Akasankara
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 28, 2015
- 4,210
- 5,752
CCM na msamiati wa Mabeberu. Mwambieni atende HAKI kwa wananchi na aache upendeleo
Rais Samia awahakikishia Umoja wa Ulaya kuwa na utawala wa kidemokrasia
Rais Samia awahakikishia Umoja wa Ulaya kuwa na utawala wa kidemokrasia
- Thread starter Shadow7
- Start date
Tindo
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 28, 2011
- 63,730
- 111,542
Umewahi kuona kale katairi kadogo ka spear baada ya tairi kubwa kupata pancha? Kweli ni tairi lakini sio kihivyo.
Crimea
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 25, 2014
- 25,874
- 36,030
Kivipi wakati yeye ndio rais kupitia katiba mnayosema inampa madaraka makubwa?
Kwani ni kipi kinamfanya awe tair la pair?
Demokrasia ni Pana sana, vyama vya siasa ni sehemu ndogo yake tu
12 July 2021
Brussels Makao Makuu ya EU:
Dodoma Makao Makuu ya TZ:
Tanzania and the EU on track to deepen bilateral ties and political dialogue.
Maagano 3 makuu baina ya Umoja wa Ulaya EU na Serikali ya Awamu ya Sita TZ.
Kwani ajenda ya sasa na siku za usoni ni ktk kutilia mkazo masuala ya Mazingira, Maendeleo ya Watu na Kutilia mkazo Uendelevu wa Utawala Bora . Haya ni masuala tunayoyatambua na kuyakubali pande zote mbili yaani Umoja wa Ulaya EU na awamu ya sita ya uongozi wa Tanzania . The priorities for our future cooperation: green transition, human development and enhanced good governance
Charles Michel@eucopresident
Tanzania and the EU on track to deepen bilateral ties and political dialogue. President @SuluhuSamia and I have charted the priorities for our future cooperation: green transition, human development and enhanced good governance. #AUEU pic.twitter.com/bbw5plp8Sd
N.B
Maoni ya mwanaJF
Brussels Makao Makuu ya EU:
Dodoma Makao Makuu ya TZ:
Tanzania and the EU on track to deepen bilateral ties and political dialogue.
Maagano 3 makuu baina ya Umoja wa Ulaya EU na Serikali ya Awamu ya Sita TZ.
Kwani ajenda ya sasa na siku za usoni ni ktk kutilia mkazo masuala ya Mazingira, Maendeleo ya Watu na Kutilia mkazo Uendelevu wa Utawala Bora . Haya ni masuala tunayoyatambua na kuyakubali pande zote mbili yaani Umoja wa Ulaya EU na awamu ya sita ya uongozi wa Tanzania . The priorities for our future cooperation: green transition, human development and enhanced good governance
Charles Michel@eucopresident
Tanzania and the EU on track to deepen bilateral ties and political dialogue. President @SuluhuSamia and I have charted the priorities for our future cooperation: green transition, human development and enhanced good governance. #AUEU pic.twitter.com/bbw5plp8Sd
N.B
Maoni ya mwanaJF
Ntaghacha
JF-Expert Member
- Jul 28, 2020
- 1,412
- 4,122
Hii ni submission kwa mabeberu completely!kwani wao Wana demokrasia gani?Rais wa Tanzania, Samia Suluhu Hassan amezungumza na Rais wa Baraza la Umoja wa Ulaya(EU), Charles Michel ambapo amemsifu Rais Samia kwa hatua anazochukua kukabiliana na #COVID19.
EU wamesema wako tayari kushirikiana na viwanda mbalimbali vinavyozalisha chanjo ya #COVID19 barani Afrika ikiwemo Tanzania ikiwa itahitaji msaada huo.
Rais Samia amemuhakikishia Rais wa EU kuwa atahakikisha uwepo wa demokrasia katika utawala wake, utawala bora na haki za msingi za binadamu.
Daudi Mchambuzi
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 25, 2010
- 62,197
- 128,160
Mabeberu hawataishia kuamini maneno matupu.
Wanafanya tafiti na wanashirikiana na mashirika ya haki za binadamu kupata report za ground.
Wanafanya tafiti na wanashirikiana na mashirika ya haki za binadamu kupata report za ground.
