Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

JokaKuu said:
gombesugu,

..mimi nadhani wazee "wetu" kutoka bara wasingefika D'Salaam, basi Tanu ingebaki hukohuko kwa hao unaowaita wazee "wenu."

cc: Mag3, Wickama, Nguruvi3, Ritz, THE BIG SHOW
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JokaKuu,

Hili neno Wazee wetu najua labda linakupa taabu mno. Kumbuka sisi Waswahili hata huko mabara yoote pia tuna Wazee wetu.

Nilishakufahamisha kuna wakti hapahapa jamvini,kuhusu Waswahili.

Pia hili neno Wazee wetu linapotumika au mimi binafsi ninapolitumia huwa sina nia yoyote mbaya wala haimanishi yakuwa ati ninabeza michango ya Wazee wengine wa Mikoani/Vijijini,hasha asilan abadan!

Nakushukuru ndugu yangu,tuendelee na mnakasha wetu taratibu.

Ahsanta.
 

Naam bwana GombeSugu

Japokuwa kiswahili chako nikirefu na chenye makosa katika matumizi ya misamiati, lakini nimekuelewa kimantiki!

Hoja yako kuu katika kiswahili chako kireeeefu ni kuwa katika HOTUBA ya muago ya Mwalimu Nyerere, nikuwa

"alizungumzia ukweli juu ya wazee wa dar nakuwa hakuzungumza mengine ibada za wakristu na matambiko ya wapagani kwakuwa hayakuwepo"

Mimi nitakuambia kuwa sio kweli kuwa hakuyazungumza "mambo" mengine kwakuwa hayakuwepo!

Bali katika muago ule, uchaguzi wa kihotuba wa mwalimu ulikuwa kwanza ni historia ya siasa zake ndani ya Dar,

Nakwakuwa hotuba haiwezi kuwa kama kitabu cha kurasa miambili, ni vigumu kusimulia yote yaliyotukia ingawa yalikuwa na mafaa kwa taifa!
 
JokaKuu said:
..nadhani hujaelewa hoja yangu.

. gombesugu anadai Waislamu wametengwa.

. Barubaru anadai Waislamu wameshika hatamu za uchumi wa nchi hii.

..kuna utata hapo, na mimi naomba ufafanuzi tu kwa hao wahusika wawili.
Ritz, Nguruvi3, Wickama, Mag3
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Nimeielewa hoja yako Mkuu,hata wewe umeelewa mantiq ya Baru Baru na gombesugu pia,sema unataka kuweka nakshi na kututoa nje ya mstari..

Baru Baru hoja yake kuhusu uchumi wa waislam iko wazi sana,ameegemea zaid kwenye mambo ya biashara kwa kias flan kama sijaelewa tofauti,na ndio kwa maana nakuambia ya kwamba hilo la biashara na uimara wake waislam ndio hasa msingi wao mkubwa awe msomi au asiwe msomi...

Hoja ya gombesugu ni kutengwa kwa waislam kwnye mfumo wa uongozi na serikali ambao serikali hii wameurith kutoka kwa wakoloni na kuwageuza waafrika na watanzania wenzao kuwa ni watwana na wao kuwa mabwana kwenye sytem ya nchi hii kisa tuh hao watanzania wenzao wamejipambanua kuwa na imani ya uislam..
 

Yericko,

Awali nisamehe saana,kwa hicho Kiswahili changu kibovu mno. Nitajitahidi kujirekebisha.

Pili sijasema wala sitasema yakuwa yale mambo kiduchu tu aliyoyataja Nyerere kwenye hiyo "khutba ya muago" ndio yoote yaliyofanyika kwenye harakati za mapambano ya kuleta Uhuru,hasha.

Nilichosema ni kuwa yale masuala au michango unique tu ndo Nyerere aliamua kutaja ile siku ya muago.

Kwani hata hayo mambo ya hao Wazee wetu,ndo unafikiri alimaliza kutaja yoote katika khutba ile!?...kuna mengi mno walofanza Wazee wetu na kujitolea muhanga mkubwa uso kiasi katika ukombozi na harakati za kuleta uhuru wa Tanganyika/Tanzania; ambayo hata ukiambiwa hivyo visikio vyako viduchu havitaweza kuamini ndugu yangu!

