Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

[Mohamed Said]

Mohamed Said,

..huu mnakasha ni endelevu, na ndiyo maana umefika kurasa 500+ na maelfu ya wasomaji.

..zaidi umeandika mambo muhimu sana kiasi kwamba inawalazimu wasomaji wako wakujue wewe mwandishi ni mtu wa aina gani.

..sasa katika hili zoezi la kutaka kukujua mwandishi wetu, kukujua zaidi ya jina lako, ndiyo unaona yanaibuka maswali mengine kama hii hoja ya video ya Ustaadh Ilunga.

..Kuna mahali umesema unamheshimu Ustaadh Ilunga, na kwamba ktk "darsa" lake huwezi kufungua kinywa chako. Sasa ndiyo na sisi tukauliza: hivi Ustaadh Ilunga anapomsherehesha Mwamwindi na mambo aliyomfanyia Kleruu, wewe una mtizamo gani? Je, akitoa "darsa" hilo bado utapiga goti ukiwa kimya hata kuguna ushindwe???

cc: Nguruvi3, Ritz

Joka Kuu,

Nikipita Mwanza hufika kwenye darsa zake kusoma
tafsir ya Qur'an.

Mimi namjua Sheikh Ilunga kwa darsa hili.

 

[Ritz]

Ritz,

..ikiwa ni hivyo basi mkono wa dola ulikuwa haichagui dini ya mtu.

..kinachoshangaza hapa ni Mohamed Said kuleta mambo yake ya udini, akidai ni waumini wa dini moja tu waliokuwa wakishughulikiwa na dola.

..mimi sina uhakika kama kuna watu waliowekwa kizuizini kwa muda mrefu kama Balozi Christopher Kassanga Tumbo. lakini u would rarely hear Mohamed Said akimtetea huyu, anatetea wa dini yake tu.

JokaKuu,

Ni ngumu kutenganisha Uislam na harakati ya TANU kwa Dar es Salaam labda maeneo mengine.

Masheikh karibia wote ndiyo walikuwa wanaongoza harakati za AA. TAA, TANU, mjini Dar es Salaam Nyerere mwenye amekiri ilo kwenye hotuba yake ya kuaga.

Ukimtaja Sheikh Takadir, Mufti Hassan Bin Amir, Sheikh Bilal Waikela, Sheikh Ramia, umetaja TAA, TANU.

 

[Ngongo]

Kama sikosei hata Bwana Hatty MacGhee alikufa muda mfupi baada ya Mheshimiwa A H Mwinyi kutoa msamahaa kwa wafungwa wote wa kisiasa.

Nakumbuka kuna mahali nilimsoma Lt Maganga nadhani alifanya mahojiano na RAI wakati huo likiwa chini ya Jeneral Ulimwengu alisema wazi hajutii hatua yake ya kutaka kupindua serekali ya J K Nyerere bali anajutia kushindwa kwa mapinduzi hayo.Inaonyesha Lt Maganaga hakuwa mtu wa mzaa hata kidogo.

Nimesoma maandishi mengi Bwana Rugangira hakuwa mtu makini inawezekana alikuwa ni agent wa serekali ya Nyerere.Ngoja wanaweza kuibuka magwiji wa siasa za wakati huo wakasaidia kidogo.

Tuendelee na mnakasha.

Mkuu Ngongo,

Maganga kweli ni marehemu sasa mwaka 2004 alijiunga na Chadema na mwaka 2005 aligombea ubunge Tabora Mjini kupitia Chadema.

Kuna mmoja kati hawa ana biashara zake pale Mbezi.

 

[Rapherl]

Rapheri,

Si kweli kuwa sitaki kuona michango ya Mwanakijiji.
Nimeacha kumjibu kwa kuwa kanitukana.

Hii ndiyo hulka yangu.
Kwa kuwa sina ujuzi wa matusi mtu akishanitusi namkwepa.

Labda wewe hunijui.
Mimi nausudu sana majadiliano ya heshima.

Mi sijaona matusi hapo kwa Mwanakijiji zaidi ya Hoja zinazoitaji majibu yako

 

[Nguruvi3]

Nguruvi, Nitakuwekea hapa ile barua ya Ivor Bayldon ili usome nimesema nini katika kitabu changu. Kuandika yale mlokuwa hamyajui si kudhalilisha mtu. Naelewa mnatabika na historia hii kwa kuwa hamkutegemea kuwa kulikuwa na historia nyingine. Wewe si wa kwanza kupata mshtuko kwa yale ulosoma kutoka kwangu. Wengi tu wamekipenda kitabu changu kwa ajili ya kuleta yaliyokuwa hayajulikani. Ingekuwa naandika maneno ya kudhalilisha kitabu kisingepita. Kingeishia kwenye fikra zangu.

Mimi nitafurahi sana tukiiona barua hiyo.

Wala usidhani nakataa uwepo wa barua, ninacho hoji ni jinsi ulivyomalizia taarifa yako.
Kama wametajwa watu kadha wa kadha sioni mantiki ya kumchagua Nyerere peke yake miongoni mwa kundi kubwa sana na kuandika ''Nyerere hakupelekewa barua''.