MPAMBANO WA LEGASI
Je, awamu ya sita utaweza kuutupa utawala wa awamu ya 5 chini katika mpambano wa mieleka wa legacy
Samia Suluhu Hassan was sworn in as president of Tanzania in mid-March, while the country was still reeling from the sudden death of her predecessor, John Magufuli, two days earlier. Dressed in a black suit, the 61-year-old former vice president spoke sorrowfully about the passing of Magufuli, officially from a longstanding heart condition.
“Today I have taken an oath different from the rest that I have taken in my political career,” Suluhu Hassan said upon becoming the country’s first female president and the first from the semi-autonomous Zanzibar archipelago. “Those were taken in happiness. Today I took the highest oath of office in mourning.” She then announced that the official grieving period for Magufuli would last 21 days. Shell-shocked Tanzanians wondered where the country was headed.
In the weeks leading up to his death, Magufuli, who had just begun his second term as president, had been suspiciously absent from public life, leading to speculation that he had actually fallen ill with COVID-19 and was in a hospital bed in neighboring Kenya or India. After authorities unexpectedly announced his death, rumors about its true cause only intensified.
The late president had long denied that the coronavirus existed in Tanzania, insisting that his faithful compatriots had rid themselves of sickness through three days of national prayer in May 2020. He stopped releasing official data about the coronavirus that same month, eschewed mask-wearing and refused to join the global COVAX vaccine initiative, even as other government officials—including the vice president of the Zanzibar region, Seif Sharif Hamad, and reportedly even Magufuli’s chief secretary, John Kijazi—succumbed to the disease around him.
But his coronavirus response was only the latest controversy Magufuli courted. Nicknamed “the Bulldozer” from his time as minister of public works, he was a divisive figure in Tanzania and beyond.
Magufuli’s anti-corruption reforms inspired the adoring twitter hashtag #WhatWouldMagufuliDo and won him widespread praise in Tanzania. His efforts to nationalize the mining sector and spur infrastructure projects were also lauded, and sustained economic growth under his administration helped move the country up to middle-income status, according to the World Bank, in July 2020. At the same time, Magufuli brooked no dissent, shuttering independent newspapers and civil society organizations, while jailing human rights defenders and political opponents.
Tanzania has never been a true democracy, with the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi, or CCM party, keeping a tight grip on power since the country gained independence from the United Kingdom in the 1960s. A series of political and economic reforms in the mid-1980s and 1990s paved the way for the country’s first multiparty elections in 1995, and while CCM remained politically dominant, the country became known for its relatively smooth electoral system and vibrant civil society.
That all changed under “the Bulldozer,” as fear of persecution was pervasive during his presidency. “Those who continued to talk about the excesses of the state did so out of extraordinary courage,” David Kode, a campaigner at the Johannesburg-based nonprofit CIVICUS told WPR. “There is no denying that there were many who were forced to self-censor.”
Critics may have had good reason to keep a stiff upper lip. Tanzania’s main opposition leader, Tundu Lissu, was shot 16 times outside his home in the administrative capital of Dodoma in 2017, in what he says was a politically motivated assassination attempt.
Lissu briefly returned to Tanzania from self-imposed exile in Belgium to challenge Magufuli for the presidency last October, only to flee again after Magufuli claimed a disputed victory with 84 percent of the vote to Lissu’s 13 percent. Security forces also shot dead at least nine people in election-related clashes in Zanzibar, according to the Associated Press.
Now, following Magufuli’s sudden death, Suluhu Hassan has inherited a fractured and frightened electorate and a Cabinet full of officials still loyal to the late president.
A political stalwart who has spent nearly two decades climbing the rungs of the CCM, Suluhu Hassan has so far seemed hesitant to clearly break with her predecessor. “Samia and Magufuli are essentially the same person,” she recently remarked to lawmakers.
That elite has grown accustomed to the power it enjoyed under Magufuli, according to McLellan. And should Suluhu Hassan attempt to challenge the more repressive measures enacted under his rule, she could face pushback from his devotees.
Still, during her first months in office, Suluhu Hassan has slowly begun to reverse Magufuli’s response to the coronavirus. She wore a mask to international meetings in Uganda and Kenya this spring, and also while speaking to prominent community elders in the commercial hub, Dar es Salaam, in May.
“We have come in face masks because elders are in a group of people who have a higher risk of contracting the prevailing disease,” she said, flanked by government ministers, also in masks. “We have found it is important to protect you.”
