Mohamed Said
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Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar
Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar
- Thread starter Yericko Nyerere
- Start date
Webabu
JF-Expert Member
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Kukaa kimya bila kujibu unajua ni ujanja Fulani katika kukwepa aibu.
Hebu fikiria wewe mwenyewe Nguruvi ULIPOKAA KIMYA USIJIBU ulikuwa na maana gani?.
Ukipata jibu hilo basi itakuwa umejua kwanini Nyerere hakuweza kuwajibu wote hao.
Son of Alaska
JF-Expert Member
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Yaani for 15 solid years,MS ametutukana by doubting our intellectual reasoning capacity-thanks to JF,all has been laid bare-hata mimi nisiyejua history curcumstances zilizoletwa na MS zimenilazimu kuitumia keyboard to the maximum and now niko equipped,never to be lied upon again-hopefull na akina wenzangu mie-mmekuwa enlightened up
Mohamed Said
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Jasusi,
Mimi hadhi yangu si ya kuandika mambo ya baibui aliloazimwa Nyerere na yule bi mkubwa.
Hapana.
Ikiwa nitaamua kunyanyua kalamu yangu basi nitaandika mambo yenye tija, manufaa na
mafunzo.
Linalonijia kwa haraka katika fikra yangu ni kuandika kuhusu ''intelligence survaillance''
dhidi ya Abdu Sykes ikitakiwa kujua anasema nini anapokuwa katika barza yake au wakati
akizungumza na marafiki zake popote pale alipo.
Hiki ni kisa kizuri katika visa baada ya uhuru kupatikana.
''Reflections...''
Son of Alaska
JF-Expert Member
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Mohamed Said,yaani Abdu Sykes akifuatwa na intelligence baada ya uhuru????? tunaomba kisa hiki but thread careful hapa ni JF na sio mtaani tu ambapo watu wanalishwa na kumeza with no questions asked
"Linalonijia kwa haraka katika fikra yangu ni kuandika kuhusu ''intelligence survaillance''
dhidi ya Abdu Sykes ikitakiwa kujua anasema nini anapokuwa katika barza yake au wakati
akizungumza na marafiki zake popote pale alipo."
Hiki ni kisa kizuri katika visa baada ya uhuru kupatikana.
''Reflections
"Linalonijia kwa haraka katika fikra yangu ni kuandika kuhusu ''intelligence survaillance''
dhidi ya Abdu Sykes ikitakiwa kujua anasema nini anapokuwa katika barza yake au wakati
akizungumza na marafiki zake popote pale alipo."
Hiki ni kisa kizuri katika visa baada ya uhuru kupatikana.
''Reflections
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Webabu
JF-Expert Member
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Hili haliwezekani kabisa kwa uwezo wa Allah s.w.Kwa kujua hilo Mzee Mwanakijiji katoa wazo la busara na la maridhiano
Mimi siiti ni masimulizi bali ni facts nyengine ambazo wewe hukuzipenda.
Hata mimi nikisoma vile Nyerere alivyokatisha bonde la Jangwani anakwenda sokoni na kapu lake kutafuta mahitaji ya watoto wake bila senti mfukoni mpaka akapatiwa shilingi 250 na halafu mzee Mshume Kiate akaamua kumjazia kapu lake na kuendelea kumfadhili kwa ajili ya kupigania uhuru,basi huwa namuona Nyerere ni fedhuli kweli alipojifanya hamkumbuki mzee huyu baadae.
Haya sheikh Mohammed tuletee toleo jipya ambapo Phipim Marmo atakuwa ni mbunge wa Mbulu badala ya Monduli.Katika toleo jipya najua facts nyengine muhimu kama Nyerere kuandikiwa hotuba aliyokwenda kuisoma UNO na akina sheikh Suleiman Takadir na Iddi Faiz Mafyongo zitabaki kama zilivyo.
Kwa ushauri huu wa Mwanakijiji naomba kauli ya Yerico ifutwe kabisa kuhusu uchochezi na sote tujionee huruma kutiwa kwenye mkenge wa kujadili uongo ambao JF utajiandikia historia baadae.
Mohamed Said
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Son...
Sijapata kumtukana mtu kama una ushahidi nimemtukana mtu hapa JF lete ushahidi.
Huenda haya niliyobandika hapa jamvini hajayaona ndiyo maana unakuja na maneno hayo yako.
Nakusihi nisome hapa chini na ukipenda nijibu la huwezi basi hapana neno:
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[TD]In Dar es Salaam at the Kitumbini Mosque a hawli (prayer of remembrance for a departed Muslim) is held each year in the month of October to remember Abdulwahid Kleist Sykes. It is more or less a family affair with only relatives in attendance. Apart from the obligatory duty of praying for the departed as is the custom in Islam, Abdulwahid is accorded this respect for other reasons. In his short lifetime he used to pray regularly at the mosque and it was from this mosque that Abdulwahid made his last journey to meet his Creator. Abdulwahid was an important personality in the Muslim community. He had for many years been active in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (The Muslim Association). He had also been Secretary of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA) and later its President. Although historians so far have not acknowledged his political achievements, Abdulwahid was the brains behind the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), the political party which united the people of Tanganyika for their independence struggle against the British.