Suala hapa si kuhoji kama barua ilikuwepo au haikuwepo wala majina ya waliotumiwa.
Hoja ni kuhoji kwanini kauli ya ''Nyerere hakutumiwa'' imetumika!
kwanini isiwe Kyaruzi, Mtamilwa au mwingine iwe specific kwa Nyerere.

Ndiyo maana nasema kwa haraka haraka it's ok, kwa fikra hapa hakuna shaka hata kidogo ulidhamiria kumdhalilisha sana Nyerere ili pengine umkweze sana Abdul Sykes na wenzake.

Ulichomaanisha ni;
1. Ima, Kwamba tayari alikuwa na uhusiano na UTP
au
2. Hakuwa muhimu sana katika siasa na hivyo hakukuwa na haja ya yeye kupelekewa barua.

Ni mtindo huo huo uliotumika wakati unasema mwaka 1961 A.Sykes hakuhudhuria sherehe za Uhuru ukiwa na maana mtu muhimu sana kama yeye aliachwa miongoni mwa maelfu, lakini kwa Nyerere umetumia kinyume chake.

Mohamed unajua kuna kitu kinaitwa ''connotation'' tunakifahamu ni vema ukawa unaangalia hadhra unayowasiliana nayo kwanza!!

Hoja hapa ni kuwa ni busara au mantiki ipi ilitumika na ilikusudia nini kusema ''Nyerere hakupelekewa barua''

 

[Boko haram]

Mkuu Jokakuu, ukiisikiliza ile video ilivyoandaliwa hakika ni seansational tupu. Ilipoongelewa mauaji ya Dr Kleruu utasikia sauti ''akampiga risasi.. ghruuuuuuuuu!'' kuonyesha kilichotokea kwa sauti za risasi. Hakuna uhakiki kuwa sauti za risasi zilirindima kwa namna video inavyoonyesha, kilichofanyika ni kuongeza hamasa na ''ushujaa wa mwamwindi''. Kwa kiongozi wa dini video ile asingeihusisha na mhadhara wake hata kidogo.
Hata kama Dr Kleruu alikosea(assumption) je Ilunga anataka kusema ile ndio njia sahihi waislam wanatakiwa kuifuata?

Labda nikukumbushe kuwa katika maelezo ya kuundwa kwa UTP, Mohamed ameorodhesha majina ya watu waliopelekewa barua za kujiunga ambao wengi ni wazee wake. Hilo halina tatizo!

Mstari wa mwisho akasema ''Nyerere hakupelekewa barua''. Maana yake ni kujenga mazingira ya kumweka Nyerere katika hatia ya ima hakupelekewa kwasababu alikuwa tayari ana uhusiano na kiongozi wa UTP au hakuwa muhimu sana kupelekewa barua kama Abdul Sykes.
Katika watu wote kwanini Mohamed amem ''single out'' Nyerere peke yake na wala si Dr Kyaruzi au Mwingine!
Jibu ni rahisi, Nyerere ni target na jitihada zote ni kumdunisha ili kuwapandisha wengine.

Hapo nyuma kuna post Mohamed kasema ''Nyerere alipewa uongozi na Sykes''. Tunafahamu kuwa kulikuwa na uchaguzi na Nyerere alimshinda Sykes, sasa alipewa uongozi kwa maana ipi?

Mimi nadhani role ya kila mmoja inasimama yenyewe bila kumdhalilisha mtu mwingine.
Uzuri wa historia ya kweli ni kujidhihiri na haihitaji nakshi au utuli.

Pamoja na dunia na vyombo vya habari wakiwemo waandishi na wasomi kuandika kwa nguvu zote mabaya ya Idd Amin na Hitler bado historia inawatetea kwa kila walillofanya kwa nchi zao baya au zuri.
Historia inawatetea na si mtu kwasababu historia inasimama yenyewe haiumbwi au kunyumbuliwa.

The laws for murder in Islam:
The sections of this article are:
1- The laws of murder in Islam.
2- It is permissible to slay the murderer the same way he slew his victim(s), or to punish the aggressor the same way he violated his victim.
3- What does "the free for the free, the slave for the slave, the woman for the woman" mean? And can we apply the Noble Verse to the enemy?
4- All people's lives are equal in Islam.
5- What if the death was accidental?
6- What is the punishment for the Muslim who kills an innocent disbeliever?
- But why didn't the law just exist in Islam?
- What about accidental killing?



