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- #201
PreGE2025 Prof. Eginald PAN Mihanjo: CCM ijiandae kuwa chama cha upinzani
PreGE2025 Prof. Eginald PAN Mihanjo: CCM ijiandae kuwa chama cha upinzani
- Thread starter Bagamoyo
- Start date
Mijadala ya Uchaguzi Mkuu wa Tanzania 2025 (Kabla)
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- #202
13 Julai 2025
Katibu uenezi, elimu na propaganda CCM Taifa CPA Amos Makalla
View: https://m.youtube.com/shorts/_PhkzFUqeMI
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- #203
01 Desemba 2014
CHANGAMOTO YA VYAMA VYA UKOMBOZI / VILIVYOLETA UHURU KUKAA MADARAKANI KWA MUDA MREFU ZACHAMBULIWA KWA KINA
Ingawa chama rafiki cha CCM cha ANC kimekuwa madarakani sasa kwa miaka ishirini na inaonekana itaendelea kuwa madarakani kwa muda bado, kushikilia kwake mamlaka si kwa kudumu wala hakuna uhakika, na wakati fulani katika siku zijazo ni salama kusema kwamba itapigiwa kura ya kujiondoa. Hii ndiyo hatima inayokabili vyama vyote vya ukombozi ....
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=4JsymPrBHTM
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- #204
18 Julai 2025
Hakika usaidizi na umahiri katika diplomasia wa Humphrey Herson Polepole na John Pombe Joseph Magufuli uliisaidia sana awamu ya 5
Awamu ya sita ya rais Samia imejaa machawa aina ya Prof. Palamagamba Kabudi, William Lukuvi ambao hawana uelewa wa maana pana ya umuhimu wa diplomasia aliyotumia John Magufuli kwa msaada wa Humphrey Herson Polepole
Tuangalie jinsi uongozi mwingine wa juu wa taifa la China ulivyonufaika na diplomasia :
Mwanadiplomasia Zhou Enlai na kiongozi Mao Zedong walishiriki uhusiano mgumu na wa kudumu unaotokana na malengo yao ya pamoja ya kimapinduzi na utegemezi wa pande zote. Zhou, mwanadiplomasia na msimamizi stadi, aliunga mkono mara kwa mara uongozi wa Mao, hata alipokuwa akikabiliwa na changamoto za kutofautiana kisiasa. Muundo huu wa kusikiliza hoja mbadala tunduizi ulisaidia kuunganisha nguvu za Chama cha Kikomunisti na kuunda sera za awali za China.
Hapa kuna mchanganuo wa uhusiano wao:
Chillingly, Zhou flattered and lavished gratitude onto Mao, even though the Chairman had ordered doctors to withhold surgery from Zhou — treatment which may have prolonged the life of the Premier, who was Mao’s second-in-command.
Zhou Enlai (right) and Mao Zedong (left) pose for a picture in 1945, during the war between China and Japan. (AFP/Getty)
Mao and Zhou consulted with and depended on each other, but also secretly plotted and fretted over who would die first. The ultimate survivor hoped to shape the historical “verdict” on the other, defining a complex dynamic which was a key factor in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s existential struggles.
Zhou so feared being criticized by Mao that he was embarrassingly sycophantic. His letter presented Mao with a self-critical summary of his career, but before he could complete it Zhou died, on January 8, 1976, at the age of 77. Eight months later, Mao too passed away, plunging China into a dramatic power struggle in which reformist Deng Xiaoping emerged the winner, leading China onto the path of economic modernization.
Succession, the Achilles’ heel of Zhou and Mao’s relationship, is once again on people’s minds in China (if not their lips). Many Chinese yearn for another “good Premier,” a phrase many Chinese used to refer to Zhou.
Yet someone who might fulfill this hope today remains nowhere to be seen. The current Premier, Li Qiang, assumed the post last year, and so far is known best for his deference to General Secretary Xi Jinping. His recent predecessors would, at times, speak to champion the poor and marginalized. But Li has fewer chances to speak at all.
Last March, the Premier’s annual press conference — normally the climax of each session of the National People’s Congress, or parliament, since the 1980s — was abruptly cancelled until further notice.
