sonTHE BIG SHOW, ndio umeandika nini? andika kiswahili au kiarabu,lugha ambazo you are comfortable with.English waachie akina Mohamed Said.
"but you cant even step into the pair of his shoes..! "
son
Sure he can not..!
NDIO maana watoto wetu form 4 inawashinda,jitu kama wewe lina position au ni mwalimu alaafu lugha linai kanumba all the way-ukiliambia lina shrug shoulders
Ndio maana katika articles aliyotuma niliyosema ina matundu Mohamed amejicontradict sana. Kwabahati mbaya file limekuwa corrupted, nitaliweka tena mstari kwa mstari.
Kwa ufupi, Mohamed anasema Nyerere alikuwa ''stranger'' Dar es Salaam na kwa wapiga kura.Hakunjua Sykes labda kama alimsikia katika maongezi ya Mwapachu Uingereza.
Halafu anasema Nyerere alikutana na Denis, Kasella Bantu na Dosa Azizi katika national conference mwaka 1947.
Maana yake alisikia habari za Sykes kutoka kwa Aziz mwaka 1947 na si wakati akiwa Uingereza.
Akasema Nyerere alipopewa uongozi ndio ukawa mwanzo wa Political career. Amesahau kuwa aliashaanza mwaka 1947 alipokuatana na watu katika mkutano mkuu, alipokuwa Makerere n.k.
Akasema Phombeah alimpigia kampeni lakini hakukuwa na ulazima kwasababu wazee wake walishaamua awe kiongozi.
Cha kushangaza ni pale aliposema kura zilipigwa kwa kunyosha mikono. ''Inasemekana'' Nyerere alishinda kwa kura moja, wengine wanasema hakushinda kama alivyomkariri Dosa.
Sasa kama kura zilikuwa za kunyoosha mikono kwanini matokeo yake yajulikane kwa watu wawili watu na si washiriki wote katika mkutano ule wa wazi.
Akamnanga Nyerere kuwa alikuwa mzuri wa debate lakini si siasa kama Sykes. Sasa Nyerere alikuwa anafanya debate za shule au za kisiasa na kama ni hivyo kwanini wazee waliamua kumpa uongozi tena kwa kumuomba mara mbili.
Akasema hivi mikutano ya TAA ilikuwa inafanyika kwa Sykes,hapo ndipo mahali ambapo Nationalist walikutana.
Hapa alikuwa na maana uwepo wa Nyerere ulileta Nationalist na si waislam. Halafu akajisahau na kusema Nyerere alipokuwa anaaga mwaka 1985 aliwaita waislam exclusive, yaani mkutano ule ulikuwa si wa wazee wa Dar es Salaam au Nationalist bali waislam. Amesahau kuwa Nyerere alipokuwa na jambo aliongea na taifa kwa kupitia wazee wa Dar.
Article nzima ina back and forth kwasababu tu alisimuliwa na wazee tofauti tofauti na hakuchukua initiative za kuhakiki habari bali kuongozwa na ushabiki. Nitaiweka tena ili wasioamini kuwa hii ni simulizi na si tafiti waone.
Bwana mdogo umekurupuka, inaonyesha kuwa masuala ya hisabati na hasa takwimu ni tatizo. Haya twende hatua kwa hatua.
Hiyo hapo juu sitajibu kwa kuwa haikuwa sehemu ya nilicho-present.Hapa ndiyo umethibitisha ukurupukaji wako, hayo maandishi yanaendelea kilichotolewa hapo ni extraction tu. Hivi hujiulizi kwa nini mwalimu wako hajatokea kujibu hii post? Anyways hilo la wapagani, si ni mzee saidi amenukuliwa na si mara moja kwamba hao wanaoojiiita wapagani ni geresha tu wote ni wakristo? Kula darsa kwa jedwali lingine hapa chini huu ni mchanganuo wa population kimajimbo (Muulize mwalimu wako jimbo la Eastern lilikuwa ni mikoa ipi na ipi)
Hapo juu hiyo ni pumba pasee.