1- The laws of murder in Islam:
Let us look at what Allah Almighty said in the Noble Quran:
"O ye who believe! the law of equality is prescribed to you in cases of murder: the free for the free, the slave for the slave, the woman for the woman. But if any remission is made by the brother of the slain, then grant any reasonable demand, and compensate him with handsome gratitude, this is a concession and a Mercy from your Lord. After this whoever exceeds the limits shall be in grave penalty. (The Noble Quran, 2:178)"
The following Sayings of our Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him and other well-respected Islamic Scholars who lived during his time are direct explanations and elaboration to this Noble Verse:
Narrated Ibn 'Abbas: "For the children of Israel the punishment for crime was Al-Qisas only (i.e., the law of equality in punishment) and the payment of Blood money was not permitted as an alternate. But Allah said to this nation (Muslims): 'O you who believe! Qisas is prescribed for you in case of murder, .....(up to) ...end of the Verse. (2.178)
Ibn 'Abbas added: Remission (forgiveness) in this Verse, means to accept the Blood-money in an intentional murder. Ibn 'Abbas added: The Verse: 'Then the relatives should demand Blood-money in a reasonable manner.' (2.178) means that the demand should be reasonable and it is to be compensated with handsome gratitude. (Translation of Sahih Bukhari, Blood Money (Ad-Diyat), Volume 9, Book 83, Number 20)"
Narrated Ibn Abbas: "The law of Qisas (i.e. equality in punishment) was prescribed for the children of Israel, but the Diya (i.e. blood money was not ordained for them). So Allah said to this Nation (i.e. Muslims):
"O you who believe! The law of Al-Qisas (i.e. equality in punishment) is prescribed for you in cases of murder: The free for the free, the slave for the slave, and the female for the female. But if the relatives (or one of them) of the killed (person) forgive their brother (i.e. the killers something of Qisas (i.e. not to kill the killer by accepting blood money in the case of intentional murder)----then the relatives (of the killed person) should demand blood-money in a reasonable manner and the killer must pay with handsome gratitude. This is an alleviation and a Mercy from your Lord, (in comparison to what was prescribed for the nations before you).
So after this, whoever transgresses the limits (i.e. to kill the killer after taking the blood-money) shall have a painful torment." (2.178) (Translation of Sahih Bukhari, Prophetic Commentary on the Qur'an (Tafseer of the Prophet (pbuh)), Volume 6, Book 60, Number 25)"
In the above narrations, we clearly see that Allah Almighty used to punish to death those who commit intentional murders among the People of Israel. This law is still effective in Islam, and killing the murderer is still a valid law in Islam, but there is however another alternative for punishment, and that is accepting by choice the blood money.
If the relatives of the slain person wish to have an open and forgiving heart, then they can forgive the murderer under the condition that he compensate them with money for their slain son or relative. The demand should be reasonable.
If the relatives do not wish to forgive the murderer, then he is to get executed by the Islamic ruling authority
Nguruvi hii ndio aya aliyoitumia SHEIKH ILUNGA nimekuwekea na tafsiri yake

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mimi nitafurahi sana tukiiona barua hiyo.

Wala usidhani nakataa uwepo wa barua, ninacho hoji ni jinsi ulivyomalizia taarifa yako.
Kama wametajwa watu kadha wa kadha sioni mantiki ya kumchagua Nyerere peke yake miongoni mwa kundi kubwa sana na kuandika ''Nyerere hakupelekewa barua''.

Suala hapa si kuhoji kama barua ilikuwepo au haikuwepo wala majina ya waliotumiwa.
Hoja ni kuhoji kwanini kauli ya ''Nyerere hakutumiwa'' imetumika!
kwanini isiwe Kyaruzi, Mtamilwa au mwingine iwe specific kwa Nyerere.

Ndiyo maana nasema kwa haraka haraka it's ok, kwa fikra hapa hakuna shaka hata kidogo ulidhamiria kumdhalilisha sana Nyerere ili pengine umkweze sana Abdul Sykes na wenzake.

Ulichomaanisha ni;
1. Ima, Kwamba tayari alikuwa na uhusiano na UTP
au
2. Hakuwa muhimu sana katika siasa na hivyo hakukuwa na haja ya yeye kupelekewa barua.

Ni mtindo huo huo uliotumika wakati unasema mwaka 1961 A.Sykes hakuhudhuria sherehe za Uhuru ukiwa na maana mtu muhimu sana kama yeye aliachwa miongoni mwa maelfu, lakini kwa Nyerere umetumia kinyume chake.

Mohamed unajua kuna kitu kinaitwa ''connotation'' tunakifahamu ni vema ukawa unaangalia hadhra unayowasiliana nayo kwanza!!

Hoja hapa ni kuwa ni busara au mantiki ipi ilitumika na ilikusudia nini kusema ''Nyerere hakupelekewa barua''

Nguruvi,
Hebu kwanza soma nimeandika nini kisha tutaendelea na mjadala Insha Allah:
[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD] But in order for one to understand Abdulwahid's support for Nyerere one needs to analyse the forces at play in the political system in colonial Tanganyika.

In 1951, while working to revive TAA, Abdulwahid and Mwapachu were approached by Ivor Bayldon, [1] Brig. Scupham and V.M. Nazerali and were asked to support the formation of a multiracial political party

These three were members of the Legislative Council.

Bayldon was a rich settler in the Southern Highlands who had originally immigrated to Tanganyika from South Africa.