Not long ago, Beijing almost had someone like a “good Premier.” Li Qiang’s predecessor, Li Keqiang, was popular, though eclipsed by Xi and bureaucratically weak. His fans nursed secret hopes that he would emerge from his boss’s shadow. Those hopes collapsed when Li Keqiang retired in March 2023. In October last year, he died unexpectedly. Officially, the cause was a heart attack while Li was swimming, yet skepticism abounds.
An “underground” digital-only document circulated in cyberspace, citing “abnormal circumstances” around Li’s death. “Why was Li sent to a traditional Chinese medicine hospital instead of an emergency room that was closer by?” said one Chinese source who requested anonymity as he showed it to me on his electronic device. It’s title is simply Him (他).
Many Chinese still remember Zhou as the original “good Premier.” They credit him with shielding thousands of victims from persecution, or worse, during the Cultural Revolution, when ultra-leftist extremists held sway. Half a century after he died, beatific imagery of Zhou is still hard to escape.
Tour guides at palaces and museums explain that he protected cultural relics from destruction by rampaging Red Guards. In sprawling flea-markets, his iconography is almost as omnipresent as Mao’s. Yet middle-class Chinese admit they’re ambivalent. “Zhou’s reputation has been tarnished in recent years, especially among intellectuals,” one Chinese member of the intelligentsia told me. “I confess that I cried when Zhou died. He was the one who had given us hope.”
Mao had the leadership skills and killer instinct, but needed Zhou’s organizational talent and attention to detail. Zhou could mesmerize guests at a dinner party.
But it was Mao’s fiery rhetoric and “animal magnetism” — as the late US president Richard Nixon put it — that drew cheers and tears from thousands in Tiananmen Square as they gathered to honor their leader.
This co-dependence wasn’t just a magnetic pull between opposites. It was symbiotic: the yin of Zhou required the yang of Mao — or so Zhou seemed to think. The two were locked in a perpetual cycle of mutual admiration, suspicion and need.
Foreign perceptions of Zhou can veer into hagiography. He is seen as the consummate diplomat whose charm, good looks and people skills lead him to stunning achievements, such as the Sino-US rapprochement of the 1970s.
Henry Kissinger famously described Zhou as “one of the two or three most impressive men I have ever met,” while former U.N. Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld said Zhou possessed “the most superior brain I have so far met in the field of foreign policy,” according to The China Diary of George H. W. Bush (2008). Zhou was “the only really good man we’d met in China,” said journalist Martha Gellhorn after she and her husband Ernest Hemingway secretly met him in 1941. (Revealingly, Hemingway saw Zhou as slippery.)
Chen Jian’s strong suit is Chinese-language material, including his own interviews, and the book is a prodigiously researched narrative. It is difficult to imagine a more comprehensive chronology of what Zhou did, when and with whom. Chen steers clear of speculating much about “why?”; those motivations, he writes, were locked inside Zhou’s “innermost world.” Nonetheless, the book mentions several factors which may have influenced Zhou’s actions.
With a historian’s care, Chen poses these as questions, not declarations, and invites us to draw our own conclusions.
Exploring Zhou’s dark side is like a criminal investigation, with the sordid corners of China’s political landscape as the crime scene, and Zhou increasingly seen as a suspect. How big was the conspiracy? Given the symbiosis between Zhou and Mao, who was the real mastermind? As Chen reminds us, some key documents remain classified.
Others are said to be lost, including hundreds of letters Zhou exchanged with his wife. Chen himself, loath to be judge and jury, claims there are “no definitive answers on how Zhou’s position in history would be illustrated and defined.”
For those yearning to peek into that “innermost world,” however, Chen offers some insight. Zhou had once been Mao’s superior in the early communist cause, but a series of events — some relatively small, such as a bold battlefield decision that paid off for Mao — persuaded Zhou that the leader of China’s revolution needed the cutthroat ambition which Mao displayed.
By increments, Zhou began to support and defer to Mao. Chen writes that Zhou was “more a man of action than of ideas,” lacking Mao’s “utopian idealism and charisma,” summarizing:
His obsequiousness seeped into mainstream consciousness after a Chinese-language book, Zhou Enlai’s Later Years (晚年周恩来) by Gao Wenqian, was published in the 1990s and later translated into English.
It was banned on the mainland, but Chen credits Gao with complicating public perceptions of Zhou inside China that used to be two-dimensionally positive.