Nashukuru na sasa hivi inalazim nikapate chakula kiduchu.

Ahsanta.


Cc;The Big Show,Boko Haram
 
gombesugu,

..je, ina maana wa-Tanganyika wasio Waislamu ni watwana ktk nyanja za biashara na uchumi wa nchi hii?

..je, mfumo huu tumeurithi toka kwa wakoloni, au ni mfumo mpya tulioutengeneza baada ya kupata uhuru?

cc: Wickama, Ritz, Mag3, Nguruvi3, Kadogoo
 
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Nimeipenda hii BIG SHOW ni jibu mujarabu shukran mungu akubariki
 


Kumbe nia yako ni kuanzisha safari moja baada ya nyingine??
Sawa,nishakuelewa kwa sasa,
Sitokujibu tena,
With much thanks...
 

The Big Show,

Salaam Al Akhiy.

Insha Allah Mola takulipa kwa fadhila yako hii kubwa ya kumtafasiria ndugu yetu JokaKuu na labda Wanajamvi wengineo,hicho Kiswahili changu mie kibovu maana Yericko kimemtafash kiduchu!ahaha!!

Al Akhiy,nimependa tafasiri yako imekua mwanana mno.

Salaam Shariff Ritz,mwambie na mie leo napata mikate ya kusukuma(ile yenye kurasa kama buku la Skuli!) tena kwa yuleyule Jodari alokua akinitamanisha hapa siku chache zilopita!ahaha!!...sauce/"shatashata" yangu ya biringanya tena mwambie kwa viungo tokea Cylone!

Ahsanta.
 

Gombesugu,
Taazia hii nimemwandikia Mzee wangu Ally Kleist Sykes:

Ally Kleist Sykes


1926 - 2013

Mzalendo Muasisi wa TANU aliyemwandikia na Kumkabidhi Julius Nyerere Kadi ya TANU Na. 1


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Historia ina kawaida ya kujirudia. Ally Sykes mmoja wa waasisi wa TANU, mmoja wa wale watu wasiozidi takriban saba walikuwa katika kamati ya ndani ya TAA iliyounda TANU, mmoja wa wafadhili wakuu wa TANU, mmoja wa askari na hapa nalitumia neno ''askari'' kwa maana yake halisi kwa kuwa ni Ally Syke ndiye TAA hadi TANU ikimtegemea kwa kutekeleza mambo ya hatari dhidi ya Waingereza, amefariki dunia. Ally Sykes ndiye alikuwa akipewa kazi za hatari za kumwaga ''sumu na -----'' dhidi ya serikali.

Sumu na ----- huu yalikuwa makaratasi aliyokuwa akichapa nyumbani kwake usiku makaratasi ambayo Waingereza waliyaita makaratasi ya ''uchochezi.'' Waingereza na makachero wake walikuwa wanamjua Ally Sykes vizuri. Waingereza walikuwa wakijua kuwa alikuwa na medali ya mlenga shabaha bingwa aliyopata Vita Kuu ya Pili ya Dunia. Huyu ndiye Ally Sykes mzalendo muasisi wa TANU ambae sahihi yake ndiyo iko katika kadi ya TANU ya Baba wa Taifa, amefariki Nairobi Jumapili iliyopita alikokwenda kwa ajili ya matibabu.

Siku ile ile ya Jumapili milango ya mchana mchanga kabisa kabla ya adhuhr taarifa ikawasili Dar es Salaam kuwa Ally Sykes amefariki dunia. Ghafla mji wa Dar es Salaam alikozaliwa na akaendesha harakati zake dhidi ya ukoloni wa Waingereza ukgubikwa na simanzi. Kila simu iliyokuwa ikipokelewa na wengi ilikuwa ni kutaka kuthibitisha kifo kile. Binafsi simu zikaanza kumiminika kwangu za kunipa pole.