Jibu lake nadhani umeliona kwenye hilo jedwali jipya.Hakuna aneyekuzuia kuamini unachoamini, cha msingi lete facts.
Mimi siko huko, eti kwenye "kutetea uchache wa waislamu kwenye vyuo na shule za sekondari" mjadala ni je sensa ya 1967 ilipikwa ili kuonyesha wakristo ni wengi? Je ni vipi serikali ile ile iliyochapisha matokeo ya sensa ya 1957 yaliyotoka 1963 yaaminiwe halafu yale ya 1967 yaonekane kupikwa?
Bwana mdogo hii sensa ina kurasa 109, na uzuri wake imeanza kwa kuelezea mapungufu, mojawapo ni kuwa hii ilikuwa ni sensa ya watanganyika weusi tu, ilikuwa na limitations ya umri, kuna mahali haikufika, Lakini pia imeonyesha ni makabila yapi yalikuwa na watu wengi wakati huo, vipi unahitaji jedwali lake? Je hao waliokuwa wengi kikabila nao si wanatakiwa wajitokeze kudai haki yao kama inavyodaiwa kidini? Mwalimu wako ameshaitumia sana hii sensa kujengea hoja za kizushi, yes za uzushi. Sasa this tyme tunataka na hili nalo tuweke records straight. Ntanguliza Samahani sitakuwa na muda wa kujibu zisizokuwa hoja kulingana na mjadala huu..
Nyambala afadhali hujakimbia kama ilivyokuwa kwa Nguruvi,huenda tukafaidika zaidi na historia ya sensa.Hata hivyo mimi si mtupu sana kuhusu takwimu na hisabati kama unavyodhani.Angalau naelewesheka.Usichoke.Bwana mdogo umekurupuka, inaonyesha kuwa masuala ya hisabati na hasa takwimu ni tatizo. Haya twende hatua kwa hatua.
Hili tope la sensa serikali yenyewe ya mfumokristo imeamua kuwavimbia tu kila mtu aliyejadili bila kutaka kulitafutia ufumbuzi.Mara Ponda.....mara Radio Imaan................aibu tupu kwa utawala wa kidemokrasia.
Hivyo Nyambala na Nguruvi hawawezi kubadili kitu.Wenye uwezo wa kujibu wakipenda ni serikali baada ya sensa.
Hiyo hapo juu sitajibu kwa kuwa haikuwa sehemu ya nilicho-present.
Jedwali inaonesha 44.2% mwaka 1957 ya watanganyika walikuwa ni mapagani lakini baina ya (65-90)% ya makabila ya wamakonde,wazigua,wazaramo,warangi na makabila mengine ya pwani walikuwa ni waislamu.Lakini wakristo wakatoliki walipatikana zaidi kwa wachaga na waprotestant kwa wabena.Yametajwa makabila hayo tu.
Hapo juu hiyo ni pumba pasee..
Hebu soma sababu za http://xa.yimg.com/kq/groups/22136779/1282254023/name/CENSUS waislamu kutilia shaka takwimu hizo.Mimi siko huko, eti kwenye "kutetea uchache wa waislamu kwenye vyuo na shule za sekondari" mjadala ni je sensa ya 1967 ilipikwa ili kuonyesha wakristo ni wengi? Je ni vipi serikali ile ile iliyochapisha matokeo ya sensa ya 1957 yaliyotoka 1963 yaaminiwe halafu yale ya 1967 yaonekane kupikwa?.
Son of Alaska,
..nadhani gombesugu hajui kwamba kuna watu wamezaliwa na kukulia mzizima, yet they never consider themselves to be from the city.
Mohamed Said,
..mimi kuna machache yananitatiza kuhusu Prof.Malima.
..kwanza inasemekana wakati wa Mwalimu Nyerere aliandika waraka kwa raisi akidai wale waliokuwa wakipendekeza marekebisho ya uchumi ni wasaliti. Je, unao waraka huo, au una habari ni kina nao hao ambao Prof aliwalenga??