Zhou Enlai in the 1940s with his wife Deng Yingchao (center) and adopted daughter Sun Weishi (right).
Hakika usaidizi na umahiri katika diplomasia wa Humphrey Herson Polepole na John Pombe Joseph Magufuli uliisaidia sana awamu ya 5
Awamu ya sita ya rais Samia imejaa machawa aina ya Prof. Palamagamba Kabudi, William Lukuvi ambao hawana uelewa wa maana pana ya umuhimu wa diplomasia aliyotumia John Magufuli kwa msaada wa Humphrey Herson Polepole
Tuangalie jinsi uongozi mwingine wa juu wa taifa la China ulivyonufaika na diplomasia :
Mwanadiplomasia Zhou Enlai na kiongozi Mao Zedong walishiriki uhusiano mgumu na wa kudumu unaotokana na malengo yao ya pamoja ya kimapinduzi na utegemezi wa pande zote. Zhou, mwanadiplomasia na msimamizi stadi, aliunga mkono mara kwa mara uongozi wa Mao, hata alipokuwa akikabiliwa na changamoto za kutofautiana kisiasa. Muundo huu wa kusikiliza hoja mbadala tunduizi ulisaidia kuunganisha nguvu za Chama cha Kikomunisti na kuunda sera za awali za China.
Hapa kuna mchanganuo wa uhusiano wao:
- Malengo ya Mapinduzi ya Pamoja:
Wote wawili Zhou na Mao walijitolea katika mapinduzi ya kikomunisti nchini China, na walifanya kazi kwa karibu ili kufikia malengo yao.
- Uongozi wa Mao:
Zhou mara kwa mara alikuwa na uwezo wa kuhoji mamlaka ya Mao, hata alipokuwa hakubaliani na sera zake lakini aliendelea kuhudumu . Uaminifu huu ulikuwa muhimu kwa kudumisha umoja wa Chama cha Kikomunisti kutokana na kiongozi Mao .
- Nguvu za ziada:
Ustadi wa utawala na kidiplomasia wa Zhou ulikamilisha maono ya kimkakati ya Mao na haiba yake. Zhou alikuwa muhimu katika kutekeleza sera za Mao na kujenga serikali mpya.
- Msaada wa Kisiasa:
Uungwaji mkono wa Zhou ulikuwa muhimu wakati wa harakati za kisiasa na kugombea madaraka. Mara nyingi aliwakinga kifua wengine kutokana na ghadhabu ya kiongozi Mao na kusaidia kukabiliana na hali ngumu.
- Ushirikiano wa Kudumu:
Licha ya kutokubaliana na changamoto za ndani ya siasa cha chama, Zhou na Mao walidumisha uhusiano wa karibu wa kufanya kazi katika maisha yao yote. Uaminifu na umahiri wa Zhou vilikuwa muhimu kwa mafanikio ya Mao.
The Curse of the “Good Premier”
Zhou Enlai, Mao Zedong’s second-in-command, has been lionized as a moderating force who held back Mao’s excesses. But does he deserve that reputation, when he also enabled them
Chillingly, Zhou flattered and lavished gratitude onto Mao, even though the Chairman had ordered doctors to withhold surgery from Zhou — treatment which may have prolonged the life of the Premier, who was Mao’s second-in-command.
Mao and Zhou consulted with and depended on each other, but also secretly plotted and fretted over who would die first. The ultimate survivor hoped to shape the historical “verdict” on the other, defining a complex dynamic which was a key factor in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s existential struggles.
Zhou so feared being criticized by Mao that he was embarrassingly sycophantic. His letter presented Mao with a self-critical summary of his career, but before he could complete it Zhou died, on January 8, 1976, at the age of 77. Eight months later, Mao too passed away, plunging China into a dramatic power struggle in which reformist Deng Xiaoping emerged the winner, leading China onto the path of economic modernization.
Succession, the Achilles’ heel of Zhou and Mao’s relationship, is once again on people’s minds in China (if not their lips). Many Chinese yearn for another “good Premier,” a phrase many Chinese used to refer to Zhou.
Yet someone who might fulfill this hope today remains nowhere to be seen. The current Premier, Li Qiang, assumed the post last year, and so far is known best for his deference to General Secretary Xi Jinping. His recent predecessors would, at times, speak to champion the poor and marginalized. But Li has fewer chances to speak at all.