Hadi kufika jioni habari zikawa zimeenea mji mzima kuwa ni kweli Ally Sykes hayuko tena duniani. Haukupita muda siku ile ile maiti ya Ally Sykes ikawasili Dar es Salaam kwa ndege ya kukodi ikiwa imesindikizwa na mkewe Bi Zainab na baadhi ya wanae wakiongozwa na mtoto wake wa kwanza wa kiume Abraham Sykes. Siku ya pili Jumatatu magazeti yote yalikuwa yametoka yakiwa hayana taarifa yoyote ya kifo cha Ally Sykes.

Hii iliwashangaza watu wengi sana isipokuwa mimi. Sikushangaa kwa kuwa nilikuwa najua siasa za historia inayomzunguka Ally Sykes kwa miaka mingi hususan kuhusu mchango wake binafsi na wa kaka yake marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes katika harakati za kuasisi TANU na kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Historia ina kawaida ya kijurudia. Haya ya kupuuza kifo cha Ally Sykes yalimkuta pia kaka yake Abdulwahid alipofariki mwaka 1968. Ally Sykes alikuwa mtu maarufu kupita kiasi. Alikuwa kwanza ana umaarufu wa kuzaliwa. Kazaliwa Dar es Salaam Gerezani, mtoto wa mjini. Kisha alikuwa maarufu kwa nasaba. Baba yake Kleist Sykes alikuwa mmoja wa watu mashuhuri katika siasa zote za Dar es Salaam katika miaka ya ya mwanzo ya 1900 hadi alipofariki mwaka 1949. Baba yake alikuwa maarufu kwa kuwa alilelewa na Affande Plantan askari kiongozi katika jeshi la Wajerumani lilokuja Tanganyika na Herman Von Wissman wakati Wajerumani walipoingia kuitawala Tanganyika.

Kleist alikuwa ndiye katibu muasisi wa African Association mwaka 1929 chama kilichokuja baadae kujibadili na kuwa TANU Ally Sykes akiwa mmoja wa hao waasisi. Baba yake Kleist aliasisi Al Jamiatul Islamiyya Fi Tanganyika (Umoja wa Waislam wa Tanganyika) na kupitia jumuia hii akajenga shule ya kwanza ya Kiiislam Dar es Salaam, shule ambayo ilisomesha Qur'an pamoja na masomo ya kisekula. Hii Al Jamiatul Islamiyya ndiyo iliyotoa viongozi wa kwanza kuiendesha TAA na baadae TANU katika harakati za kudai uhuru.

Ally Sykes kwa mazingira na makuzi haya akawa maarufu kama alivyokuwa baba yake. Lakini kubwa zaidi na hili ndilo kwa bahati mbaya ndilo linalojulikana zaidi kwa sasa ni utajiri ambao Allah alimruzuku toka akiwa kijana mdogo sana katika miaka ya 1950 alipoanza biashara kwa kuanzisha kampuni yake binafsi iliyoitwa Sykes Sales Promotion Consultancy.

Inajulikana na wengi Ally Sykes na kaka yake Abdulwahid Sykes ndiyo watu wa mwanzo kumpokea Julius Nyerere alipokuja Dar es Salaam mwaka 1952. Nyerere alifika nyumbani kwa akina Sykes kwa utambulisho na hii ilijenga urafiki ambao ulipitiliza na kuwa udugu mkubwa wa mapenzi ya dhati si baina yao tu bali hata kwa wake na mama zao. Mama yake Nyerere Bi Mugaya hakuwa akipungua nyumbani kwa Mama Abdu Bi Mrurguru biti Mussa Mtaa wa Kirk.

Halikadhalika Maria Nyerere hakuwa akipungua nyumbani kwa aidha kwa Bi Zainab mkewe Ally Sykes Mtaa wa Kipata au kwa Bi Mwamvua mkewe Abdulwahid Sykes Mtaa wa Aggrey. Wakati huu Abdulwahid ndiye akiwa rais wa TAA na harakati za kuanzisha TANU zimepamba moto achilia mbali hila na fitna za Waingereza kuwatokomeza viongozi shupavu wa TAA kama Hamza Mwapachu, Dk. Vedast Kyaruzi, Dk. Wilbard Mwanjisi nje ya Dar es Salaam kukivunja nguvu chama.