African members of the Legislative Council who were enthusiastic about that idea were Chief Kidaha Makwaia and Liwali Yustino Mponda of Newala.[2]
Other prominent personalities who were consulted and requested to support the formation of a multiracial political party were: Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali of Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle of Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dr Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dr Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Ally Sykes and Dossa Aziz. [3]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] This was a mixture of privileged Europeans, aristocrats like Marealle, African elites such as Mwapachu, Asians in the commercial class such as Karimjee and townsmen such as Dossa.

All of them were leaders who commanded following in their own respective communities.

Two years later in a letter which Nazerali sent to Ally Sykes to lay down the objective of the intended party, after he was convinced that a multiracial political party was unattainable, Nazerali wrote in part: ‘The desire was to organise a body of people who are sincere, who have faith and belief in the progressive development of the people of our country, with equal opportunities for all.' [4]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] IvorBayldon was the founder president of United Tanganyika Party (UTP), formed by Europeans in 1955 to oppose TANU.
The Vice-President was Sheikh Hussein Juma, a prominent Manyema in Dar es Salaam.
[2] A biographyof Yustino Mponda was published in Baragumu,19 th April, 1950.
[3] V.M.Nazerali to Ally Sykes 12 th October, 1953. Sykes' papers.
[4] Nazerali,ibid.

---

[1] IvorBayldon was the founder president of United Tanganyika Party (UTP), formed by Europeans in 1955 to opposeTANU. The Vice-President was Sheikh Hussein Juma, a prominent Manyema in Dar es Salaam.
[2] A biographyof Yustino Mponda was published in Baragumu,19 th April, 1950.
[3] V.M.Nazerali to Ally Sykes 12 th October, 1953. Sykes' papers.
[4] Nazerali,ibid.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mimi nitafurahi sana tukiiona barua hiyo.

Wala usidhani nakataa uwepo wa barua, ninacho hoji ni jinsi ulivyomalizia taarifa yako.
Kama wametajwa watu kadha wa kadha sioni mantiki ya kumchagua Nyerere peke yake miongoni mwa kundi kubwa sana na kuandika ''Nyerere hakupelekewa barua''.

Suala hapa si kuhoji kama barua ilikuwepo au haikuwepo wala majina ya waliotumiwa.
Hoja ni kuhoji kwanini kauli ya ''Nyerere hakutumiwa'' imetumika!
kwanini isiwe Kyaruzi, Mtamilwa au mwingine iwe specific kwa Nyerere.

Ndiyo maana nasema kwa haraka haraka it's ok, kwa fikra hapa hakuna shaka hata kidogo ulidhamiria kumdhalilisha sana Nyerere ili pengine umkweze sana Abdul Sykes na wenzake.

Ulichomaanisha ni;
1. Ima, Kwamba tayari alikuwa na uhusiano na UTP
au
2. Hakuwa muhimu sana katika siasa na hivyo hakukuwa na haja ya yeye kupelekewa barua.

Ni mtindo huo huo uliotumika wakati unasema mwaka 1961 A.Sykes hakuhudhuria sherehe za Uhuru ukiwa na maana mtu muhimu sana kama yeye aliachwa miongoni mwa maelfu, lakini kwa Nyerere umetumia kinyume chake.

Mohamed unajua kuna kitu kinaitwa ''connotation'' tunakifahamu ni vema ukawa unaangalia hadhra unayowasiliana nayo kwanza!!

Hoja hapa ni kuwa ni busara au mantiki ipi ilitumika na ilikusudia nini kusema ''Nyerere hakupelekewa barua''

Nguruvi,
Hebu kwanza soma nimeandika nini kisha tutaendelea na mjadala Insha Allah:
[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD] But in order for one to understand Abdulwahid's support for Nyerere one needs to analyse the forces at play in the political system in colonial Tanganyika.

In 1951, while working to revive TAA, Abdulwahid and Mwapachu were approached by Ivor Bayldon, [1] Brig. Scupham and V.M. Nazerali and were asked to support the formation of a multiracial political party

These three were members of the Legislative Council.

Bayldon was a rich settler in the Southern Highlands who had originally immigrated to Tanganyika from South Africa.

African members of the Legislative Council who were enthusiastic about that idea were Chief Kidaha Makwaia and Liwali Yustino Mponda of Newala.[2]

Other prominent personalities who were consulted and requested to support the formation of a multiracial political party were: Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali of Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle of Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dr Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dr Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Ally Sykes and Dossa Aziz. [3]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] This was a mixture of privileged Europeans, aristocrats like Marealle, African elites such as Mwapachu, Asians in the commercial class such as Karimjee and townsmen such as Dossa.

All of them were leaders who commanded following in their own respective communities.

Two years later in a letter which Nazerali sent to Ally Sykes to lay down the objective of the intended party, after he was convinced that a multiracial political party was unattainable, Nazerali wrote in part: ‘The desire was to organise a body of people who are sincere, who have faith and belief in the progressive development of the people of our country, with equal opportunities for all.' [4]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] IvorBayldon was the founder president of United Tanganyika Party (UTP), formed by Europeans in 1955 to oppose TANU.
The Vice-President was Sheikh Hussein Juma, a prominent Manyema in Dar es Salaam.
[2] A biographyof Yustino Mponda was published in Baragumu,19 th April, 1950.
[3] V.M.Nazerali to Ally Sykes 12 th October, 1953. Sykes' papers.
[4] Nazerali,ibid.

