Yale maneno aliyosema Wakili Mwabukusi kwamba jambo baya litatokea madai yao yasiposikilizwa, yale maneno ni vitisho tu.
Tumemsikia wote Wakili Mwabukusi anasema"Wasidhani tunaleta masihara. We mean business". These are idle words, empty words, hollow words. Kwa sababu huyu Wakili Mwabukusi hana silaha zozote.
Yule mwingine alikuwa anasema juzi,vSerikali imevunja Katiba. Kama ni halali kwa serikali kuvunja Katiba, basi ni halali kwa sisi pia kuvunja Katiba."
Haya ni maneno tu hawa watu wanaongea. Polisi wanakuwa too excited for no reason.
Ni kwamba tu kina Mdude hawajui hii ni nchi ya Chama kimoja, wanadhani wakiitukana serikali kuna mtu atakuja kuwasaidia. Mahakama Beijing inaweza kushindana na CCP?
Yule Wakili ilikuwa hakuna sababu yoyote kumkamata kwa sababu Mahakama ilikuwa imeshamuondoa makali.
Au labda ni vizuri kwa polisi kuwadhibiti watu wote hawa ambao hawakubali kushindwa, ambao wanataka kuikaidi Mahakama.
Sasa Jeshi (la Wananchi) lingekuwa restless, that would have been a different matter.
Lakini tunawapeleka watu kwenye torture chambers, ambao ni nothing, less than nothing.
Tanganyika Rifles strike and rebellion
In general there was a feeling of dissatisfaction among the TR soldiers. His reason was the hope that independence would bring greater change and opportunities for promotion after the departure of white officials. But British officials continued to be employed by Nyerere's government and the large differences in income and housing conditions between Europeans and Africans continued. Even on the contrary, the soldiers who used to have a high salary according to other African government employees saw that their income did not increase while the salaries in general increased more. In addition, the
TANU government sent young people from the TANU Youth Union for military training in
Israel and after returning they were given jobs in the army and some of them were promoted through soldiers who had served for many years.
In January 1964, two results were widely discussed among the soldiers, one was Nyerere's announcement where he declared the end of the politics of "Africanization" in government service
[4] . This announcement caused union leaders to complain. Another event was the news of
the Zanzibar revolution that began on January 12, 1964.
On January 20, 1964, still during the night, the first TR unit at Colito Barracks
[5] in Dar es Salaam rebelled and got weapons from the warehouse. British officers were arrested and imprisoned but chief Douglas was able to hide. The rebels attacked the radio station, the airport, the palace and the post and telephone office. Non-participating British and African officers and rebels were transported to Kenya.
President Nyerere was sent by his guards secretly to Kigamboni in a secret effort later known as
operation Magogoni . He was hidden at first in a private citizen's house, later in
the Catholic Church . He left minister
Oskar Kambona [6]the task of communicating with the military. The demands of the soldiers were the dismissal of British officers and an increase in salaries. The first days of the military strike were followed by periods of chaos in the city alternating with periods of silence, attacks on Indian shops and the arrest of a few Europeans. Even the British ambassador was arrested for a short time.
Minister Kambona started negotiating with the soldiers and promised them an increase in income and gave high positions to several Africans. Nyerere recorded a speech broadcast on the radio when he criticized the military and demanded calm. The soldiers returned to the camp but returned to the city the next day. Also in Nairobi and Kampala there was a mutiny of soldiers - all former KAR soldiers. Presidents Milton Obote and Jomo Kenyatta did not hesitate to ask the British military forces that were still stationed to quell the violence. Finally, Nyerere started communication with England, which sent submarines and soldiers from Aden to Dar es Salaam.
[7]The secret police of Tanzania began to get information that also among the soldiers of the Field Force unit discussions had begun to support the efforts of the soldiers, also the movement among the workers at the port and the fear was that part of the leaders of the workers' union had plans to join them.
On January 24, the Tanzanian government officially requested the United Kingdom to intervene and quell the rebellion. On the morning of January 25, a small group of English soldiers left by helicopter on a ship sitting in the sea near Dar es Salaam and attacked the Colito Barracks camp. General Douglas addressed the soldiers through a loudspeaker and demanded that the soldiers surrender. At first they refused, but after a short attack by the British, most of them surrendered, others fled and the leaders were arrested. Similarly, Dodoma and Nachingwea soldiers who once joined the rebellion surrendered without resistance after the arrival of a few British soldiers.
Other residents of Dar es Salaam were afraid that Britain had returned to return the colony but after hesitating for a few hours, Nyerere explained through the radio that the British intervention followed the request of his government.
Many people were arrested after these events and investigated if they had any connection with the rebellion.
[8]
The British soldiers left in April 1964 and their place was taken by a force from
Nigeria that arrived on behalf of
the African Union following the request of the Tanganyika government.
[9]
Establishing a new people's army
After the rebellion, the TR army was disbanded. All soldiers were dismissed. Part of the soldiers from Dodoma were re-employed in the new army but those from Dar es Salaam were not returned. African officers who generally sided with the government and did not participate in the rebellion were rehired.
Political army under TANU/CCM
The new army was built by recruiting mainly members of the youth union of
TANU and was named the Tanzania People's Defense Force (TPDF).
[10] This new army was placed under the supervision of the TANU party (later CCM) following the style of countries like Russia and China. The first commander was
Mrisho Sarakikya who had stood on the side of the government during the rebellion and was promoted from lieutenant to colonel, later to general. Nyerere wanted an army with a political character. Every soldier was expected to be a TANU cadre, and the TPDF was counted within TANU's "Army Region" along with the police and prisons. The Military Region was counted the same as other geographical and administrative regions of the country.
JWTZ soldiers wearing UM hats
JWTZ in a multi-party system
In 1991 the Nyalali Commission proposed changing the political system of Tanzania and moving to
a multi-party system ; in 1992 the proposal was received, so the country's constitution was changed accordingly. Article 147 of the constitution prohibits all soldiers from being members of a political party.
[11]
Expansion of JWTZ
At first JWTZ was a small army with fewer soldiers than TR but by 1967 it was expanded to have 4 battalions. In 1972 JWTZ was estimated to have 10,000 soldiers in four battalions with equipment of 20 T-59 tanks, 14 T-62
tanks ,
tanks of Russian and Chinese. Blades were in short supply and part of the equipment could not be repaired.
[12]