She has also pulled together a committee of experts to advise her on the pandemic. Led by Said Aboud, a microbiologist at Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences in Dar es Salaam, it recently recommended that Tanzania resume the release of COVID-19 data and finally join the COVAX program, while adhering to regional and World Health Organization safety guidelines.
Moreover, Tanzania has opened the door for the import of vaccines through embassies and international organizations, allowing them to inoculate their staff and citizens living in the country. However, it has yet to enact a widespread vaccination campaign, and the government has not provided new data on the virus, either.
Suluhu Hassan has simultaneously begun to make some liberalizing political moves, calling to lift a Magufuli-era ban on critical media outlets and reshuffling the Cabinet to appoint new finance and foreign ministers.
Even these small steps have won her accolades among beleaguered members of the opposition. “We are not worried for our lives, we are not worried of being arrested,” Zitto Kabwe, head of the opposition party, ACT-Wazalendo, told me.
However, Kabwe added, “There are not any legal or institutional changes. Improvements are based solely on the rhetoric of the current president.” Indeed, a number of the most concerning laws enacted by Magufuli remain in place, including the Electronic and Postal Communications Act, which makes it prohibitively expensive to run a blog, and the Media Service Act, which severely limits press freedom.
“Even though we haven’t seen the type of persecution people faced under [Magufuli],” Kode, the CIVICUS campaigner, said, “the laws are still in place. They can be used anytime.”
Tanzania’s security and intelligence services, accused of cracking down on civilians during the October election, remain largely unchanged, as does the environment of heightened apprehension created by Magufuli.
Just how far Suluhu Hassan will go in changing the course her predecessor set, and restoring calm and confidence in the process, remains to be seen.
“People are still very cautious. One of the things [Magufuli] did so successfully was creating a culture of fear, and this is still very much alive,” Thabit Jacob, a Tanzanian researcher and activist based in Denmark, said. “It will take time for people to feel the freedom to be themselves again.”
Sophie Neiman is a freelance reporter and photojournalist, covering politics, conflict and human rights in East and Central Africa. Her work has appeared in numerous outlets, including African Arguments, The Christian Science Monitor and The New Humanitarian
Source : Tanzania’s New President Wrestles With Magufuli’s Legacy
Je, awamu ya sita utaweza kuutupa utawala wa awamu ya 5 chini katika mpambano wa mieleka wa legacy
Tanzania’s New President Wrestles With Magufuli’s Legacy
Sophie Neiman | Friday, June 11, 2021Samia Suluhu Hassan was sworn in as president of Tanzania in mid-March, while the country was still reeling from the sudden death of her predecessor, John Magufuli, two days earlier. Dressed in a black suit, the 61-year-old former vice president spoke sorrowfully about the passing of Magufuli, officially from a longstanding heart condition.
“Today I have taken an oath different from the rest that I have taken in my political career,” Suluhu Hassan said upon becoming the country’s first female president and the first from the semi-autonomous Zanzibar archipelago. “Those were taken in happiness. Today I took the highest oath of office in mourning.” She then announced that the official grieving period for Magufuli would last 21 days. Shell-shocked Tanzanians wondered where the country was headed.
In the weeks leading up to his death, Magufuli, who had just begun his second term as president, had been suspiciously absent from public life, leading to speculation that he had actually fallen ill with COVID-19 and was in a hospital bed in neighboring Kenya or India. After authorities unexpectedly announced his death, rumors about its true cause only intensified.
The late president had long denied that the coronavirus existed in Tanzania, insisting that his faithful compatriots had rid themselves of sickness through three days of national prayer in May 2020. He stopped releasing official data about the coronavirus that same month, eschewed mask-wearing and refused to join the global COVAX vaccine initiative, even as other government officials—including the vice president of the Zanzibar region, Seif Sharif Hamad, and reportedly even Magufuli’s chief secretary, John Kijazi—succumbed to the disease around him.
But his coronavirus response was only the latest controversy Magufuli courted. Nicknamed “the Bulldozer” from his time as minister of public works, he was a divisive figure in Tanzania and beyond.