..pili, kuna hii habari ya Mzee Mwinyi kukabidhiwa madaraka huku hazina ikiwa hoi bin taabani. sasa mimi nimeangalia record nikakuta waziri wa fedha aliyekuwa in-charge mpaka hazina ikawa tupu alikuwa Prof.Malima. Je, kama mtu unayemfahamu vizuri Prof una utetezi wowote ule kuhusu suala hilo??
Amb. Juma Mwapachu said:Back in Tanganyika in March 1949, Hamza was posted as Assistant Welfare Officer at Ilala District Office in Dar-es-Salaam. Late Rashid Mfaume Kawawa who completed Standard twelve at Tabora in 1948 worked with Hamza as a Welfare Clerk. Steeped in knowledge of law, constitutionalism and politics and immediately re-linking with his friend Nyerere in Tabora who was by then President of the Tabora TAA Branch but also preparing to leave for Edinburgh to pursue a degree course later that year, Hamza became the intellectual voice and conscience in TAA politics in Dar-es-Salaam.
Early in 1950, Abdul and Hamza dual-handedly stormed into the TAA Headquarters in Dar-es-Salaam and using fists and flying chairs engineered a leadership coup. They installed Dr Tsere as interim President of TAA. However, following Dr Tseres transfer to Tanga, TAA held proper elections. Dr Vedasto Kyaruzi was elected President, Abdulwahid Sykes became Secretary General, John Rupia was Treasurer, Hamza was elected Secretary for Economics and Stephen Mhando became Secretary of Education.
The new TAA leadership proceeded to review the TAA constitution in mid 1950 giving the institution a tinge of a political party. The first major political act of that leadership was to prepare a Memorandum submitted to the first United Nations Mandated Trust Territory Mission to Tanganyika at the end of 1950 which demanded a clear road map towards Tanganyikas independence. The Memorandum was a collective document of the leadership of TAA but its principal author was Hamza Mwapachu.
Following the submission of the Memorandum, Governor Edward Twining isolated two individuals for the wrath of the colonial state.
- Dr. Kyaruzi was transferred from Dar-es-Salaam Sewa Haji Hospital, then a national hospital, to Kingolwira Prison Health Centre in Morogoro to treat prisoners.
- Hamza Mwapachu was exiled to Ukerewe Island in the heart of Lake Victoria! Dr Kyaruzi has described his posting as imprisonment in disguise.
Mtu ukisoma hizo simulizi za Mohamed Said bila shaka utajiuliza mambo kadhaa...Je ni nani alikuwa kiongozi mkuu wa TAA, Raisi wake Dr Vedasto Kyaruzi au katibu wake Abduwahid Sykes? Kwa nini vongozi watatu Abdul, Sheikh Hasan na Mwapachu wanatajwa na kuelezewa kwa dini zao? Hii ni moja katika tofauti kubwa kati ya Mohamed Said na waandishi wengine, yeye anatanguliza udini na ukabila mbele ya Utaifa, Utanganyika hata kama mhusika hakuwa Mtanganyika!. Sasa linganisheni na haya maandishi machache ya huyo Seaton anayetajwa na Mohamed Said kuwa alikuwa karibu na TAA na alisaidia sana katika kutoa ushauri wa kisheria!Mohamed Said said:Frustrated with the associations political stagnation, Abdulwahid and Mwapachu, one afternoon without prior warning to anyone, crossed the road from the Tanga Club and stormed into the office of the TAA at New Street and staged a coup against the elected leadership by manhandling Clement Mtamila who was at that time at the premises. During the war Abdulwahid had been his regiments boxing champion for both Kenya and Tanganyika. Abdulwahid had therefore no problem in disposing of Mtamila. This was the beginning of the end of the influence of the old generation and the beginning of nationalism in Tanganyika. From that day Abdulwahids name, that of his young brother Ally, and that of Mwapachu began to be associated with the TAA headquarters and the emerging nationalist politics.
