Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Hivi vitabu vilivyoandikwa na Mzee Mwanakijiji vinapatikana ktk maktaba ipi vile au duka gani maana sikujua kama na yeye kaandika vitabu naomba mnijulishe vinauzwa au ni bure? ningefurahi sana kusoma vitabu ya mwandishi asiyejulikana hata kwa sura!

We uandishi umeona wa vitabu tu!?
 
Tushukuru Mungu kuwa hatimaye baraza la ulaghai wa historia lililoanzishwa na WARSHA miaka karibu thelathini na kitu iliyopita sasa limevunjwa. Kwa miaka 15 Mohammed Said aliamini kabisa kuwa histohisia yake haiwezi kukosolewa na wala haipaswi kukosolewa lakini hatimaye sasa inakosolewa hadharani na watu waliofungwa minyororo ya ulaghai huo wa historia minyororo hiyo inaachia; pingili, baada ya pingili!!

Na msemo kuwa kweli itawaweka uhuru una maana kweli kweli!!
 
JokaKuu, unajua WARSHA baada ya kuasisiwa chini ya Maliki mpakistan haikuonekana kama kitu kikubwa. Ilikuwa kama kundi la dini linalotaka kufanya mambo yao kwa utaratibu tofauti. Serikali iliposhtuka ni pale walipotaka kufanya Kinondoni kama sehemu ya mambo yao hatari. Kama ulivyosema hilo lilipelekea serikali kuwa karibu sana na Kinondoni sec.
Hoja na mtazamo wao ulikuwa kuigeza seminary ili kkutumbukiza haya tunayoyaona leo.

Serikali ikampa PNG Maliki, kwabahti mbaya it was too late kwasababu tayari alishapanda mbegu hizi zinazotapanya chenga kila mahali.

Kundi hili limepata ngiuvu mpya miaka 5 au 6 iliyopita na sasa tupo hapa tulipo.
Nasema ni kundi hatari sana na kinga yao ni Uislam. Yaani agenda zao wamezifanya za waislam.
 

JokaKuu

Wengi wetu tulishamuona Mohamed Said toka nyuzi zake kuanzia mwaka juzi kuwa ni mtu ambaye alikuwa na conclusions ndipo akafanya "utafiti" wa ku-support hizo conclusions. That is very unscientific approach to research. Ndio maana kuna vitu inabidi afiche (vile vinavyokinzana na conclusions zake) na mara nyingine analazimisha "false assumptions" kuwa ni "fact". Kwa mfano, mara kadhaa amejaribu kulazimisha kuwa hakuna wapagani hapa nchini, eti wapagani ni chaka la kujificha wakristo.

Sometimes inabidi azushe mambo au hisia na kufanya kama fact ili tu ku-suit his conclusions. Yote ni kwasababu hataki conclusions zake ziwe disputed.
Unfortunately kuna watu wanaona kuwa wakimpinga wataonekana wao "si waislam wazuri" kwa hiyo ama wanaamua kukaa kimya au wanam-support ili waonekane wao ni waislam safi. All in all, his research approach is completely unscientific na wala haitapelekea kutatua matatizo ya waislam na wananchi kwa ujumla. Badala yake amefanikiwa tu kupandikiza chuki ndani ya jamii.
 
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Kuna kitabu chake kimoja cha mapenzi kipo kinauzwa pale Mlimani City jina nimesahau kinafanana na kitabu cha Shigongo.

Huyo mwandishi wa vitabu vya mapenzi ndo huyu anayewafanya mkose raha hapa!?

Mlitaka aache kutetea Utaifa na kutetea Dini ndo mumuone kama ni mwandishi mzuri kama mwalimu wenu?,kwasababu inaonekana nyie mwandishi mzuri ni yule anayetetea Dini kwanza.

Watu wanapima hapa wanaona nani ni Mropokaji na nani anatoa point.
 
Nguruvi3,

..kwa kweli hali ikiendelea namna hii, na haswa maisha yalivyo magumu kwa vijana, halafu uchanganye na ignorance, tunakoelekea si kuzuri.

..mimi nimesoma na Waislamu. tena nakumbuka kwa miaka miwili mfululizo mwanafunzi aliyeongoza ktk matokeo yetu alikuwa Muislamu.


..wanafunzi, waalimu, jumuiya nzima pale shuleni kwetu, tulikuwa tukijivunia achievements za vijana hao. kwasababu tuliona wametuwakilisha SOTE kutokana na umahiri wao wa kitaaluma.

..sasa leo hii Mohamed Said anapokuja hapa na kuleta mambo yake ya "namba za mitihani", kwamba Waislamu walikuwa wananyimwa elimu, I dont really understand him.

