Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar


what is zanzibar, till questioned anything man, zanzibar is just a village like nkasi district in rukwa
 
Kote huko kuanzia Afrika Mashariki,kati na Afrika ya magharibi wazungu wakristo ndio waliokuwa wafanyaji biashara ya utumwa.
Kama una mfano wa muarabu au muislamu aliyefanya biashara hiyo toa hapa.
Ami,

..mimi ni Mwafrika.

..haijalishi kwangu ni nani alifanya biashara ya Utumwa.

..ninachoelewa mimi, na kinachosikitisha, ni kwamba Waafrika kwa kiwango kikubwa ndiyo tulikuwa wahanga wa biashara ya Utumwa.

..there is nothing we can do kwa hayo yaliyotokea, but in the future lazima tuseme NEVER AGAIN.

..wewe kama unaona Waarabu hawakuhusika that is fine with me, it seem we have different sources of information.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
Mkuu Jokakuu, haya ndiyo madhara yatokanayo na kueneza uvumi na propaganda za vikundi kama vya Mohamed Said. Kama unavyoona Mohamed akiamini kuwa Ufisadi wa nyumba ulikuwa halali kwasababu ulifanywa na mwislam tena mzulu, kuna vijana wanaamini kuwa biashara ya utumwa ukibebwa na kupelekwa Uarabuni kuna thawabu.

Biashara ya utumwa ni ushetani uliovuka mipaka. Bila kujali ilifanywa na mtu wa aina gani,rangi gani na kutoka eneo gani biashara hiyo ilimdhalilisha sana mwafrika na ni moja ya ukatili mkubwa kufanyika duniani.
Hakuna kauli au maelezo yanayoweza kutetea biashara hiyo hata kwa nukta moja.

Mohamed ameaminisha vijana ukiwa mtumwa bara Arab wewe ni mtumwa bora kuliko wa bara Uropa!!
Mkuu Joka, nakuomba uangalie maana mwisho vijana watakukaribisha uoge nao mtoni kama Mo anavyooga nao.
 

Nguruvi,
Mimi si mtu wa ubishi na ndiyo maana nimejizuia kwa muda mrefu kukuuliza
nyumba ya African Association Kleist aliifisadi vipi?

Kuhusu utumwa wala si jambo mtu yoyote likampendeza ila ninachosema mimi
ikiwa tunataka kuuzungumza utumwa basi usiishie kwa Waarabu tuuzungumze
na ule wa Transatlantic.

Huo ndiyo uadilifu.

Ikutoshe tu katika meli za watumwa zilizokuwa zinakwenda Amerika moja ikiitwa
''Jesus.''
 

Nguruvi,

Ikiwa kweli Kleist kafanya uovu huo wa kufisadi mali ya AA hakuna wa kusema
vinginevyo.

Mimi ninachojua ni kuwa nyumba hiyo hakutoa Cameron bali imejengwa na hiyo
nimesoma katika nyaraka za Kleist na najua mmoja wa mjenzi wa nyumba hiyo
kwa kujitolea ni babu yangu pamoja na wazee wengine akina Plantan.

Ikiwa wewe una taarifa zinazosema vinginevyo hilo ni sawa wala si jambo la sie
kuvutana.

Wala mie sitadai uwakilishe hapa ushahidi, la hasha.

Kitu kimoja nakusihi.

Usinifundishe nikujibu vipi swali lako ila kama unaona sikujibu unavyopenda uliza
upya kwa kuweka wazi unachokitaka nikujibu.
 

Mohamed Said,,
i can see them,they are crying..
lakini bakora bado,mwaga facts na darsa hapa.,
tambua wanaothamin uwepo wako hapa ni wengi sana,tafadhwali tunakusihi utoe elimu hii,Allah atakulipa kheir insha allah..
 
Last edited by a moderator:
Mohamed Said,

..Wazungu wenyewe wala hawafichi kwamba walishiriki biashara ya Utumwa.

..Kama sijakosea Archbishop wa Cantebury alishaomba radhi kuhusu suala hilo.

..wako pia watawala wa Kiafrika waliokuwa wakishiriki ktk biashara ya kuuza wenzao Utumwani.