Abdulwahids first move was to form what was known as TAA Political Subcommittee comprising himself as secretary; Sheikh Hassan bin Amir as the Mufti of Tanganyika; Dr Kyaruzi; Mwapachu; Said Chaurembo who was the liwali at Kariakoo local court; John Rupia and Stephen Mhando. The task given to this committee was to deal with political issues in the country. The creation of this committee was a turning point in the history of organised politics in colonial Tanganyika. Among the members of the committee Abdulwahid was the only person representing a multiplicity of interests. He was one of the party financiers, a member of the TAA intelligentsia and a leading personality in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya; he and Mwapachu represented young Muslim modernists.
The TAA political committee submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo. Abdulwahid realised that many of the problems in respect of the rights of Africans in the territory were legal issues which required the advice of legal experts. For the first time, with the help of Seaton, TAA was able to confront the colonial authority with facts and figures illustrating injustices in the colonial system which were contrary to the United Nations Charter.
Kusema kweli Mohamed Said namvulia kofia, ni mpiga stori mzuri tu na hasa katika kuelezea kwa njia ya mipasho ya mitaani...hapo wengine hatumwezi! Lakini tunapojadili mambo ya historia, upotoshaji anaoupamba kwa mipasho na hivyo kuwavutia na kuwapumbaza watu wasio makini, hapana, hapo tunampiga stop. Amb. Juma Mwapachu ameelezea historia ya baba yake bila ushabiki na bila kuwabagua wala kuwalisha maneno wapendwa waliokwisha kutangulia mbele za haki. Hakuna sehemu hata moja anapotaja dini wala kikundi cha kidini, no, anaongelea Watanganyika kama Watanganyika, period. Na ameeleza jinsi mzee wake alivyokuwa karibu na Mwalimu hadi mauti yalipomfika na Mwalimu hakumsahau! Lakini Mohamed Said anadai Mwalimu, baada ya uhuru, aliwasahau wazee wake wa Gerezani kwa sababu walikuwa Waislaam!Seaton said:In the early months of 1953 an increasing number of leading Africans came to pugu to discuss affairs with Nyerere, bringing him more and more into politics. Yet he did not neglect his classes or students, although clearly the latter were bound to suffer. Some of the visitors were indignant, others sad, yet others frustrated.
Nyerere, they said, had to do this, that, or the other. The most urgent thing was to recapture T.A.A.
They insisted that the good work done by Vedast Kyaruzi and Lucia no Tsere must not be wasted. For the first, but by no means the last time, Julius gave way to pressure and in April, 1953, ran for office in T.A.A. Opposed by Abdul Sykes, the outgoing President, who at that time was much better known in Dar-es-salaam than Nyerere; his chances were less than even. To save both Sykes and Nyerere embarrassment, he asked them to withdraw while the voting by show of hands took place. Nyerere was elected by a small margin, thus stepping on to the first rung of the political ladder.
His friends now urged that he must turn T.A.A. into a political organization, and pointed to Harry Nkumbula, who is a neighboring Northern Rhodesia, had organized the National congress party. Nyerere began to study T.A.AS constitution and the rules originally laid down by Sir Donald Cameron. In Britain, he had talked to many Ghanaians and analyzed Kwame Nkrumahs Constitution.
Every day he realized more clearly that the Government would pay no attention to nationalist demands, however reasonable, unless they had the organized power of the people behind them. Only a political party would enable him to fight it out with the British. When on August 10, 1953, Twining banned civil servants from T.A.A., Nyerere wrote to protest against this...
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Hapa kwa vyovyote vile inaonekana vinara walioogopwa na Wakoloni ni wasomi Dr. Vadasto Kyaruzi na Hamza Mwapachu na madai kuwa kuwa TAA ilizorota kidogo hadi alipokamata uongozi Mwalimu Julius Nyerere mwaka 1953 yakawa na ukweli. Pia yawezekana katika kipindi hicho Abdulwahid Sykes hakuwa tishio kwa serikali ya kikoloni kama Mohamed Said anavyotaka kuwaaminisha wasomaji. Lakini mshuhudieni hapa chini Mohamed Said anavyoelezea harakati za mwana masumbi Abdulwahid aliyekuwa tayari kutumia ubabe na ngumi kutwaa madaraka ...kila kitu ni Abdul!