Last March, the Premier’s annual press conference — normally the climax of each session of the National People’s Congress, or parliament, since the 1980s — was abruptly cancelled until further notice.
Not long ago, Beijing almost had someone like a “good Premier.” Li Qiang’s predecessor, Li Keqiang, was popular, though eclipsed by Xi and bureaucratically weak. His fans nursed secret hopes that he would emerge from his boss’s shadow. Those hopes collapsed when Li Keqiang retired in March 2023. In October last year, he died unexpectedly. Officially, the cause was a heart attack while Li was swimming, yet skepticism abounds.
An “underground” digital-only document circulated in cyberspace, citing “abnormal circumstances” around Li’s death. “Why was Li sent to a traditional Chinese medicine hospital instead of an emergency room that was closer by?” said one Chinese source who requested anonymity as he showed it to me on his electronic device. It’s title is simply Him (他).
Many Chinese still remember Zhou as the original “good Premier.” They credit him with shielding thousands of victims from persecution, or worse, during the Cultural Revolution, when ultra-leftist extremists held sway. Half a century after he died, beatific imagery of Zhou is still hard to escape.
Tour guides at palaces and museums explain that he protected cultural relics from destruction by rampaging Red Guards. In sprawling flea-markets, his iconography is almost as omnipresent as Mao’s. Yet middle-class Chinese admit they’re ambivalent. “Zhou’s reputation has been tarnished in recent years, especially among intellectuals,” one Chinese member of the intelligentsia told me. “I confess that I cried when Zhou died. He was the one who had given us hope.”
The paradox of Zhao’s relationship with Mao is on full display in Chen Jian’s impressive biography Zhou Enlai: A Life (Harvard University Press, 2024). For decades, Zhou has been perceived as the CCP’s compassionate empath, scrambling to contain the excesses of his paranoid, abusive boss.
Mao had the leadership skills and killer instinct, but needed Zhou’s organizational talent and attention to detail. Zhou could mesmerize guests at a dinner party.
But it was Mao’s fiery rhetoric and “animal magnetism” — as the late US president Richard Nixon put it — that drew cheers and tears from thousands in Tiananmen Square as they gathered to honor their leader.
This co-dependence wasn’t just a magnetic pull between opposites. It was symbiotic: the yin of Zhou required the yang of Mao — or so Zhou seemed to think. The two were locked in a perpetual cycle of mutual admiration, suspicion and need.
Foreign perceptions of Zhou can veer into hagiography. He is seen as the consummate diplomat whose charm, good looks and people skills lead him to stunning achievements, such as the Sino-US rapprochement of the 1970s.
Henry Kissinger famously described Zhou as “one of the two or three most impressive men I have ever met,” while former U.N. Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld said Zhou possessed “the most superior brain I have so far met in the field of foreign policy,” according to The China Diary of George H. W. Bush (2008). Zhou was “the only really good man we’d met in China,” said journalist Martha Gellhorn after she and her husband Ernest Hemingway secretly met him in 1941. (Revealingly, Hemingway saw Zhou as slippery.)
Chen Jian’s strong suit is Chinese-language material, including his own interviews, and the book is a prodigiously researched narrative. It is difficult to imagine a more comprehensive chronology of what Zhou did, when and with whom. Chen steers clear of speculating much about “why?”; those motivations, he writes, were locked inside Zhou’s “innermost world.” Nonetheless, the book mentions several factors which may have influenced Zhou’s actions.
With a historian’s care, Chen poses these as questions, not declarations, and invites us to draw our own conclusions.
Exploring Zhou’s dark side is like a criminal investigation, with the sordid corners of China’s political landscape as the crime scene, and Zhou increasingly seen as a suspect. How big was the conspiracy? Given the symbiosis between Zhou and Mao, who was the real mastermind? As Chen reminds us, some key documents remain classified.
Others are said to be lost, including hundreds of letters Zhou exchanged with his wife. Chen himself, loath to be judge and jury, claims there are “no definitive answers on how Zhou’s position in history would be illustrated and defined.”
For those yearning to peek into that “innermost world,” however, Chen offers some insight. Zhou had once been Mao’s superior in the early communist cause, but a series of events — some relatively small, such as a bold battlefield decision that paid off for Mao — persuaded Zhou that the leader of China’s revolution needed the cutthroat ambition which Mao displayed.