..Tatizo ni sisi Waafrika na Waarabu tumekuwa wabishi kweli kukiri kwamba tulishiriki, na baada ya hapo kuomba "radhi."

..Tena "radhi" yenyewe ni symbolic gesture tu kukiri kilichotokea, na kuazimia kisitokee tena.

NB:

..kinachonishangaza zaidi ni sisi Waafrika kwa defensive kwa Waarabu, au Wazungu.

..wouldnt it make more sense kuwatetea Waafrika wenzetu badala ya hao wageni???

cc: Nguruvi3, Ritz, THE BIG SHOW, Ngongo, Ami
 
Last edited by a moderator:
Kote huko kuanzia Afrika Mashariki,kati na Afrika ya magharibi wazungu wakristo ndio waliokuwa wafanyaji biashara ya utumwa.
Kama una mfano wa muarabu au muislamu aliyefanya biashara hiyo toa hapa.


Hawa si wamezoea hizo historia za kumezeshwa??
Hawa wanadhani uislam uliletwa pwani ya afrika mashariki na wale waarabu waliokuja kufanya biashara ya utumwa,
Hawajui kuwa uislam ndio uliokuja kupiga marufuku utumwa katika tawala za waarabu enz hizo,
Hawajui kuwa katika uislam Qur an imekataza na kupiga marufuku utumwa,hao ni wa kuwapuuza hivo hivo
 
Mohamed Said,,
i can see them,they are crying..
lakini bakora bado,mwaga facts na darsa hapa.,
tambua wanaothamin uwepo wako hapa ni wengi sana,tafadhwali tunakusihi utoe elimu hii,Allah atakulipa kheir insha allah..

The Big Show,
Unajua mimi nawaonea sana huruma hawa ndugu zangu.

Kwa hakika wazee wao hawana historia ambayo wanaweza nao
wakaiandika na ikasomeka kama historia katika kudai uhuru wa
Tanganyika.

Na hili si kosa kwani hawakuwapo Dar es Salaam ambako ndipo
palikuwa chimbuko ya yote haya nielezayo hapa jamvini.

Bahati mbaya wao kitu hiki kimejenga chuki na hasad dhidi ya
historia hii.

Kila ukiwasoma ni jeuri, kejeli, ghadhabu matusi nk.

Mimi nilikuwa nikikaa darasani UDSM na walimu wanasomesha historia
ya uhuru.

Nikiwaambia hiyo haiwezi kuwa historia ya TANU.
Mwalimu atashtuka na ataniuliza historia ya TANU ni ipi?

Hapo namfungulia habari za wazee wangu.

Namwambia Nyerere alikuja kufahamika khasa kwa watu baada ya safari
ya UNO...

Mimi nikawa nasema lile ninalolijua na kwa hakika wakawa wanatatizika sana
na majina kama ya Schneider Abdillah Plantan, Mashado Ramadhani Plantan,
Idd Faiz Mafongo, Idd Tosiri, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Sheikh Suleiman Takadir
nk.

Na nikiwaambia hawa ndiyo TANU yenyewe...

Ndipo Mwamerika mmoja akanambia nikiwa Amerika kuwa ikiwa wewe Mohamed
una uwezo wa kutunga mambo kwa kiasi cha jinsi nilivyosoma katika kitabu chako
basi wewe nakutia katika mawanda ya akina Irving Wallace.

Na huyu ni prof. wa historia ya Afrika.
 


Kama waarabu walishiriki ni wao kimpango wao,kwani waarabu ni nani??
Waarabu waarabu,waislam waislam,
Uislam ndio uliokuja kupiga BAN SLAVE TRADE,wenzako wanaolitambua hilo wanakucheka sana..
 
Mkuu JokaKuu swali la kichokonozi hivi wale watumwa wa kiAfrika waliopelekwa Uarabuni mbona hatuwaoni kwa wingi kama wale waliopelekwa Amerika !.