---

 

[Akamba]

tatizo la watanzania hatutaki kuelezwa ukweli bali tunapenda kudangaywa na ishazoeleka kwamba mtu mkweli ni adui wa jamii

 

[Jasusi]

Kumbe huna hoja kaa pembeni na tutapiga kelele hadi ubalozi huo uondolewe !!!!

Pigeni kelele tu ndugu zangu. Tukimaliza kuondoa ubalozi wa vatican tuondoe na wa Iran vile vile. Hii si ni Islamic state?

 

[Kadogoo]

Mdondoaji
Sina ujuzi wa mengi uliyouliza. Na kwa hiyo siwezi kuyajibu. Ninachojua mimi ni kuwa Vatican ni nchi, solomon Islands, ni nchi, Vanuatu, ni nchi, Guam ni nchi, Western Samoa ni nchi. Nchi zote hizo ukiniambia nitaje majina ya wazawa na wageni wao, kwakweli sijui na siwezi. Ila haibadilishi ukweli kuwa hizo ni nchi.

Si lazima tukubaliane sote katika kila jambo. Hata ujio wa Xi Jinping, Rais wa China, sio wote wameuona ni wa manufaa. Lakini bado, serikali na wananchi wengine wameona ni wa manufaa. Kumbuka Tanzania tunasema Sahara Magharibi ni nchi, lakini Morocco wanasema ni sehemu ya nchi yao. Tofauti zitaendelea kuwepo tu. Kwa hiyo, wewe unaweza ukaendelea tu kuumia kwa mawazo kuwa Vatican sio nchi- utaumia kwa vile ulitaka ndio ujengee hoja ya OIC. Sisi wengine tunasema ni nchi. And life goes on....Tunakubaliana kutokukubaliana. By the way, usije ukafikiri mimi ni mkatoliki, sio. Lakini najitahidi tu kuwa objective.

Zanzibar ni nchi?

 

[Nguruvi3]

Nguruvi,
Hebu kwanza soma nimeandika nini kisha tutaendelea na mjadala Insha Allah:[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]But in order for one to understand Abdulwahid's support for Nyerere one needs to analyse the forces at play in the political system in colonial Tanganyika.

In 1951, while working to revive TAA, Abdulwahid and Mwapachu were approached by Ivor Bayldon, [1] Brig. Scupham and V.M. Nazerali and were asked to support the formation of a multiracial political party

These three were members of the Legislative Council.
Bayldon was a rich settler in the Southern Highlands who had originally immigrated to Tanganyika from South Africa.

African members of the Legislative Council who were enthusiastic about that idea were Chief Kidaha Makwaia and Liwali Yustino Mponda of Newala.[2]
Other prominent personalities who were consulted and requested to support the formation of a multiracial political party were: Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali of Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle of Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dr Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dr Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Ally Sykes and Dossa Aziz. [3]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]This was a mixture of privileged Europeans, aristocrats like Marealle, African elites such as Mwapachu, Asians in the commercial class such as Karimjee and townsmen such as Dossa.

All of them were leaders who commanded following in their own respective communities.

Two years later in a letter which Nazerali sent to Ally Sykes to lay down the objective of the intended party, after he was convinced that a multiracial political party was unattainable, Nazerali wrote in part: ‘The desire was to organise a body of people who are sincere, who have faith and belief in the progressive development of the people of our country, with equal opportunities for all.' [4]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

.

Halafu soma hii ambayo ni kiini cha sehemu ya mjadala kuhusu UTP

Ritz,
UTP kilikuwa chama cha Wazungu kiliundwa mwaka 1955 na rais wake alikuwa Ivor Bayldon na makamu wake alikuwa Sheikh Hussein Juma, a prominent Manyema in Dar es Salaam.

Chama hiki kiliundwa na wakoloni makhsusi kuipinga TANU.
Huya Bayldon mwaka 1953 aliwapelekea barua baadhi ya wanasiasa mashuhuri katika TAA akiwaomba waunde chama cha siasa ambacho kitawaunganisha Watanganyika wote - Waafrika, Wazungu na Waasia.

Bayldon alimwandikia Abdu na Ally Sykes, Hamza Mwapachu, Steven Mhando orodha ni ndefu...
Nyerere hakuwamo katika orodha ile.

Ukisoma quote ya mwanzo ya Mohamed ambayo ameifanya jibu la hoja yangu utaona ameeleza kuwa waliofuatwa walikuwa watu mashuhuri.
Akaendelea kutaja hata nyadhifa zao na ushawishi wao katika makundi.
Ameorodhesha majina vizuri tu na hakuna shaka juu ya maoni yake.

Ukisoma quote ya pili ya Mohamed anasema chama hicho kiliundwa kupinga TANU.