By increments, Zhou began to support and defer to Mao. Chen writes that Zhou was “more a man of action than of ideas,” lacking Mao’s “utopian idealism and charisma,” summarizing:
Their symbiotic relationship ultimately led to tragedy. Mao became ever more destructive, and Zhou was unable to break free from his evil twin. Zhou seemed obsessed with not being named Mao’s official heir apparent, because so many had met painful fates.
His obsequiousness seeped into mainstream consciousness after a Chinese-language book, Zhou Enlai’s Later Years (晚年周恩来) by Gao Wenqian, was published in the 1990s and later translated into English.
It was banned on the mainland, but Chen credits Gao with complicating public perceptions of Zhou inside China that used to be two-dimensionally positive.
- Thread starter
- #205
18 Julai 2025
Balozi Humphrey H. Polepole asema mazito kuhusu chama dola kongwe tawala CCM cha Tanzania
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- #206
- Thread starter
- #207
20 November 2022
Mimi ni mpigania uhuru, Tuliamini ktk No Reforms No Election - Na hii ni Story yangu balozi Matiya Ngalande
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=a30PfsSNRRA
Tulibeba azimio la No Reforms No Election lakini watu wengi walijaa mashaka, na wakahoji unawezaje kukataa kidogo ulichopewa na mtawala mwenye maguvu ambaye anaweza kuwanyima vyote na pia kuwasweka rumande kwa 'uasi' ? Tulihojiwa sana mijini na vijijini kuhusu msimamo wetu wa lazima kwanza kuwepo mabadiliko kupitia No Reforms No Election anabainisha balozi Matiya Ngalande
Wakati najiunga na harakati, viongozi wa chama waliniambia huku kwetu kwenye No Reforms No Election hakuna mshahara wala posho je unaweza kutumikia chama chetu ?
Swali hilo lilikuwa rahisi kwangu kwani tayari nilikuwa nimeguswa na kutaka mabadiliko hivyo nikawajibu viongozi wa chama naam nimejitolea kwa moyo mmoja na pia najua kuna mengi nitapitia ikiwemo kutupwa jela kama viongozi wengine wa juu wa chama ambao sasa wapo gerezani.
Balozi Matiya Ngalande anaendelea hoja hii ya mwenyekiti ya No Reforms No Election ilileta mpasuko ndani ya chama na baadhi ya makada maarufu walijitoa na kwenda kujiunga na vyama vingine visivyoamini katika No Reforms No Election.
Hatimaye mabadiliko madogo yakaja baada ya mbinyo mkubwa wa No Reforms No Election na tukaingia katika uchaguzi.
Katika uchaguzi kulikuwepo upande wa mtawala aliyeshika dola na chama chake, sisi wenye No Reforms No Election na wale waliotukimbia kutoka chama chetu wakajiunga na chama kingine kabla ya mabadililo madogo ya NO REFORMS NO ELECTION yalipokubaliwa dakika za mwishoni kuelekea uchaguzi.
Matokeo yalipotoka mtawala akaibuka na robo ya viti vya wabunge huku sisi wa No Reforms No Election tukipata viti vingi kuunda serikali na wale waliomeguka kutoka kwetu wakaambulia kiti kimoja cha ubunge huku wagombea binafsi wakizoa viti vingi zaidi ya wale waliokimbia No Reforms No Election anasema balozi Matiya Ngalande.
Balozi Matiya Ngalande anaamini waliweza kupata viti vingi kutokana na msimamo wetu wa No Reforms No Election uliokubaliwa na raia wengi huku wale waliomeguka kutoka kwetu walionekana hawana agenda pana zaidi ya kutaka kuingia bungeni kuneemesha matumbo yao.
Mimi ni mpigania uhuru, Tuliamini ktk No Reforms No Election - Na hii ni Story yangu balozi Matiya Ngalande
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=a30PfsSNRRA
Tulibeba azimio la No Reforms No Election lakini watu wengi walijaa mashaka, na wakahoji unawezaje kukataa kidogo ulichopewa na mtawala mwenye maguvu ambaye anaweza kuwanyima vyote na pia kuwasweka rumande kwa 'uasi' ? Tulihojiwa sana mijini na vijijini kuhusu msimamo wetu wa lazima kwanza kuwepo mabadiliko kupitia No Reforms No Election anabainisha balozi Matiya Ngalande
Wakati najiunga na harakati, viongozi wa chama waliniambia huku kwetu kwenye No Reforms No Election hakuna mshahara wala posho je unaweza kutumikia chama chetu ?