Magufuli’s anti-corruption reforms inspired the adoring twitter hashtag #WhatWouldMagufuliDo and won him widespread praise in Tanzania. His efforts to nationalize the mining sector and spur infrastructure projects were also lauded, and sustained economic growth under his administration helped move the country up to middle-income status, according to the World Bank, in July 2020. At the same time, Magufuli brooked no dissent, shuttering independent newspapers and civil society organizations, while jailing human rights defenders and political opponents.
Tanzania has never been a true democracy, with the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi, or CCM party, keeping a tight grip on power since the country gained independence from the United Kingdom in the 1960s. A series of political and economic reforms in the mid-1980s and 1990s paved the way for the country’s first multiparty elections in 1995, and while CCM remained politically dominant, the country became known for its relatively smooth electoral system and vibrant civil society.
That all changed under “the Bulldozer,” as fear of persecution was pervasive during his presidency. “Those who continued to talk about the excesses of the state did so out of extraordinary courage,” David Kode, a campaigner at the Johannesburg-based nonprofit CIVICUS told WPR. “There is no denying that there were many who were forced to self-censor.”
Critics may have had good reason to keep a stiff upper lip. Tanzania’s main opposition leader, Tundu Lissu, was shot 16 times outside his home in the administrative capital of Dodoma in 2017, in what he says was a politically motivated assassination attempt.
Lissu briefly returned to Tanzania from self-imposed exile in Belgium to challenge Magufuli for the presidency last October, only to flee again after Magufuli claimed a disputed victory with 84 percent of the vote to Lissu’s 13 percent. Security forces also shot dead at least nine people in election-related clashes in Zanzibar, according to the Associated Press.
Now, following Magufuli’s sudden death, Suluhu Hassan has inherited a fractured and frightened electorate and a Cabinet full of officials still loyal to the late president.
A political stalwart who has spent nearly two decades climbing the rungs of the CCM, Suluhu Hassan has so far seemed hesitant to clearly break with her predecessor. “Samia and Magufuli are essentially the same person,” she recently remarked to lawmakers.
“She is walking a very thin line of trying to do a more open or traditionally Tanzanian style of presidency, but she has to balance the fact that there is this elite that still exists,” Rachael McLellan, an expert on Tanzania at the London School of Economics, said in an interview.
That elite has grown accustomed to the power it enjoyed under Magufuli, according to McLellan. And should Suluhu Hassan attempt to challenge the more repressive measures enacted under his rule, she could face pushback from his devotees.
Still, during her first months in office, Suluhu Hassan has slowly begun to reverse Magufuli’s response to the coronavirus. She wore a mask to international meetings in Uganda and Kenya this spring, and also while speaking to prominent community elders in the commercial hub, Dar es Salaam, in May.
“We have come in face masks because elders are in a group of people who have a higher risk of contracting the prevailing disease,” she said, flanked by government ministers, also in masks. “We have found it is important to protect you.”
She has also pulled together a committee of experts to advise her on the pandemic. Led by Said Aboud, a microbiologist at Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences in Dar es Salaam, it recently recommended that Tanzania resume the release of COVID-19 data and finally join the COVAX program, while adhering to regional and World Health Organization safety guidelines.
Moreover, Tanzania has opened the door for the import of vaccines through embassies and international organizations, allowing them to inoculate their staff and citizens living in the country. However, it has yet to enact a widespread vaccination campaign, and the government has not provided new data on the virus, either.
Suluhu Hassan has simultaneously begun to make some liberalizing political moves, calling to lift a Magufuli-era ban on critical media outlets and reshuffling the Cabinet to appoint new finance and foreign ministers.
Even these small steps have won her accolades among beleaguered members of the opposition. “We are not worried for our lives, we are not worried of being arrested,” Zitto Kabwe, head of the opposition party, ACT-Wazalendo, told me.
However, Kabwe added, “There are not any legal or institutional changes. Improvements are based solely on the rhetoric of the current president.” Indeed, a number of the most concerning laws enacted by Magufuli remain in place, including the Electronic and Postal Communications Act, which makes it prohibitively expensive to run a blog, and the Media Service Act, which severely limits press freedom.
“Even though we haven’t seen the type of persecution people faced under [Magufuli],” Kode, the CIVICUS campaigner, said, “the laws are still in place. They can be used anytime.”
Tanzania’s security and intelligence services, accused of cracking down on civilians during the October election, remain largely unchanged, as does the environment of heightened apprehension created by Magufuli.