Halafu katika orodha ile ndefu
(Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali of Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle of Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dr Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dr Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Ally Sykes and Dossa A) Mohamed kwa makusudi akachagua Abdul Sykes na Ally Sykes miongoni mwa walioandikiwa (quote ya pili) na kukwepa mpangilio ule wa orodha ya kwanza(quote ya kwanza) halafu akapigilia msumari aliotaka kuusema na ueleweke ''Nyerere hakuwamo katika orodha ile'' ili kuonyesha kuwa yeye hakuwa kitu mbele ya familia ya Sykes.

Katika maandishi yake ya kwanza sikuona tatizo, tatizo ni hapo alipoandika pembeni kwa kuongezea ''Nyerere hakuwemo'' hapa alikuwa anasisitiza jambo kama nilivyoeleza.

Baada ya kutaja ''prominent persoanalities and leaders who commanded following in their own respective communities'' Mohamed akamalizia hasira zake kwa ''Nyerere hakuwemo katika orodha ile''

Hili nadhani tulihitimishe kwasababu wasomaji wataamua. Nukuu zipo na mistari ipo hapo juu.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Halafu soma hii ambayo ni kiini cha sehemu ya mjadala kuhusu UTPUkisoma quote ya mwanzo ya Mohamed ambayo ameifanya jibu la hoja yangu utaona ameeleza kuwa waliofuatwa walikuwa watu mashuhuri.
Akaendelea kutaja hata nyadhifa zao na ushawishi wao katika makundi.
Ameorodhesha majina vizuri tu na hakuna shaka juu ya maoni yake.

Ukisoma quote ya pili ya Mohamed anasema chama hicho kiliundwa kupinga TANU.

Halafu katika orodha ile ndefu
(Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali of Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle of Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dr Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dr Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Ally Sykes and Dossa A) Mohamed kwa makusudi akachagua Abdul Sykes na Ally Sykes miongoni mwa walioandikiwa (quote ya pili) na kukwepa mpangilio ule wa orodha ya kwanza(quote ya kwanza) halafu akapigilia msumari aliotaka kuusema na ueleweke ''Nyerere hakuwamo katika orodha ile'' ili kuonyesha kuwa yeye hakuwa kitu mbele ya familia ya Sykes.

Katika maandishi yake ya kwanza sikuona tatizo, tatizo ni hapo alipoandika pembeni kwa kuongezea ''Nyerere hakuwemo'' hapa alikuwa anasisitiza jambo kama nilivyoeleza.

Baada ya kutaja ''prominent persoanalities and leaders who commanded following in their own respective communities'' Mohamed akamalizia hasira zake kwa ''Nyerere hakuwemo katika orodha ile''

Hili nadhani tulihitimishe kwasababu wasomaji wataamua. Nukuu zipo na mistari ipo hapo juu.

Nguruvi,
Sina tatizo na hilo wacha wasikilizaji wajisomee.

Hakika haya hawakuwa wanayajua kabla ya mimi
kuyaweka wazi katika kitabu changu.

Ni bahati mbaya kuwa kwa baadhi ya watu haya
yanawachoma wangependa tubaki na historia ya
Chuo Cha Kivukoni ya TAA chama cha starehe.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mi sijaona matusi hapo kwa Mwanakijiji zaidi ya Hoja zinazoitaji majibu yako

Rapheri,
Nadhani umeingia katikati.

 

[Mag3]

Wanajamvi huyu Mohamed Said ni mtu wa kuogopa kama ukimwi. Huko nyuma aliwakana Cecil Matola, Dr Vedasto Kyaruzi na Mwalimu Nyerere kama Maraisi waasisi wa AA mwaka 1929, TAA mwaka 1950 na TANU mwaka 1954 huku akiwamwagia sifa makatibu wao Kleist Sykes na baadaye mwanaye Abdulwahid Sykes. Sasa shuhudieni hapa anavyomweka kando Balozi Christopher Tumbo katika harakati za Tanganyika Railway African Union (TRAU) na kummwagia sifa babu yake Salum Abdala kama Mwenyekiti muasisi na aliyeongoza mgomo wa Wafanyakazi wa Reli mwaka 1960. Namnukuu;

Mwaka 1955 muda mfupi baada ya kuundwa TANU, Salum Abdallah alichaguliwa kama mwenyekiti muasisi wa Tanganyika RailwayAfrican Union (TRAU) chama cha wafanyakazi wa Reli kilichokuwa na nguvu sana wakati wa kupigania uhuru na kikitoa mchango mkubwa kwa TANU. Katibu wa TRAU alikuwa Chistopher Kassanga Tumbo. Mwaka 1960 TRAU chini ya uongozi huu iliiitsha mgomo uliodumu siku 82. Kwa takriban miezi mitatu si treni, meli na mabasi ya relwe yalitembea. Inasemekana hapajatokea mgomo ambao ulitayarishwa kwa ufundi na ustadi kama mgomo wa relwe wa mwaka 1960. Mgomo kama huu kamwe hautatokea tena.