Nakala: Ritz THE BIG SHOW Ami Nguruvi3


 
Last edited by a moderator:
Kama waarabu walishiriki ni wao kimpango wao,kwani waarabu ni nani??
Waarabu waarabu,waislam waislam,
Uislam ndio uliokuja kupiga BAN SLAVE TRADE,wenzako wanaolitambua hilo wanakucheka sana..
THE BIG SHOW,

..kichekesho na kiroja kikubwa zaidi ni jinsi ambavyo Waafrika waliokuwa wakichukuliwa utumwa wamekosa mtetezi!!
 
Last edited by a moderator:
Mzee Mohammed Said, shukran kwa darsa lako na article ya Sykes na Mr Hamilton. Ongeza dozi ulioahidi, nitaisoma inshallah. Sasa, believe me, sina tatizo na juhudi za Mzee Sykes tangu alipoenda vitani na kurudi(Burma??? not sure, kitabu kinachoelezea maisha yake sikusafiri nacho)na chimbuko la jina la TANU (huko huko kutokana na kitabu hicho pia) na kadhalika. Tofauti zetu zipo kwenye mtazamo. Mimi nikiangalia naona kuwa alipokaa na Mr Hamilton kwa ajili ya haki za wafanyakazi wa Bandarini alikaa kama kiongozi wa Trade Union aliyekuwa na uchungu wa dhulma wa wakati huo. Kwangu mimi, naamini tu kama kweli alihisi uchungu wa dhulma kwa anaowaongoza,yeye kama kiongozi wao bado aliwajibika kuwatetea hata kama asingejua kushahadiah ni nini!!! Sasa, baadhi yetu kule yeye kukaa na Mr. Hamilton wao wanaona Mwislamu akidai haki za wafanyakazi bandarini!!! Njia panda iko hapo. Na ndio maana nadhani bora kukubali kutofautiana. Tatizo langu ni moja tu; Mimi sijauona ushahidi humu eti Sykes, Bibi Titi, Karume, Nyerere, Shamte, na wazee wengine walipoitisha mikutano au migomo waliitiisha kama waislamu au wakiristo na sio kama viongozi wa jamii zao. Tatizo langu na mtazamo huu ni kuwa ni matayarisho ya kuwabagua na hatimaye kuwashushia heshima baadhi ya wanajamii kuwa ama dini/kabila/rangi/koo zao hazikuchangia kuikomboa nchi hii. Hili likifanikiwa huwa linatumika kama "platform" ya kuwanyima "ambao hawakuchangia" heshima stahiki. Zipo nchi jirani yetu hili ni tatizo tayari. Au likawa pia ndio jukwaa la "sasa basi, liwalo na liwe".
 
Mkuu wangu THE BIG SHOW zipo sababu nyingi zilizochangia kufutwa biashara ya utumwa hili la dini ya kiIslam kuhusishwa ni jipya kwangu.Naomba darsa zaidi unajua JF ni jukwaa la kuchota maarifa.


Kama waarabu walishiriki ni wao kimpango wao,kwani waarabu ni nani??
Waarabu waarabu,waislam waislam,
Uislam ndio uliokuja kupiga BAN SLAVE TRADE,wenzako wanaolitambua hilo wanakucheka sana..
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Owk hapo nimekupata na kwa maelezo hayo kitabu chako kitapata nafasi yake na section yake rasmi katika study ya hapa home. Vitabu hivi huwa navipiga stika za 'Halal' alafu navisoma bila maswali.
 
Mkuu JokaKuu swali la kichokonozi hivi wale watumwa wa kiAfrika waliopelekwa Uarabuni mbona hatuwaoni kwa wingi kama wale waliopelekwa Amerika !.