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[TD]Many of Abdulwahid's contemporaries are still living and pray at the same mosque. They cherish this yearly occasion. Most of these are TANU veterans of the 1950s. They are now old and for bitter reasons they have lost interest in the Party. Apart from a small circle of relatives (now comprising of his grandchildren), close friends and former TANU members , nobody in the Party which he founded in 1954 seems to remember him. Abdulwahid has been completely forgotten. His name is hardly associated with the Party or with the political history of Tanzania. Yet this person was the main driving force in Tanganyika's independence movement.
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[TD]A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid's name in the entire book.[1] The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought. This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement. Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.[2]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8] Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union'. [9]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10] Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11] Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12] But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution'. Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party' in another. [14]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character'.[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians' in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis' Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year. [16]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Kandoro and Japhet, [18] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo's visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens' Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership. It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing. The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master's degree.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[19] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Of late there has been interest in Tanzania's political history and Abdulwahid's name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[20] newspapers, [21] international magazines,[22] and books.[23] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid. There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary. Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten'. [24] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois'.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class. In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers' union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class. [25]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika. Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis. Engels defines the term ‘bourgeois' to mean ‘the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour'. [26] However, Sklar has observed that the ‘bourgeois' concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production. [27]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahid's life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result. No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists. This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Among the TANU founding members, it is only those from the headquarters who could give a correct account of the formation of the Party. These are: John Rupia, Dossa Aziz, Tewa Said Tewa, Julius Nyerere, Dome Budohi, Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes. The two Sykes brothers, Abdulwahid and Ally, have a family connection in the African Association, their father Kleist Sykes having been founder Secretary of the Association in 1929. The Sykes files make very interesting reading for any researcher in the political history of colonial Tanganyika. These records contain information on Nyerere's early political career and it is surprising that when Party historians were researching, these records, which have so much information about Nyerere, and the party itself, were not consulted. No member of the family, including Ally and Abbas Sykes, the two surviving members of the three Sykes brothers, were interviewed.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]In the late 1960s, when John Iliffe from Cambridge University, then at the Department of History, University of Dar es Salaam, began his research on Tanzania's history he obtained a lot of information on the African Association from one of his students, Aisha Daisy Sykes, Abdulwahid's daughter. Although Daisy informed Iliffe that it was her father who provided her with additional primary information articulated in her history seminar papers on Tanzania, it is very strange that Iliffe, interested as he was in the modern history of Tanzania, did not bother to meet Abdulwahid.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe, however, realising the potential in the Sykes' records encouraged Daisy to write a biography of her grandfather, Kleist Sykes[28] which she did. When Abdulwahid died in 1968, Daisy, encouraged by the success of her previous work, wanted to work on the biography of her late father. Daisy was fired by the passion to write after realising that history had been unfair to her father and it was time she put the record straight. Daisy had in her possession Abdulwahid's files and diaries. Iliffe, for reasons probably unknown to Daisy at that time, discouraged her from writing on the grounds that the timing was inappropriate, and that the subject should be given time. There was no doubt in Iliffe's mind that Abdulwahid was a reliable source of information on TANU and its history; and any work on his life history would have been a great contribution to the political history of Tanzania. Following Iliffe's negative response Abdulwahid's biography was never to be written by her daughter.
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[1] Kivukoni IdeologicalCollege, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' in G. Ruhumbika (ed) Towards Ujamaa,
Twenty Years of TANU Leadership,Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.
[8] Julius K. Nyerere, TanganyikaAfrican Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.
[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha,Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association 7 th January, 1951.
Sykes' Papers.
[11] Julius K. Nyerere President Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes'
Papers.
[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania'(1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial Consciousness in Tanzania.'
Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika,London, 1965.
[20] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy' Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in
Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.
[24] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania,London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[26] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party,1848.
[27] Richard L. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa' in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.
[28] Daisy Sykes Buruku, ‘The Townsman: Kleist Sykes', in Iliffe (ed) Modern Tanzanians, Nairobi, 1973, pp. 95-114.
Mohamed,
Ukishavaa jozi la mwanahistoria hamna cha hadhi. Hii habari ukiifahamu kuwa yule mama Muislamu alimwazima Nyerere buibui lake kumwezesha Nyerere asianguke mikononi mwa adui wake, na baadaye akaenda Ikulu kudai. Pia Nyerere alimjengea nyumba. Hii habari ilikuwa muhimu kwa sababu kwanza inaonyesha kuwa Nyerere alikuwa na fadhila kwa waliomfadhili na kumbe hakuwasahau waislamu wote kama unavyodai kwenye kitabu chako. Nachelea kusema kuwa sababu pekee hukuona umuhimu wa kisa hiki ni kwa sababu kingekuharibia maudhui yako kwamba Nyerere hakuwa na fadhila kwa wale waliomfadhili. Hakuna cha hadhi hapo.