Swali hilo lilikuwa rahisi kwangu kwani tayari nilikuwa nimeguswa na kutaka mabadiliko hivyo nikawajibu viongozi wa chama naam nimejitolea kwa moyo mmoja na pia najua kuna mengi nitapitia ikiwemo kutupwa jela kama viongozi wengine wa juu wa chama ambao sasa wapo gerezani.
Balozi Matiya Ngalande anaendelea hoja hii ya mwenyekiti ya No Reforms No Election ilileta mpasuko ndani ya chama na baadhi ya makada maarufu walijitoa na kwenda kujiunga na vyama vingine visivyoamini katika No Reforms No Election.
Hatimaye mabadiliko madogo yakaja baada ya mbinyo mkubwa wa No Reforms No Election na tukaingia katika uchaguzi.
Katika uchaguzi kulikuwepo upande wa mtawala aliyeshika dola na chama chake, sisi wenye No Reforms No Election na wale waliotukimbia kutoka chama chetu wakajiunga na chama kingine kabla ya mabadililo madogo ya NO REFORMS NO ELECTION yalipokubaliwa dakika za mwishoni kuelekea uchaguzi.
Matokeo yalipotoka mtawala akaibuka na robo ya viti vya wabunge huku sisi wa No Reforms No Election tukipata viti vingi kuunda serikali na wale waliomeguka kutoka kwetu wakaambulia kiti kimoja cha ubunge huku wagombea binafsi wakizoa viti vingi zaidi ya wale waliokimbia No Reforms No Election anasema balozi Matiya Ngalande.
Balozi Matiya Ngalande anaamini waliweza kupata viti vingi kutokana na msimamo wetu wa No Reforms No Election uliokubaliwa na raia wengi huku wale waliomeguka kutoka kwetu walionekana hawana agenda pana zaidi ya kutaka kuingia bungeni kuneemesha matumbo yao.
- Thread starter
- #208
03 August 2025
Dr. Lenny Kasoga aibuka tena kueleze kuwa anayosema Amb. Humphrey Herson Polepole yasipuuzwe kwa kuwa ....
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=Tm8Oh55q3Gg
Dr. Lenny Kasoga anaonya ni hatari katiba ya nchi kuupuuzwa pia ni hatari katiba ya chama pamoja na desturi, tamaduni zake kupuuzwa kwa ajili ya tamaa ya kuhonga upate uongozi.
Dr. Lenny Kasoga anaongeza Dr. Lenny Kasoga viongozi huapa kwa katiba ya nchi na pia kule katika vyama vyao huapa kufuata katiba kanuni za vyama vyao . Sasa viongozi wakianza kupuuza hivi vyote maana yake waptapopata uongozi wananchi hatuna uhakika kama katiba ya nchi itaheshimiwa...
- Thread starter
- #209
16 August 2025
Kisesa, Simiyu
Tanzania
Luhanga Mpina akiongea Kisesa mkoa wa Simiyu ukanda wa ziwa nchini Tanzania.
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=5UPOmKAtvR4
Luhanga Mpina mbele ya umati wa wakaazi wa ukanda wa ziwa amabao Prof. Mihanjo anakubali wingi wao una mchango mkubwa wakipata ushawishi..
Luhanga Mpina amshutumu rais na waziri wa kilimo kwa kumshambulia binafsi wakati akitetea wananchi wa Meatu / Simiyu haki ya kudai bei nzuri ya pamba, barabara ya Bariadi hadi ...matibabu ya afya kwa wananchi na wananchi kupoteza maisha...Leo hii rais anaanza kuwadhihaki wananchi wa Kisesa / Meatu kuwa hatumdai hayo mambo muhimu ya maendeleo ya wananchi ...
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- #210
16 Agosti 2025
Kisesa/ Meatu
LUHANGA MPINA, SIKU YA TAREHE 28 AGOSTI 2025 SAA SITA USIKU NITAONGEA NA TAIFA KWA MASAA 6 HADI ALFAJIRI
- Thread starter
- #211
26 Agosti 2025
Dokta Hango anazungumza kuhusu hali ya kisiasa nchini Tanzania, No Reforms No Election ni Hoja kubwa sana...