..I was there. The same way Mohamed says amesimuliwa na wazee wake kuhusu historia ya kugombea uhuru, mimi nimesoma na kufanya mitihani yangu kwa kutumia namba na siyo jina.

..Yaani nikisikia wanafunzi wa Kikristo na Kiislamu wanafarakana ktk sekondari zetu kama kule Ndanda na Kibiti, kutokana na hizi fitina za udini-udini, kwa kweli nashangaa na kusikitika sana.

CC: Nanren
 

Hahahaaaa nimecheka sana, Mohamed Said ataomba awe mshika kibendera mda si mrefu
 

Hivi kumbe hapa mlikuja kushindana si kujua ukweli wa historia sasa nimewaelewa vipi na wewe MM kile kitabu chako cha mapenzi hakija pata mpinzani? kumbe wewe ni mwandishi wa mambo ya mapenzi ha ha haa kweli waswahili wanasema kuwa uyaone
 
Hakuna tukio muhimu katika historia ya Harakati za uhuru wa Tanganyika kama azimio la Mkutano mkuu wa TANU Tabora mwaka 1958 kushiriki katika uchaguzi wa kura tatu...azimio ambalo lilipitishwa kwa kupigiwa kura na wajumbe 60 kutoka majimbo yote ya Tanganyika. Kati ya kura hizo kura 60 zilizopigwa ni wajumbe 37 waliounga mkono azimio lililokuja kujulikana kama "decision of wisdom" na wajumbe 23 walipinga! Ni azimio hili lililomfanya Zuberi Mtemvu, publicity secretary wa TANU makao makuu, kuhama TANU na kuanzisha chama chake cha African Congress.

Pia ni mkutano huu wa Tabora uliowachagua wajumbe wanne kwenye baraza la LEGCO katika uchaguzi mwaka huo huo wa 1958. Hawa wajumbe walichaguliwa kuwawakilisha Watanganyika wenzao kwa uwezo na sifa zao na katu hawakuchaguliwa kwa misingi ya dini zao...Wajumbe hao ni;

  1. Julius Nyerere - Jimbo la Mashariki na makao makuu ya TANU.
  2. Solomon Eliufoo - Jimbo la Kaskazini
  3. John Mwakangale - Jimbo la Kusini
  4. Chief Abdalla Fundikira - Jimbo la Magharibi
Ni huo huo mwaka 1958, ndipo shaka na manung'uniko yalianza kujitokeza mioyoni mwa baadhi ya wana TANU, hasa wale wa dini ya Kiislaam kuwa Kanisa linaanza kuiteka TANU ambao ndio msingi wa madai ya Mohamed Said. ILI kukabiliana na hali hiyo chama cha Kiislaam, AMNUT, kikiongozwa na Chamwenyewe kilianzishwa kama LUKU dhidi ya spidi ya TANU. Ajabu ni kwamba mpaka kufikia hapo, kwa nini Abdulwahid Sykes, kiongozi asiye na mfanowe katika harakati za kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika, hatumsikii? Ni nani huyo, wakati huo, alizima ama kuficha habari/historia za wazee wake Mohamed Said wa Gerezani, Kipata na Kariakoo? Mohamed Said ni masalia tu ya AMNUT.

Kwa namna yoyote mtu anayejaribu kuwaweka kwenye mizani sawa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere na watu kama hao wazee wa Gerezani ni wa kupuuzwa. Somo tunalopata hapa ni kuwa kuna watu walianza kuwabagua Watanganyika wenzao wasio wa dini yao toka kabla ya uhuru na hata baada ya kukataliwa waliendeleza harakati zao hata baada ya uhuru...ni hawa Mohamed Said anawalilia na kujaribu kuwakweza na sisi wengine tunamkatalia kata kata. Ndio maana msimamo wangu kwake haubadiliki wala hauyumbi, Mohamed Said ni mchochezi na mtu hatari ambaye kama serikali isingekuwa dhaifu, angeshashughulikiwa zamani. Lakini masikini Tanganyika, mbegu aliyoipanda imeanza kuwazaa akina Ilunga, Ponda na Uamsho na bado!
 
Na unategemea mimi ntakuja kujadiliana nawewe huo utumbo, wewe unatakiwa uwe mtulivu mjadala unapoendelea kwa sababuhuna inputs zozote zaidi ya upambe kazi ambayo bado hujaimudu. Mimi najadilianana mwalimu wako ebo!!!!!!!!!
Sikiliza busara za Ritz
Nyambala,

Mohamed Said siyo saizi yako kila mtu humu ajajifanya Mohamed Said ndiyo saiziyake.