Mohamed Said
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Son...
Kiungwana ulitakiwa useme hivi na hapa nakupa mfano tu.
''Tafadhali tuhadithie kisa hicho.''
Bahati mbaya masikini ya mungu unaanza na vitisho kwangu.
Unanionya.
Jifunze namna ya kuzungumza ni muhimu sana kwani nawe una
jukumu la kuwafunza wanao adabu.
Mohamed Said
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Jasusi,
''Hamna cha hadhi.''
Sawa mie na wewe ni watu wa tamaduni tofauti sana.
Wewe unatoka Musoma mimi nimezaliwa Dar es Salaam.
Makuzi yetu ni tofauti sana.
Ndiyo unaona hapa mtu akinitukana ndiyo huwa mwisho
wetu.
Haya ndiyo makuzi yangu sirudishi tusi kwa tusi.
Son of Alaska
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Mohamed Said niwie radhi,nilitegemea mtu kama Ritz ndio alalamike kwa kutonielewa-i thought you could easily deduce i did not mean what i wrote. Yote tisa unataka kutuambia Shivji alikosea kuwaita akina Sykes-petty bourgeois au hili neno lin maana ingine ambayo mimi siijui
"Son...
Sijapata kumtukana mtu kama una ushahidi nimemtukana mtu hapa JF lete ushahidi."
"Son...
Sijapata kumtukana mtu kama una ushahidi nimemtukana mtu hapa JF lete ushahidi."
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Son of Alaska
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Nguruvi3
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Sidhani kama ni mhariri wa Annur, najua huwa anatuma makala zake na hata za vitabu vyake ziliandikwa sana mle.
Pia hutumia gazeti hilo katika mobilization ya mambo kama maandamano Ijumaa, tuhuma tuhuma, kutukana tukana viongozi na kudhalilisha kidogo n.k.
Na wakati ule akiwa WARSHA hicho ndicho kilikuwa chombo chao kama sikosei.
Ni kwamba ana mahusiano makubwa na gazeti Lakini kwamba ni mhariri sidhani kwakweli. Hili siamini kama ni mhariri!
Nguruvi3
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Hapama Mo unakosea, aliye kimya ni Jakaya Mrisho.
Hili si lilianza kwa Nyerere? sasa mnyororo umekatikia wapi na kuunga upande wa serikali. Tuwe fair kidogo. Hili aulizwe Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete rais wetu.
huu ndio umoja na undugu tunaotaka Tanzania.Lowassa amewapa msaada wa million 5,baraza la misikiti,tanzania,hafla imefanyika leo
Lowassa ndie aliesaini mkataba wa MOU mwaka 1992 na kubariki kuchota fedha za walipa kodi wa nchi hii ili Kanisa linufaike! Leo anatoa sh. Milioni 5 kwa Misikiti! anatoa fedha hizo ili kuweka uwiano sawa kati ya Kanisa wanaochotewa mabilioni kila mwaka au ni takrima kwa uchaguzi wa 2015?
Ushauri wangu kwa Waswahili wenzetu walakashata na gahwa pokeeni hizo fedha za vigogo ama wawe CCM, Chadema au CUF lakini wa kumpa kura maelekezo tunangoja toka kwa Amiri wetu wa Shura ya Maimamu TZ! Hakuna kulala na kudanganywa tena mpaka kieleweke!
Mohamed Said
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Nguruvi3
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Mohamed,Hivi si wewe ulienza uzi huu kwa kuonyesha Nyerere alivyopewa pesa na Mshume Kiyate wakati anaelekea kuomba mboga Kariakoo.
Tena ukasema pesa aliyompa wakati huyo ilikuwa inatosha kujenga nyumba.
Mohamed, si wewe uliyeeleza jinsi Nyerere akiwa kwa Bi Mluguru alivyougua tumbo la kuhara.
Leo la baibui unaona halina tija, kwamba hayo uliyoyaeleza kuhusu Nyerere yalikuwa na tija ipi.
Tadhali Mohamed, mbona unatufanya sisi wasahaulifu kiasi hicho. Au ni wewe unayesahau ulichosema!
Jasusi ukiona anatoa kona ujue kipo kitu nyuma yake. Ilikuwa hivi hivi kwa ticket ya Maryknoll, Cecil Matola, mjengo wa Cameron, Ali Ramdhani,Hamza Aziz n.k.
Nguruvi3
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Ni kweli, lakini habari za WARSHA zilikuwa ndani ya Annur baadaye. Nakumbuka sana tahiriri zile zilizokuwa kama kurasa mbili.
Mohamed Said
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Son of Alaska
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KIKWETE si mnasema kura kazipatia msikiti wa manyema,mbona leo mnasema kawageuka mnakesha misikitini mnampiga dua afilie mbali