Just how far Suluhu Hassan will go in changing the course her predecessor set, and restoring calm and confidence in the process, remains to be seen.
“People are still very cautious. One of the things [Magufuli] did so successfully was creating a culture of fear, and this is still very much alive,” Thabit Jacob, a Tanzanian researcher and activist based in Denmark, said. “It will take time for people to feel the freedom to be themselves again.”
Sophie Neiman is a freelance reporter and photojournalist, covering politics, conflict and human rights in East and Central Africa. Her work has appeared in numerous outlets, including African Arguments, The Christian Science Monitor and The New Humanitarian
Source : Tanzania’s New President Wrestles With Magufuli’s Legacy
4 7mbatizaji
JF-Expert Member
- Dec 8, 2019
- 8,406
- 9,619
Ok nimemuelewa, LETA KATIBA MPYA SASA NDO TWENDE SAWA
Erythrocyte
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 6, 2012
- 128,308
- 245,426
Umesikika
Shehullohi
JF-Expert Member
- Jul 21, 2020
- 3,753
- 3,685
Je Nchi yetu iko answerable kwa EU? Mambo ya ajabu sana haya. Maana ya soverenity ni nini?
It seems what is covertly refered to as "people" in this article is a certain typical cohort of politicians in the country. The writer hardly shows any chunk of his/her interest with ordinary citizens.MPAMBANO WA LEGASI
Je, awamu ya sita utaweza kuutupa utawala wa awamu ya 5 chini katika mpambano wa mieleka wa legacy
Tanzania’s New President Wrestles With Magufuli’s Legacy
Sophie Neiman | Friday, June 11, 2021
Samia Suluhu Hassan was sworn in as president of Tanzania in mid-March, while the country was still reeling from the sudden death of her predecessor, John Magufuli, two days earlier. Dressed in a black suit, the 61-year-old former vice president spoke sorrowfully about the passing of Magufuli, officially from a longstanding heart condition.
“Today I have taken an oath different from the rest that I have taken in my political career,” Suluhu Hassan said upon becoming the country’s first female president and the first from the semi-autonomous Zanzibar archipelago. “Those were taken in happiness. Today I took the highest oath of office in mourning.” She then announced that the official grieving period for Magufuli would last 21 days. Shell-shocked Tanzanians wondered where the country was headed.
In the weeks leading up to his death, Magufuli, who had just begun his second term as president, had been suspiciously absent from public life, leading to speculation that he had actually fallen ill with COVID-19 and was in a hospital bed in neighboring Kenya or India. After authorities unexpectedly announced his death, rumors about its true cause only intensified.
The late president had long denied that the coronavirus existed in Tanzania, insisting that his faithful compatriots had rid themselves of sickness through three days of national prayer in May 2020. He stopped releasing official data about the coronavirus that same month, eschewed mask-wearing and refused to join the global COVAX vaccine initiative, even as other government officials—including the vice president of the Zanzibar region, Seif Sharif Hamad, and reportedly even Magufuli’s chief secretary, John Kijazi—succumbed to the disease around him.
But his coronavirus response was only the latest controversy Magufuli courted. Nicknamed “the Bulldozer” from his time as minister of public works, he was a divisive figure in Tanzania and beyond.
Magufuli’s anti-corruption reforms inspired the adoring twitter hashtag #WhatWouldMagufuliDo and won him widespread praise in Tanzania. His efforts to nationalize the mining sector and spur infrastructure projects were also lauded, and sustained economic growth under his administration helped move the country up to middle-income status, according to the World Bank, in July 2020. At the same time, Magufuli brooked no dissent, shuttering independent newspapers and civil society organizations, while jailing human rights defenders and political opponents.
Tanzania has never been a true democracy, with the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi, or CCM party, keeping a tight grip on power since the country gained independence from the United Kingdom in the 1960s. A series of political and economic reforms in the mid-1980s and 1990s paved the way for the country’s first multiparty elections in 1995, and while CCM remained politically dominant, the country became known for its relatively smooth electoral system and vibrant civil society.
That all changed under “the Bulldozer,” as fear of persecution was pervasive during his presidency. “Those who continued to talk about the excesses of the state did so out of extraordinary courage,” David Kode, a campaigner at the Johannesburg-based nonprofit CIVICUS told WPR. “There is no denying that there were many who were forced to self-censor.”