Jitahidi hujibu hoja za Ami.

Mohamed Said ndiyo mwalimu anayefundisha humu.
Nyambala atawezaje kupambana na hoja za sheikh Mohammed ikiwa mtu mdogotu kama mimi ameshaanza kususia kunijibu.
Kwanza naomba ile jadweli ya makabila na uwingi wao.Halafu kablahatujaanza kukuweka kundi moja na akina Nguruvi na Mwanakijiji waliokimbia mada kwa kushindwa hoja.Badonampa nafasi Nyambala ya kujisafisha mbele ya hadhira ya JF na pia kuweka recordsstraight kwa manufaa ya taifia letu .Naomba jibu hoja hii:
Nyambalaitakuwa una jawabu hilo.
Comeon! .Twende kazii….
 
JokaKuu,tena hii ajali ilikuwa hit and run-Inspector General mzima anaua alaafu anakimbia na kukaa kimya-against his principles Nyerere akamlinda na kumpeleka nje kumuuondoa katika public eye. Sasa mtu anataka fadhila gani???? Hii ni mmoja ya decision kubwa ambazo zilimsumbua sana Nyerere

"IGP Hamza Aziz alikumbwa na kashfa ya kukanyaga raia kwa gari. Raia huyo alifariki dunia."

..kesi yake ilikwenda mahakamani, lakini ikamalizwa ktk namna ambayo imeacha maswali mengi kuliko majibu.

..baada ya hapo Mwalimu Nyerere akampa uhamisho kwenda kufanya kazi ubalozi wa Tz marekani
 
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JokaKuu, hili la namba wameabaini Mohamed aliandika kutoka chumbani wala halikuwa na ukweli. Sasa hivi linabadilishwa na eti majina yaliambatana na namba. Wakati umma unafahamu hivyo leo nenda kijiweni utakutana na watu bado wanaamini ngano ilikuwa sahihi.

Joka, ninaposikia vurugu za vijana huwa najisikia fadhaa sana. Nadhani unakumbuka nyakati hizo kwa mfano mwezi wa Ramadhan wanafunzi walikuwa wanaheshimiana utadhani shule nzima ni ya dini moja. Watu wote wanaheshimiana na kujiheshimu.
Siku hizi aah mbegu za kima Mod zimeingia kila mtu anazuka na tabia yake.

Hivi mwanafunzi wa form 1 akisikia Mohamed anadai eti wanafunzi 25 walipata div 1 na wakanyima nafasi ya highschool unadhani atajisikiaje. Masikini hajui haya ni majungu ya kawaida ya mzee Mohamed na timu yao.

Tena kwa kutaka kuungwa mkono, kitu cha kwanza walichotanguliza ni Uislam na kwamba kwenda kinyume nao ni kwenda kinyume na Uislam. Hapo wameshafunga watu mikono na miguu. Hata akina Big Show wanaona kabisa kuwa mzee kadanganya, kinachowatisha ni kuwa ukienda kinyume naye wewe ni kafir. Wanabaki watumwa wa nafsi zao.

Tip moja, hili kundi la WARSHA liliazimia kuchukua sekondari kwanza ili ziwe chem chem ya fukuto lao.
Ndipo serikali ilipobaini na kuweka pini. In fact ni kundi hili ndilo linatisha sana serikali hata kuifanya BAKWATA kuwa karibu nayo. Imagine kundi hili ndilo liwe la waislam nchi inaelekea wapi.

Jambo zuri na wengi wanajiuliza kwanini watu hawachoki na ngano?
Ukweli ni kuwa kama huielewi ngano na kama hakuna jitihada za kuonyesha siri ndani ya ngano basi kuna hatari kubwa kuliko kukaa kimya.Si unaona aliyepewa kazi ya mfumokristo na kusema fyeka vichwa, idea hiyo imetoka kundi la Mohamed.

Halafu nimekutana na mahoka jana eti Mohamed anaonya kuwa serikali isipofanya jambo tutaingia katika vurugu.
Tutaingia katika vurugu, zipi tena maana sasa ni fyeka kichwa kwa siri leo Mohamed umekuwa mwema kiasi cha kuona yale ya Ilunga ni uovu. Real ! Mohamed uliyeasisi msamiata wa mfumokristo unaona hatari kweli!
 
Tunachoambiwa kutoka katika ngano ni ushujaa wa IGP kukataa kumkamata sheikh Amir, halafu akaendelea kuwa IGP baada ya kukaidi amri ya Amir Jeshi mkuu tena Nyerere!