Nakala: Ritz THE BIG SHOW Ami Nguruvi3


Utumwa ni moja wapo ya maovu ambayo yamekuwepo
katika jamii tangu kuwepo kwa mwanadamu hapa duniani
na jitihada za wanamageuzi kujaribu kuuzuia zimeshindwa
kwa karne nyingi sana. Ustaarabu wa kale haukuweza
kuondoa utumwa, kwa hiyo jamii za wakati huo ziliafiki
kuwa nao. Baadhi ya jamii hizo za kistaarabu ziliulea
utumwa. Makanisa ya Kikristo yalishiriki katika biashara
ya utumwa. Mapadri wao walizibariki meli zilizokuwa zinabeba
shehena za binadamu na waliwaonya watumwa kuwa
watiifu, lakini hawakuwasihi mabwana wenye kumiliki
watumwa kuwa wapole kwa shehena hizo za watu. Hivi
karibuni mnamo mwaka 1970 Kanisa Katoliki lilinunua
wasichana 1500 kutoka India, eti kwa sababu wasichana wa
kizungu huko Ulaya hawakutaka kuishi maisha ya kitawa
(usista). Miongoni mwa dini zote ni Uislamu tu ndio ulioharibu
misingi yote ya uovu huu. Lakini, ni kejeli ya historia
kwamba watu walio rutubisha utumwa wakasaidia uendeleaji
wake na walifaidika nao, baadaye ndio wakawa
mabingwa wa kuukomesha.
 
Mkuu Wickama, hapo kwenye rangi nyekundu, ndio lengo hasa la huyu mzee muovu Mohamed Said. Hebu yasome maneno yake hapa chini; Huyo ndio mzee bingwa wa HISTOHISIA mwenye wafuasi wanao shikwa kwa uislam wao na sio utaifa wao. Kwake yeye historia ya mapambano ya uhuru ilifanyika na wazee wake tu wa Tandamti, Kipata na Gerezani. Watanganyika wengine hawakushiriki kabisa na kwahiyo wajukuu wao hawana cha kuandika. Bahati mbaya sana ukimuita muongo, mzushi, mdini, mzandiki na mbaguzi atakuja na machozi ya mamba kuwa ametukanwa!
 

Wickama,
Kwa kuwa nimeona umependezewa na hili vuguvugu la wafanyakazi nakuwekea hapa chanzo kilichompelekea Abdu Sykes kuwemo katika uongozi wa Dockworkers Union na hivyo kukutana
na Mwingereza Hamilton.

Nakurejesha mwaka 1947 wakati Abdu akiwa na umri wa miaka 23:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]In this way Abdulwahid was initiated into politics and understood the meaning of people's struggle against foreign rule at a very early age. Gradually Kleist started to delegate the Association's work to Abdulwahid and he soon became his father's personal assistant in the local politics of Dar es Salaam.

And it was in this way that Abdulwahid came to be involved in the emerging labour unrest which had been simmering at Dar es Salaam port for a long time since the end of the war. Subsequently, Abdulwahid became involved in an underground labour movement of stevedores at the port who, fed up with repressive labour laws and tired of being exploited by the shipping companies, were planning a strike.[1]

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The African Association, representing African interests, quietly supported the underground labour movement and the industrial unrest.

Abdulwahid, who was much closer to the Association's leadership than any other educated African in the town, was chosen to lead the emerging working-class movement.

This is the kind of influence which the colonial state had feared when it refused to allow Abdulwahid to enrol at Makerere College. The colonial administration knew that the combined force of father and a highly educated son would give Tanganyika the effective leadership it was lacking.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]In order to negotiate for workers rights in the absence of statutory regulations, conditions had to be created for enactment of the requisite laws.

A small clandestine committee of dockworkers into which Abdulwahid was incorporated was formed to provide covert leadership to plan for a strike to counter repressive labour conditions of post-war Tanganyika.

The dockworkers held a council of war meeting in the outskirts of town, at a place called Shamba kwa Mohamed Abeid in the Msimbazi Valley, away from prying eyes.

They bounded themselves with Ahlil Badr to protect themselves against fifth columnists, treachery and black feet.
Incense was burned and the Qur'an was recited.

Secured by this oath and fired by invoked Muslim militancy reminiscent of the Battle of Badr, and by reciting the names of the martyrs who died fighting the unbelievers of Mecca alongside Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him), the dockworkers chose 6 th September, 1947 as the day of the strike.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]
[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]Early one morning what had begun as a clandestine operation against the stevedoring companies suddenly erupted into open confrontation.

The neighbourhood was still sleeping when the dockworkers, many of them bare chested, surrounded Kleist's house, shouting at the top of their voices demanding to see Abdulwahid.

The dockworkers had marched all the way from the port shouting anti-colonial slogans and singing to keep their morale high.

This scenario was unprecedented. It was the first time the people of Tanganyika had witnessed such open defiance against colonial authority in the streets of Dar es Salaam.