TRAU ilipata fedha kutoka kwa rafiki zao Ujerumani ya Mashariki na wafanyakazi wa reli Uingereza. Msaada huu ndiyo uliowezesha TRAU kuhimili mgomo kwa miezi mitatu. Mwishowe serikali ya kikoloni ilisalimu amri na wafanyakazi wa relwe wakasitisha mgomo na kurudi kazini madai yao yote yakiwa yamekubaliwa. Mgomo huu miezi michache kabla ya Tanganyika kuwa huru ulimtisha sana Nyerere kwani alitambua kuwa kulikuwa na uongozi wa vyama vya wafanyakazi uliokuwa na nguvu sana na aliogopa baada Tanganyika kuwa huru vyama hivi chini ya viongozi kama hawa vitampa shida katika utawala wake. Katika mambo kama haya kunakuwa na mikasa mingi.

Huyo ndiye Salum Abdallah Muyiki Samitungo Mwekapopo. Mungu alimjalia tambo kasimama kama futi sita hivi. Akikuangalia tu unaondoka hata kabla hajakugusa.

Sasa yatubidi tujiulize, hii simulizi ni ya kweli au imetiwa chumvi. Wanajamvi hebu linganisheni hii na ripoti ya mgomo wa TRAU mwaka 1959/1960, mwaka moja kabla ya uhuru. Je "star" wa huu mgomo alikuwa nani? Hapa chini nanukuu kutoka kwa wakoloni wenyewe;

On Christmas Day, 1959, the postal workers went on strike. The New Year brought a flood wildcat strikes on the docks of Dar es Salaam harbour and in the sisal industry upcountry. Even within the labour movement there was some discussion as to whether more strikes were appropriate. The Dockworkers' and Stevedoers' Unions hesitated to strike while a letter writer told the Tanganyika Standard readers that threats of a strike on the docks "are the foolish utterances of a Union Official who is not a dockworker and who does not represent the dockworkers."

On February 10, 1960 10,000 members of the Railways Union began a bitter strike that lasted nearly three months, testing Nyerere's patience and eventually losing TANU's support. The Tanganyika Railway Workers' Union leader, Christopher Kasanga Tumbo, conferred with his East African colleagues over the New Years holiday, and returned announcing that a strike was "almost inevitable" and then maintained steady pressure on management for a seven-and-three=quarters-shilling daily wage increase through repeated threats to strike and public retreats.

Calculating that the wage increase would cost 2,000,000 British pounds a year, the railways manager personally wrote his most valuable employees conjoining them to "stay loyal" and then used newspapers to accuse Tumbo of holding the country at "ransom." The charismatic Tumbo was a rising star in the Tanganyika political arena. Leading the Railway Union gave the precocious 25-year old tremendous economic power that translated into political influence when a strika threatened.

The Tanganyika African Government Workers' Union condemned Tumbo's plans and the Kenya Railway Workers Union was not ready to cooperate in a joint action in both countries. Tumbo launched tirades against both organizations, demanding an apology from government workers and dismissing the Kenya labor movement as colonial stooges.

Wanajamvi, yako mengi ningeweza kuyaandika hapa lakini nawaomba mjiulize tu kwamba katika vyama vya wafanyakazi popote duniani, nani ni mtendaji mkuu? Juzi juzi hapa tumemshuhudia Nicholas Mgaya akiandamwa na serikali kuhusu mgomo wa wafanyakazi (ingawa mpaka sasa wameweza kumnyamazisha) lakini wangapi wanamjua mwenyekiti wake? Mohamed Said kama kawaida anamtukuza babu yake na kumpa sifa zoote huku akimweka kando aliyekuwa Katibu na Mtendaji Mkuu wa TRAU, kulikoni?

Je viongozi wakuu wa vyama vya wafanyakazi walioitikisa dunia na kuleta mapinduzi kama Lech Walesa wa solidarity Poland, nani alimjua aliyekuwa mwenyekiti wake? Kwa vyama vya wafanyakazi katibu wake ndiye mtendaji mkuu au hata hili huyu mzushi mkubwa Mohamed Said anayedai amezunguka dunia nzima halijui? Jamani tukubaliane huyu mchochezi ama kwa makusudi au kwa hila, lengo la kumwaga ngano zake ni kuleta machafuko ya kidini nchini na amini usiamini, hata Waislaam wengi hawamuungi mkono.

 

[Mdondoaji]

Pigeni kelele tu ndugu zangu. Tukimaliza kuondoa ubalozi wa vatican tuondoe na wa Iran vile vile. Hii si ni Islamic state?

Abaa Iran ni nchi tena ina rais wake na mawaziri wake. Na nchi ya 23 bora kwa uchumi mzuri duniani (Cheki statistics za IMF). Wana uchumi mzuri kuliko kitanzania chetu. Vatican si nchi, haina wazawa, hata bank yake imeshindwa kujiendesha iko chini uchunguzi na ECB. Hata hivyo mkiwa hamuitaki Iran hiyo kazi kwenu kupiga kelele ila sisi tutapiga kelele Vatican hadi iondoke kwani ni taasisi ya kidini na sio nchi. Vile vile hatufaidiki na uwepo wake labda tuambie faida za Vatican nchini na mie nikuambie faida za Iran kuwepo nchini. Na nyie mnao uhuru wa kupiga kelele Iran iondoke but sie tutapiga kelele hadi Vatican iondoke kwani ni taasisi ya kidini na sio nchi.