Hili la kugonga ni kama la kiwanja yapo chini ya kapeti kama kawaida.
Ukweli unabaki kuwa wale AMNUT ambao baadaye walifanya evoultion nakuwa EAMWS hawa walipigwa chini kikamilifu.
Wengine wote akina Tewa, Abbas, Hamza, Mwapachu n.k. hawakuachwa kama inavyosemwa.

Lakini tukumbuke kuwa Familia ya Mwapachu ni ya kisomi tangu enzi hizo kwahiyo wao wanauwezo wao hawabebwi na jina. Mohamed anawafundisha wengine kuamini kuwa kunawezekana kukawa na usawa kama mjina yatapewa umuhimu wa kidini na wala si sifa! Kwamba unaweza kugawana ''madaraka'' ya kuwa Lawyer, Doctor au Engineer kama tutaangalia majina vizuri.
 

Kijana usipende kudandia mambo wewe unadhani kila mtu kaja humu kushindana hii ni minakasha tu, mie nimeeleza hicho kitabu ambacho ni kweli kakiandika wewe unaleta habari za kukosa raha.
 

Ukweli unajidanganya wengi wao wanaompinga MS hawana hoja za mcngi isipokuwa zaidi ni chuki za kidini, kuamini au kutoamini kitabu kila mtu ana uamuzi wake ucwaamulie wewe.
 

Unajidanganya sana wewe upo Marekani halafu unataka kuwa msemaji wa Waislam kuna siku nilikuambia fanya utafiti kuhusu Waislam usitume fikra zako.
 

Umepanic man..

Tulizana kaa kitako kunywa maji ya baridi kiasi fundo tatu kisha rudi kwenye computer yako endelea na munakasha Inshaa Allah utarudi kwenye hali yako ya kawaida munkari utashuka.
 
Umepanic man..

Tulizana kaa kitako kunywa maji ya baridi kiasi fundo tatu kisha rudi kwenye computer yako endelea na munakasha Inshaa Allah utarudi kwenye hali yako ya kawaida munkari utashuka.

Ritz,

Tuendelee na darsa ya Abdu Sykes na mgomo wa makuli 1948:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
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[TD]On 1st February, 1950, the dockworkers staged a violent strike in which they clashed with riot police in full battle gear. The colonial authority perceived the dockworkers' persistent unrest as violent politics against the state. The government set up the riot police (known as the Kavirondo by the coastal people) upon them. Kavirondo were askaris from up-country known for their blind viciousness in executing colonial orders. As a rule, they were always deployed outside their home areas to stifle any sentiment should they be commanded to go into action against their own tribesmen. As a result, they were considered by town Muslims who were involved in the struggle against British rule as colonial agents and an uncivilised lot. In the clash between the Kavirondo and the dockworkers, nineteen Kavirondos were killed.
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[TD]After the dust had settled, Hamilton was put under house arrest and was quietly deported back to Britain. Many dockworkers were rounded up, thrown in remand prison and criminal charges opened against them. The government had come to realise that Hamilton, the trade union expert it had brought into the country was in fact a member of the British Communist Party. Throughout his tenure with the Labour Department and the Dockworkers' Union Hamilton was persistently inciting union members to create permanent industrial unrest at the port. As a true Marxist, Hamilton was a believer in the superiority of labour over capital. He believed that industrial unrest at the port in Dar es Salaam would spill over to other vital economic sectors as the experience had been in the 1947 General Strike. This explains to some extent why Abdulwahid resigned his post after only six months in office and the reason behind the change of leadership in the union, three times in the span of two years. In June, 1950 the Dockworkers' Union was dissolved by court order and dockers' trade union activities were not to resume until 1955 after the founding of TANU.
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[TR]
[TD]The dockworkers' struggle against exploitation was a source of inspiration for many workers labouring under difficult working conditions. Soon after the 1947 General Strike, five trade unions were formed namely, the African Cooks, Washermen and House Servants' Association, the African Tailors Association, the Morogoro Personal Servants' Association and the Dar es Salaam African Motor Drivers' Association. [1] The dockworkers and indeed Abdulwahid, achieved much in terms of creating political awareness. Abdulwahid no doubt used that experience to mobilise people into TAA and in the founding of TANU in 1954. Mapolu has noted that in Tanganyika, the development of the trade union movement coincided with the development of the nationalist movement:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]''The Tanganyika African National Union was formed in 1954. Not only was the social base of its leadership the same as that of the trade union movement, but in many instances leadership of the two movements actually overlapped. It was therefore easy for the nationalist movement to strike roots among the workers through the trade union movement which it used for its political objectives. ''[2]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Associations purported to have been formed to safeguard workers' interests had existed since early 1930s despite having introduced the Trade Union Ordinance of 1932, the colonial government was still very hostile to organised collective action of the working class. [3] But this did not deter workers from fighting for their rights. None of the unions or associations that were formed aroused the consciousness of the working class in Tanzania as the dockworkers did in Dar es Salaam. There was a very big difference between the Tanganyika Territory Civil Servants' Association (TTACA), founded in 1922 by Martin Kayamba, and the Dockworkers' Union, both in leadership and in direction. TTACA was a harmless genuine welfare association, free from any conflict with the colonial administration. It was ‘a club for clerks and teachers, with newspapers and a football team, encouraged by the government'. [4] This association and others of similar nature formed and led by the educated elite did not achieve much.[5]
[/TD]
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[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Just as historians have ignored the pioneers of nationalist movement before 1954, the official history of the labour movement in Tanganyika begins after 1955. Iliffe has again noted this anomaly:
[/TD]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]''The common view of Tanzanian labour history is that it did not begin until the 1950s. In this view best expressed by by Mr. Tandau-a self-conscious labour movement was created then by a group of young leaders who in 1955 formed Tanganyika Federation of Labour, which subsequently stimulated organisation among a wide variety of workers. The Tanzania labour movement is thus seen-as political nationalism is also usually seen as something created from above through the initiative of a small group of educated activists.''[6]
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[1] ARLD p.15.
[2] Henry Mapolu, Workers and Management, TPH, Dar es Salaam, 1976, p. 139.
[3] See Helge Kjeshus, Labour in Tanzania, (Dar es Salaam, 1977), passim.
[4] Iliffe, ‘Tanzania Under British Rule'in B.A. Ogot and J. Kieran (Eds) Zamani:A Survey of East African History, East African
Publishing House, 1968 p. 22quoted in African Studies Working Paper No. 8, April, 1979, by G.W. Reeves.