Young Abdulwahid peeping through his bedroom window, was taken aback by the sight of the crowd.

He was able to recognize some of his port contacts and other members of the clandestine committee.

When he came out to meet the angry dockworkers they told him that the strike was on and that they would not resume work until all their demands were met.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The strike spread like bushfire and engulfed the whole of Tanganyika.

The railway workers in Tabora led by Salum Abdallah joined the strike on 11 th September.
[1]

The African Association in Tabora nominated Mwalimu Pinda, a teacher at St. Mary's School to act as ‘adviser' to the railway workers.

On the morning of the strike, railway workers gathered at the football ground of the Town School shaded from the sun by mango trees for which Tabora is famous.
From then on, that ground became the center of all political meetings.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The government sent to the meeting a young mission-educated African from Masasi, Frederick Mchauru to address the workers and convince them to return to work.

Mchauru was a Makonde from Newala.
He was educated at St. Joseph's College, Chidya, and St. Andrew's, College Minaki.

Mchauru had returned from London University in 1946 and was working in Tabora as an Assistant Social Development Officer. Workers shouted him down calling him a traitor.

It is amazing how successful mission schools were in moulding highly educated, obedient and loyal civil servants. But these educated Africans always found themselves standing on the wrong side of the fence rubbing the wrong way those who opposed colonialism and injustice.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Unable to read the mood, Mchauru ignored the heckling and kept on talking, trying to reason with the crowd, pleading and urging them to return to their workplaces.

Suddenly the mood turned ugly and shouts were heard coming from the crowd to lynch him.

Angry workers moved towards him.
Sensing the danger Salum Abdallah went up to where Mchauru was standing.

He raised up his big hands calling for peace.
Salum Abdallah was a giant of a man with a powerful voice.

Members of Tanganyika African Union (TRAU) remember him for his voice, temper and big build.


On seeing Salum Abdallah the workers calmed down, and Mchauru left the meeting grounds quietly to report back to his employer.
Mchauru became the first African to be promoted to Social Development Officer in 1956.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]It is worth noting that Yustino Mponda, another African from the same area and a product of the same schools, stood with the colonial government to resist the tide of nationalism when Masudi Suleiman Mnonji, Yusuf Chembera and Salum Mpunga were trying to set up TANU in Southern Province in 1955.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Elsewhere throughout Tanganyika workers in all sectors laid down their tools.

The colonial economic machinery was paralysed.

The strike lasted for a whole month.

Many scholars [2] have analysed the rise of the working class in colonial Tanganyika and agree that the 1947 General Strike was the turning point in the history of labour relations in the territory.

An interesting observation on the nature of the strike leadership was made by Friedland, who noted:

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The strike were organised by an underground committee of illiterate dockworkers; they knew nothing about Unions and assumed that they would be arrested if identified.

After issuing anonymous demands to the employers which were ignored, a highly effective strike took place.[3]

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]
The strike created the necessary conditions that forced the colonial government to pass appropriate legislation allowing the formation and eventual registration of the Dar es Salaam Dockworkers' Union. Commenting on the negotiations which ensued soon after the strike between the dockworkers and the employers' representative Bienefield observes: ‘Just how such representative would come to ascertain views, or implement decisions, without the existence of some durable organisation, was left a mystery.' [4]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]
The success of the strike did not depend on the level of intellectual abilities of the dockworkers, the level of illiteracy or the existence of a formal trade union organisation.

The success of the movement depended mainly on the deep religious sentiments which were evoked by the strike committee.

The Dockworkers contrary to Friedland's assertions were not illiterate in the real sense of the word.

Most of them had undergone madras education where Islamic knowledge was imparted, and as far as reading and writing was concerned most of them were literate in the Arabic script.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The dockworkers had bound themselves with one of the very strong oaths reminiscent of the militancy of the days of the Prophet.

The dockworkers opened and closed all their conspiratorial meetings with Qur'anic recitations to plead for Allah's help.

By doing this the dockworkers were raising themselves to the level of the sahaba (companions) of the Prophet who fought in the Battle of Badr, where a small force of 313 ill-equipped Muslims won a great victory against one thousand strong army of Mecca infidels.

