, Reconciliation and Unity of Zanzibar
People. All democratic institutions, political parties, trade unions, and
other civil society organizations were abolished. The President was
vested with absolute powers while legislative and judicial powers
were entrusted to the Revolutionary Council. Sheik Abeid Amani
Karume became the first President of post-revolutionary Zanzibar. On
26th April 1964, the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar was
formed, leading to the creation of the United Republic of Tanzania,
11 KCK - Zanzibar: Constitutionalism and Political Stability – Muafaka and the Search for a New Vision
with Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere as President, and Karume as first
Vice President. In many respects, both the circumstances under which
the Union was created, as well as the manner in which it has
progressed since that time have been definitive in shaping the
constitutional and governance issues that affect Zanzibar. Coming to
terms with what the Union has meant, and its impact on
constitutionalism and governance in Zanzibar is thus a critical entry
point for an understanding of contemporary conditions on the Islands.
President Karume was assassinated in April 1972 and was succeeded
by Aboud Jumbe. President Jumbe amended the ASP (i.e the Ruling
Party) Constitution by placing the Revolutionary Council under the
Party, although it retained its powers to appoint the president, cabinet,
legislature and judiciary. Furthermore, Jumbe strengthened the
political, security, and military links with the Mainland. This
culminated in the 1977 merger of ASP and TANU to form CCM, as
the single governing party for both the Mainland and the Islands.
In 1979, President Jumbe introduced the first post-revolution
constitution for Zanzibar, entitled Katiba ya Serikali ya Mapinduzi.The new constitution did the following:
a) It mandated separation of powers by establishing distinct organs
of state power. In particular, it separated the legislature from the
Revolutionary Council. The House of Representatives had power
to legislate over all matters of Zanzibar and to supervise
government activities by way of parliamentary debate. The
judiciary was made independent from the Revolutionary
Council, and
b) Established elections by universal adult suffrage of the President
of Zanzibar instead of being elected by the Revolutionary
Council. Furthermore, the President had to win by at least 50%
of the votes cast in the election.
KCK - Zanzibar: Constitutionalism and Political Stability – Muafaka and the Search for a New Vision 12
In 1980, the first elections since the 1964 revolution were held for the
President of Zanzibar. Under the single party system then in existence,
there was only a single candidate. Although a clearly limited
franchise, this certainly represented an improvement since prior to that
time, there had never been any elections for the presidency in
Zanzibar. Voting was only done for the President of the Union. In
January 1984, President Jumbe was forced to resign in part due to his
proposal for a three tier government for the Union, i.e. a government
for the Union, and separate governments for Tanzania Mainland and
the Zanzibar islands.
Following Aboud Jumbe’s resignation, Ali Hassan Mwinyi was
nominated as interim President, and subsequently elected as sole
candidate with a vote of 87.5% of the electorate. Under Mwinyi,
political freedoms in Zanzibar improved, as did civil liberties and
respect for human rights, albeit under a single party system.
Soon after Mwinyi’s election in 1984, many Zanzibaris called for a
referendum on the Union. Instead, the Zanzibar government
introduced a new constitution, entitled Katiba ya Zanzibar which was
passed by the Zanzibar Constituent Assembly on 9th October 1984 and
came into force on 1st January 1985. This Constitution introduced a
Bill of Rights for the first time since 1964. In 1985, Zanzibar’s
President Mwinyi succeeded Nyerere as the Union President. Idris
Abdul Wakil succeeded Mwinyi as the President of Zanzibar.
2.2 The Nyalali Commission of 1991 and its Implications for
Zanzibar
The Presidential Commission on Single Party or Multiparty System in
Tanzania, 1991 popularly known as the Nyalali Commission, was
established in February 1991, by President Mwinyi and inaugurated in
March 1991. It was constituted of 22 Commissioners, with equal
membership of ten members each from both the Mainland and the