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=dnzM9V3tsmg
- Thread starter
- #212
27 Agosti 2025
JOHN HECHE - MAPAMBANO YA NO REFORMS NO ELECTION 2025 YANAENDELEA
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=QHRnDQIh6YY
Uhalifu wa kuteka mchakato wa uchaguzi wa 2025, wahusika watawajibika...
Bilioni 700 kutumika katika unajisi wa uchaguzi.... political legitimacy kukubalika kisiasa hakupo ... na watakaojipitisha kwa nguvu hawawezi kukubalika wala kutambulika kokote pale nchini na ulimwenguni kwa ujumla ...
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- #213
02 October 2025
RC CHALAMILA AMTIA HOFU KUU WAZIRI MKUU KASSIM MAJALIWA
Angalia hofu kubwa aliyonayo waziri mkuu Kassim Majaliwa Majaliwa alipokuwa anamsikiliza mkuu wa mkoa wa Dar es Salaam kuhusu fujo
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=zNvFFMsf0kg
- Thread starter
- #214
Prof. Eginald P.A.N. Mihanjo. PhD, MA in History, BA (Hon.) Educ. (UDSM) - " Rais wa sasa aliyeingia kwa ajali, awe makini sana.."
- Thread starter
- #215
Kila siku chama kongwe kiliaswa lakini wanajitia ni viziwi
Kama utani vile lakini uthibitisho wa watu kutekwa, kuumizwa, kutupwa na bado Bunge la CCM Dodoma mawaziri na wabunge wake kusisitiza wahanga zaidi wasakwe na kushughulikuwa ni ushahidi tosha siku si nyingi tutaona vigogo wakiwekewa vikwanzo na pia waranti ya INTERPOL kuwatia nguvuni kisha kupelekwa Mahakama ya ICC The Hague ipo njiani.
Hoja za Askofu Josephat Gwajima
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=lIInNAywSIM
Hoja za Mh. Jesca Jonathani Msambatavangu, mbunge wa Iringa mjini kwa tiketi ya CCM.
Histori ya juzi tu, huko The Philippines viongozi na watawala wa chama...
Hoja za Askofu Josephat Gwajima
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=lIInNAywSIM
Hoja za Mh. Jesca Jonathani Msambatavangu, mbunge wa Iringa mjini kwa tiketi ya CCM.
Histori ya juzi tu, huko The Philippines viongozi na watawala wa chama...
- Thread starter
- #216
Matatizo ya chama tawala ya CCM ni sawa na ya ANC Africa ya Kusini. Mangimeza wa serikalini na wanasiasa wakurugenzi wizarani / halmashauri, makatibu wakuu wa wizara, wabunge, viongozi wa taasisi za serikali, viongozi wa vyombo wana mishahara mikubwa na marupurupu
Pia magari ya kununuliwa na serikali ya kifahari ya bei mbaya, wanakula pia kwa urefu wa kamba zao za ofisi ya umma kiasi serikali imeshindwa kuwekeza fedha zaidi ktk kilimo, afya, elimu, viwanda. Kodi yote inaenda kulea viongozi wateule wa mamlaka za serikali ...
Wananchi wanapiga kelele magari ya kifahari yasinunuliwe, mamlaka zimeziba masikio..Rushwa, tenda za serikali kuwa na bei kubwa kuliko uhalisia, safari za kiserikali ni mojawapo ya kuteketeza kodi za wananchi bila huruma ili kujinufaisha vigogo na marafiki wao .
06 October 2025
Dr. Moeletsi Mbeki : ANC inaelekea kukata pumzi na kufa
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=iQ6kPACP-fU
In this episode of Talking Sense, Gabriel Makin interviews the founder of Pomegranate media and distinguished political economist Moeletsi Mbeki. The discussion is far reaching, touching on why the Mebki family turned out to be so special, the history of South Africa, the ANC, the democratic period and how the DA is the future of the country
Chapters
Pia magari ya kununuliwa na serikali ya kifahari ya bei mbaya, wanakula pia kwa urefu wa kamba zao za ofisi ya umma kiasi serikali imeshindwa kuwekeza fedha zaidi ktk kilimo, afya, elimu, viwanda. Kodi yote inaenda kulea viongozi wateule wa mamlaka za serikali ...