This is an aspect which Friedland and Bienefield have failed to recognise and comprehend.

Likewise, many scholars before and after them have either by omission or commission ignored the Islamic factor in the political development of colonial Tanganyika; beginning with the Maji Maji War in 1905 during the German period, the labour movement in the late 1930s and the struggle in and after 1954 during British rule.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The 1947 strike is a good illustration of how Muslims as a united force responded to colonialism.

It also shows how, using their religion and its symbols, Muslims were able to manipulate opportunities and to force the colonial government to bend to their will and negotiate.

In these negotiations between the dockworkers and the government, dockworkers were able to infiltrate their own representatives to leadership positions vital for safeguarding African interests.

The colonial government realized that the African working class could no longer be ignored, and thereafter began efforts to allow formation of proper trade unions as a way of averting conflicts.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]


[1]Informationfrom Rashid Mussa interviewed at Tabora in 1988.
[2] See footnote No.61.
3]JefferyButler and A.A. Castagno (eds) ‘Politics in Independent African States', A Prolegomenon in Boston
University
Papers on Africa: Transition in African Politics
pp. 67-68.

[4]M.A. Bienefield, ‘TradeUnions, The Labour Process,' JMASVol. 17 No. 4 December, 1979, pp. 557-558.

[1]For a detailed account of the strike see Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers of Dar es Salaam' in Tanzania Notes
and Records,"
71 (1970) p.130. A shortened version ‘The Creation of GroupConsciousness Among Dockworkers'
appears in Robin Cohen and Sandbrook (eds) Towards an African Working Class (London,1975), pp. 49-72. Also
see Henry Mapolu, Workers and Management, (Dar es Salaam, 1976), p. 139. Also N.S.K. Tumbo, ‘Towards NUTA
' in Labour in Tanzania, University of Dar es Salaam Studies in Political Science, No.5. pp. 2-3. All these works have
acknowledged the 1947 port labour movement as the turning point in the history of labour relations in Tanzania
except A.C.A. Tandau, Historia ya Kuundwa kwa TFL (1955-1962)
na Kuanzishwa kwa NUTA,
(Dar es Salaam, 1964).
 
Mr. The Big Show, Shukran kwa maoni yako. Ushahidi uliopo unaonyesha kuwa Watanganyika wenye imani ya kiislamu walikuwa wengi zaidi katika medali za siasa za nchi hii wakati wa ukoloni. Sasa, kama inabidi uandike historia moja ya nchi nzima toka pande zote lazima hutaweza kuyaandika yote. Lazima utapunguza baadhi ya matukio japo ni muhimu pia na sio kazi rahisi. Kitakwimu, navyojua mimi, kundi lililokuwa na washiriki wengi katika harakati kama hizo lazima ndilo pia litaonekana kupoteza zaidi kwenye mchujo. Huu mchujo ndio wenye "utata" au sio unavyosema? Mimi siitetei taasisi yoyote hapa. Na wala sijui kama kulikuwa na huo "mchujo". Nachojua ni kwamba sio kazi rahisi. Na yeyote kati yetu akipewa kuiandika lazima atawaacha baadhi ya watu.
 
Kote huko kuanzia Afrika Mashariki,kati na Afrika ya magharibi wazungu wakristo ndio waliokuwa wafanyaji biashara ya utumwa.
Kama una mfano wa muarabu au muislamu aliyefanya biashara hiyo toa hapa.
Ni kweli kabisa Waarabu hawakushiriki katika biashara ya utumwa. Wenyewe walileta tu halua na kashata. Hata Zanzibar haikutumika kama kituo cha kupeleka watumwa Arabuni. Bagamoyo maana yake si kituo cha kubwaga moyo wako bara ili upelekwe utumwani. Ni wazungu ndio waliowapeleka watumwa Arabuni, India, ambako mpaka leo kuna kundi la waafrika. Saudi Arabia ndiyo usiseme. Wenyewe walinunua watumwa wao kutoka Uingereza na waliwatendea vizuri sana kiasi kwamba leo nusu ya population ya Saudi Arabia ni weusi. Naipenda historia hii.
 
Cookies are required to use this site. You must accept them to continue using the site. Learn more…