Critics may have had good reason to keep a stiff upper lip. Tanzania’s main opposition leader, Tundu Lissu, was shot 16 times outside his home in the administrative capital of Dodoma in 2017, in what he says was a politically motivated assassination attempt.
Lissu briefly returned to Tanzania from self-imposed exile in Belgium to challenge Magufuli for the presidency last October, only to flee again after Magufuli claimed a disputed victory with 84 percent of the vote to Lissu’s 13 percent. Security forces also shot dead at least nine people in election-related clashes in Zanzibar, according to the Associated Press.
Now, following Magufuli’s sudden death, Suluhu Hassan has inherited a fractured and frightened electorate and a Cabinet full of officials still loyal to the late president.
A political stalwart who has spent nearly two decades climbing the rungs of the CCM, Suluhu Hassan has so far seemed hesitant to clearly break with her predecessor. “Samia and Magufuli are essentially the same person,” she recently remarked to lawmakers.
“She is walking a very thin line of trying to do a more open or traditionally Tanzanian style of presidency, but she has to balance the fact that there is this elite that still exists,” Rachael McLellan, an expert on Tanzania at the London School of Economics, said in an interview.
That elite has grown accustomed to the power it enjoyed under Magufuli, according to McLellan. And should Suluhu Hassan attempt to challenge the more repressive measures enacted under his rule, she could face pushback from his devotees.
Still, during her first months in office, Suluhu Hassan has slowly begun to reverse Magufuli’s response to the coronavirus. She wore a mask to international meetings in Uganda and Kenya this spring, and also while speaking to prominent community elders in the commercial hub, Dar es Salaam, in May.
“We have come in face masks because elders are in a group of people who have a higher risk of contracting the prevailing disease,” she said, flanked by government ministers, also in masks. “We have found it is important to protect you.”
She has also pulled together a committee of experts to advise her on the pandemic. Led by Said Aboud, a microbiologist at Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences in Dar es Salaam, it recently recommended that Tanzania resume the release of COVID-19 data and finally join the COVAX program, while adhering to regional and World Health Organization safety guidelines.
Moreover, Tanzania has opened the door for the import of vaccines through embassies and international organizations, allowing them to inoculate their staff and citizens living in the country. However, it has yet to enact a widespread vaccination campaign, and the government has not provided new data on the virus, either.
Suluhu Hassan has simultaneously begun to make some liberalizing political moves, calling to lift a Magufuli-era ban on critical media outlets and reshuffling the Cabinet to appoint new finance and foreign ministers.
Even these small steps have won her accolades among beleaguered members of the opposition. “We are not worried for our lives, we are not worried of being arrested,” Zitto Kabwe, head of the opposition party, ACT-Wazalendo, told me.
However, Kabwe added, “There are not any legal or institutional changes. Improvements are based solely on the rhetoric of the current president.” Indeed, a number of the most concerning laws enacted by Magufuli remain in place, including the Electronic and Postal Communications Act, which makes it prohibitively expensive to run a blog, and the Media Service Act, which severely limits press freedom.
“Even though we haven’t seen the type of persecution people faced under [Magufuli],” Kode, the CIVICUS campaigner, said, “the laws are still in place. They can be used anytime.”
Tanzania’s security and intelligence services, accused of cracking down on civilians during the October election, remain largely unchanged, as does the environment of heightened apprehension created by Magufuli.
Just how far Suluhu Hassan will go in changing the course her predecessor set, and restoring calm and confidence in the process, remains to be seen.
“People are still very cautious. One of the things [Magufuli] did so successfully was creating a culture of fear, and this is still very much alive,” Thabit Jacob, a Tanzanian researcher and activist based in Denmark, said. “It will take time for people to feel the freedom to be themselves again.”
Sophie Neiman is a freelance reporter and photojournalist, covering politics, conflict and human rights in East and Central Africa. Her work has appeared in numerous outlets, including African Arguments, The Christian Science Monitor and The New Humanitarian
Source : Tanzania’s New President Wrestles With Magufuli’s Legacy
LIMBOMAMBOMA
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 3, 2017
- 10,482
- 14,007
Nampongeza rais kwa kuanza vizuri, Ila vitendo vina nguvu zaidi.Yeye aheshimu Sheria na katiba..