Wananchi wanapiga kelele magari ya kifahari yasinunuliwe, mamlaka zimeziba masikio..Rushwa, tenda za serikali kuwa na bei kubwa kuliko uhalisia, safari za kiserikali ni mojawapo ya kuteketeza kodi za wananchi bila huruma ili kujinufaisha vigogo na marafiki wao .
06 October 2025
Dr. Moeletsi Mbeki : ANC inaelekea kukata pumzi na kufa
"The ANC is DEAD" Moeletsi Mbeki - Talking Sense Episode 7
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=iQ6kPACP-fU
In this episode of Talking Sense, Gabriel Makin interviews the founder of Pomegranate media and distinguished political economist Moeletsi Mbeki. The discussion is far reaching, touching on why the Mebki family turned out to be so special, the history of South Africa, the ANC, the democratic period and how the DA is the future of the country
Chapters
- 00:00 Introduction01:08 What makes the Mbeki family so special
- 03:00 African middle-class and organised labour
- 08:00 The bloat of the South African state
- 11:00 No difference between the 'era's' of the ANC
- 14:00 'Fat' in the SA economy
- 15:30 Is the ANC dead?
- 23:00 Why the ANC cannot reform
- 30:00 Big business and BEE
- 34:20 South Africa's current political transition
- 37:00The DA liberalism problem
- 45:00 Helen Zille and Johannesburg
- 50:30 South Africa, the United States and 'the New World'
- 57:00 Invest in Human Capital
- Thread starter
- #217
19 Oktoba 2025
Die Hards / Wahafidhina wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi
Ngebe, Majivuno, Matamko yao kutoka Maktaba
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=L0VTRSefw3I
Kada ndugu Richard Atufigwege Kasesela Mjumbe wa Halmashauri Kuu ya CCM Taifa (MNEC) Viti 20 Tanzania Bara akizungumza kuhusu ukuu wa chama dola kongwe CCM ulioota mizizi kiasi cha kutoweza kupata chokochoko ya kungolewa kutoka kuwa chama tawala milele Tanzania
Die Hards / Wahafidhina wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi
Ngebe, Majivuno, Matamko yao kutoka Maktaba
KADA KASESERA ( MNEC )USO KWA USO NA WANAOTAKA KUANDAMANA: ADAI MAANDAMANO SIO KIPAUMBELE CHA VIJANA.
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=L0VTRSefw3I
Kada ndugu Richard Atufigwege Kasesela Mjumbe wa Halmashauri Kuu ya CCM Taifa (MNEC) Viti 20 Tanzania Bara akizungumza kuhusu ukuu wa chama dola kongwe CCM ulioota mizizi kiasi cha kutoweza kupata chokochoko ya kungolewa kutoka kuwa chama tawala milele Tanzania
- Thread starter
- #218
02 November 2025
Mshikemshike unaendelea kwa maandamano yasiyo na kikomo siku ya Tano
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=-9uzbi3s0pg
Huku kuna fununu kuwa rais mteule Samia Suluhu Hassan kuapishwa tarehe 3 November 2025 siku ya jumatatu, siku moja kabla ya Tundu Lissu kurejea tena Mahakama Kuu kutoka mahabusu jumanne tarehe 4 November 2025
Mshikemshike unaendelea kwa maandamano yasiyo na kikomo siku ya Tano
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=-9uzbi3s0pg
Huku kuna fununu kuwa rais mteule Samia Suluhu Hassan kuapishwa tarehe 3 November 2025 siku ya jumatatu, siku moja kabla ya Tundu Lissu kurejea tena Mahakama Kuu kutoka mahabusu jumanne tarehe 4 November 2025
- Thread starter
- #219
In today’s episode, we are joined by economist, author and businessperson Moeletsi Mbeki, who reflects on all the big news confronting South Africa
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=MvTS7EJaiyU
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=MvTS7EJaiyU
- Thread starter
- #220
Vlogger Simon Mwewa talks accidental leaders :
The truth is God doesn't elect presidents, responsibility is ours
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=GjEwBINe6r4
The truth is God doesn't elect presidents, responsibility is ours
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=GjEwBINe6r4