[5] See E.A. Mang'enya, Discipline and Tears, Dar es Salaam,1984 p. 231.
[6] Iliffe, 'A History of Dockworkers...' op. cit. p. 119. Also A.C.A. Tandau, Historia ya Kuundwa kwa TFL (1955-1962)
na Kuanzishwa kwa NUTA,
Dar es Salaam, 1964.



 
 

Nguruvi,
Msikilize Prof. Njozi kasema nini katika kitabu chake kilichopigwa marufuku ''Mwembechai Killings and the Political Future of Tanzania":


[SIZE=+0]Before pointing out those weaknesses, I wish to acknowledge that his speech of 19 January, 1999 marked an important watershed in the political history of Tanzania. President Mkapa is the first, incumbent national leader in the history of independent Tanzania to admit in public the existence of Muslim grievances (irrespective of whether they are real or imagined). He is also the first leader to call for a candid re-examination of those grievances. No other incumbent leader before him, with the possible exception of Professor Kighoma Ali Malima, was courageous enough to address the Muslim question. All along the general tendency has been to pretend that all was well, and to suppress the expression of those grievances. Whether or not Muslims agree with his views, President Mkapa will go down in the history of Tanzania, and will particularly be remembered by Muslims as the first leader who made the attempt to look into their demands. The fact that I believe his views are mistaken, does not and cannot in any way diminish the political milestone he has achieved in this regard.[/SIZE]


[SIZE=+3]The basic assumptions are untrue and invalid[/SIZE] [SIZE=+0]As far as access to education and employment are concerned, Tanzania today is divided into two major classes; the privileged and the underprivileged. For reasons which I shall point out herebelow, the vast majority of Tanzanians who happen to be Christians are in the former category while the majority of citizens who are Muslims belong to the latter class. There is probably no serious researcher who can deny that Christians constitute a disproportionate majority of the best trained minds in Tanzania. And since the majority of the finest medical doctors, lawyers, professors, engineers and professionals in other fields are Christians, naturally Christians also predominate in almost all key positions in government administration. It is very unlikely that the government which is served by such highly qualified personnel should be ignorant of the marginalisation of Muslims. It is therefore inconceivable that Muslims can provide any new information to the government, considering that, unlike Muslims, the government has unhindered access to all data. The problem is not lack of adequate information but lack of enough political will to confront the problem. The problem is political not statistical. As I pointed out in the first chapter, acknowledging the problem carries serious implications which may involve a radical reallocation of scarce national resources in favour of Muslims. The privileged class is naturally apprehensive, and if historical evidence is anything to go by, it will do everything in its power to maintain the status quo. In the Tanzanian context members of this class would do so not because they are Christians but because they are beneficiaries. The following examples may illustrate the futility of the whole exercise of data collection.[/SIZE]
 
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