Mtu ukisoma hizo simulizi za Mohamed Said bila shaka utajiuliza mambo kadhaa...Je ni nani alikuwa kiongozi mkuu wa TAA, Raisi wake Dr Vedasto Kyaruzi au katibu wake Abduwahid Sykes? Kwa nini vongozi watatu Abdul, Sheikh Hasan na Mwapachu wanatajwa na kuelezewa kwa dini zao? Hii ni moja katika tofauti kubwa kati ya Mohamed Said na waandishi wengine, yeye anatanguliza udini na ukabila mbele ya Utaifa, Utanganyika hata kama mhusika hakuwa Mtanganyika!. Sasa linganisheni na haya maandishi machache ya huyo Seaton anayetajwa na Mohamed Said kuwa alikuwa karibu na TAA na alisaidia sana katika kutoa ushauri wa kisheria!
Kusema kweli Mohamed Said namvulia kofia, ni mpiga stori mzuri tu na hasa katika kuelezea kwa njia ya mipasho ya mitaani...hapo wengine hatumwezi! Lakini tunapojadili mambo ya historia, upotoshaji anaoupamba kwa mipasho na hivyo kuwavutia na kuwapumbaza watu wasio makini, hapana, hapo tunampiga stop. Amb. Juma Mwapachu ameelezea historia ya baba yake bila ushabiki na bila kuwabagua wala kuwalisha maneno wapendwa waliokwisha kutangulia mbele za haki. Hakuna sehemu hata moja anapotaja dini wala kikundi cha kidini, no, anaongelea Watanganyika kama Watanganyika, period. Na ameeleza jinsi mzee wake alivyokuwa karibu na Mwalimu hadi mauti yalipomfika na Mwalimu hakumsahau! Lakini Mohamed Said anadai Mwalimu, baada ya uhuru, aliwasahau wazee wake wa Gerezani kwa sababu walikuwa Waislaam!
Son of Alaska, pia maneno ya Mwalimu Nyerere yaliyowachoma wakoloni lakini yakawapa ujasiri wote waliokaa kwenye mkutano wa "saba saba" ni haya, "Tanganyika is not a colony...therefore it does not owe any allegiance to the Queen""One of the founding members of TANU, Abbas Sykes said, "He came at the right time. Usuallyif a man went away to university when he came back he would not be one with us; he would bevery sophisticated. But here was a man who had the same kind of education -- higher in fact, because he had an M.A. instead of a B.A. -- who was willing to be with his people. This humility--- ‘I'm willing to serve you'--- made everyone forget that he was from up-country and that he wasn't a Muslim."
Son of Alaska, pia maneno ya Mwalimu Nyerere yaliyowachoma wakoloni lakini yakawapa ujasiri wote waliokaa kwenye mkutano wa "saba saba" ni haya, "Tanganyika is not a colony...therefore it does not owe any allegiance to the Queen"
Son of Alaska,"One of the founding members of TANU, Abbas Sykes said, "He came at the right time. Usuallyif a man went away to university when he came back he would not be one with us; he would bevery sophisticated. But here was a man who had the same kind of education -- higher in fact, because he had an M.A. instead of a B.A. -- who was willing to be with his people. Thishumility--- ‘I'm willing to serve you'--- made everyone forget that he was from up-country andthat he wasn't a Muslim."
Alaafu leo hii,hawa wafia dini wa gerezani wanataka kutuambia otherwise,labda wangefanikiwa iwapo hii world wide web isingekuwepo-its just a matter of thumping the keyboard and history unfoldsSon of Alaska, pia maneno ya Mwalimu Nyerere yaliyowachoma wakoloni lakini yakawapa ujasiri wote waliokaa kwenye mkutano wa "saba saba" ni haya, "Tanganyika is not a colony...therefore it does not owe any allegiance to the Queen"
Alaafu leo hii,hawa wafia dini wa gerezani wanataka kutuambia otherwise,labda wangefanikiwa iwapo hii world wide web isingekuwepo-its just a matter of thumping the keyboard and history unfolds