 

[Jasusi]

Abaa Iran ni nchi tena ina rais wake na mawaziri wake. Na nchi ya 23 bora kwa uchumi mzuri duniani (Cheki statistics za IMF). Wana uchumi mzuri kuliko kitanzania chetu. Vatican si nchi, haina wazawa, hata bank yake imeshindwa kujiendesha iko chini uchunguzi na ECB. Hata hivyo mkiwa hamuitaki Iran hiyo kazi kwenu kupiga kelele ila sisi tutapiga kelele Vatican hadi iondoke kwani ni taasisi ya kidini na sio nchi. Vile vile hatufaidiki na uwepo wake labda tuambie faida za Vatican nchini na mie nikuambie faida za Iran kuwepo nchini. Na nyie mnao uhuru wa kupiga kelele Iran iondoke but sie tutapiga kelele hadi Vatican iondoke kwani ni taasisi ya kidini na sio nchi.

Ndio maana nimesema, mkipiga kelele vatican iondoke na sisi tutapiga kelele Iran na Saudi Arabia ziondoke. Draw!

 

[Mohamed Said]

Wanajamvi huyu Mohamed Said ni mtu wa kuogopa kama ukimwi. Huko nyuma aliwakana Cecil Matola, Dr Vedasto Kyaruzi na Mwalimu Nyerere kama Maraisi waasisi wa AA mwaka 1929, TAA mwaka 1950 na TANU mwaka 1954 huku akiwamwagia sifa makatibu wao Kleist Sykes na baadaye mwanaye Abdulwahid Sykes. Sasa shuhudieni hapa anavyomweka kando Balozi Christopher Tumbo katika harakati za Tanganyika Railway African Union (TRAU) na kummwagia sifa babu yake Salum Abdala kama Mwenyekiti muasisi na aliyeongoza mgomo wa Wafanyakazi wa Reli mwaka 1960. Namnukuu;

Sasa yatubidi tujiulize, hii simulizi ni ya kweli au imetiwa chumvi. Wanajamvi hebu linganisheni hii na ripoti ya mgomo wa TRAU mwaka 1959/1960, mwaka moja kabla ya uhuru. Je "star" wa huu mgomo alikuwa nani? Hapa chini nanukuu kutoka kwa wakoloni wenyewe;

Wanajamvi, yako mengi ningeweza kuyaandika hapa lakini nawaomba mjiulize tu kwamba katika vyama vya wafanyakazi popote duniani, nani ni mtendaji mkuu? Juzi juzi hapa tumemshuhudia Nicholas Mgaya akiandamwa na serikali kuhusu mgomo wa wafanyakazi (ingawa mpaka sasa wameweza kumnyamazisha) lakini wangapi wanamjua mwenyekiti wake? Mohamed Said kama kawaida anamtukuza babu yake na kumpa sifa zoote huku akimweka kando aliyekuwa Katibu na Mtendaji Mkuu wa TRAU, kulikoni?

Je viongozi wakuu wa vyama vya wafanyakazi walioitikisa dunia na kuleta mapinduzi kama Lech Walesa wa solidarity Poland, nani alimjua aliyekuwa mwenyekiti wake? Kwa vyama vya wafanyakazi katibu wake ndiye mtendaji mkuu au hata hili huyu mzushi mkubwa Mohamed Said anayedai amezunguka dunia nzima halijui? Jamani tukubaliane huyu mchochezi ama kwa makusudi au kwa hila, lengo la kumwaga ngano zake ni kuleta machafuko ya kidini nchini na amini usiamini, hata Waislaam wengi hawamuungi mkono.

Mag,

Naona unahamaki nyingi na lugha yako siipendi.
Mimi si mtu wa shari.

Kuanzia sasa sikujibu.

 

[Mag3]

Mag,
Naona unahamaki nyingi na lugha yako siipendi.
Mimi si mtu wa shari.
Kuanzia sasa sikujibu.

Huo uamuzi wako hata hauninyimi usingizi, mangapi umeshindwa kujibu? Maelezo yangu yameelekezwa kwa Watanzania wenye uelewa mpana zaidi wanaoufuatilia huu mjadala. Utasemaje wewe si mtu wa shari huku unashabikia mahubiri ya Sheikh Ilunga?

 

[Boko haram]

Huo uamuzi wako hata hauninyimi usingizi, mangapi umeshindwa kujibu? Maelezo yangu yameelekezwa kwa Watanzania wenye uelewa mpana zaidi wanaoufuatilia huu mjadala. Utasemaje wewe si mtu wa shari huku unashabikia mahubiri ya Sheikh Ilunga?

Mag3 sio lazima uchangie kwenye huu uzi wala hata wewe hautunyimi usingizi usipochangia hizi pumba zako si uende kwenye chit chat au jukwaa la mapenzi