Ndiyo maana TANU ilipokuja asisiwa mwaka 1954 Ally Sykes kadi yake ya TANU ikawa namba 2, Nyerere namba 1, Abdulwahid Sykes kadi yake namba 3, Dossa Aziz kadi namba 4, John Rupia kadi yake namba 7. Historia hii haikuja bure ina maelezo marefu ambayo hapa hayataweza kuenea.

Kipindi hiki Ally Sykes alikuwa Katibu wa Tanganyika African Government Servants Association (TAGSA) na vilevile alikuwa mwakilishi wa chama hicho katika Kamati ya Uajiri ya Serikali (Government Establishment Committee). Thomas Marealle ndiye alikuwa rais wa TAGSA na Rashid Kawawa alikuwa mwanakamati. Wanasiasa hawa vijana Ally Sykes akiwa mmoja wao wenyewe walijipa jina, ''Wednesday Tea Club'' wakikutana kila siku ya Jumatano kunywa chai pamoja na kutumia wakati ule kupanga mikakati ya kuwang'oa Waingereza katika ardhi ya Tanganyika. Kupitia Ally, Abdulwahid na Dossa Aziz Nyerere akaweza kujuana na wenyeji wa Dar es Salaam maarufu katika hao ni Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Mshume Kiyate, Jumbe Tambaza, Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Clement Mtamila, Bi. Titi Mohamed, Tatu biti Mzee na wengineo. Lakini historia ina kawaida ya kujirudia.

Kifo cha Ally Sykes kimepuuzwa na vyombo vya habari kama nilivyoeleza awali kuwa hata kifo cha kaka yake Abdulwahid Sykes alipofariki mwaka 1968 magazeti ya TANU (wakati ule ''The Nationalist'' na ''Uhuru'') chama alichokiasisi kwa jasho, damu na fedha zake magazeti haya yalipuuza kifo hicho. Kuna watu katika TANU katika kipindi kile walikuwa wanajaribu kuifuta historia ya kupigania uhuru wakitaka kuondoa mchango wa Abdulwahid na Ally Sykes katika historia ya uhuru.

Hata hivyo ''Tanganyika Standard'' gazeti ambalo ndilo liliokuwa likilinda maslahi ya ukoloni Tanganyika, ndilo lililoandika taazia ya Abdulwahid Sykes. Mhariri wa Tanganyika Standard Brendon Grimshaw hakuweza kustahamili fedheha ile, aliandika taazia ambayo itaishi zaidi ya miaka miaka mia moja na zaidi. Taazia ile ilitikisa fikra Makao Mkuu ya TANU Mtaa wa Lumumba na ikawakera wengi. Grimshaw alisema katika taazia yake kuwa TANU imeundwa pakubwa kwa mchango wa ukoo wa Sykes.

Narudia tena. Historia ina kawaida ya kujirudia. Mwaka wa 1968 wakati Abdulwahid anafariki Waislam walikuwa wako katika taharuki kubwa ya kile kilichokujajulikana kama ''mgogoro wa East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) taharuki iliyojaa simanzi kwa kuwa Mufti wa wakati ule Sheikh Hassan bin Amir mmoja wa masheikh viongozi katika TANU alikuwa kakamatwa na kufukuzwa nchini kwa amri ya Nyerere. Wakati haya yakijiri, Tewa Said Tewa na Bi.Titi Mohamed viongozi wa juu wa EAMWS walikuwa wakiandamwa na Nyerere na hapakuwa na uelewano mzuri baina yao.

Ajabu ni kuwa umauti umemkuta Ally Sykes katika hali kama ile ile iliyokuwapo wakati kaka yake alipofariki dunia mwaka 1968 wakati nchi ikiwa katika mgogoro wa EAMWS kishindo ambacho kilidumu takriban miezi mitatu. Ally Sykes kafa wakati nchi ipo katika taharuki kwa kile kinachodaiwa ''uadui baina ya Waislam na Wakristo.''

Kwa hiki kifo cha Ally Sykes bila shaka wahariri wa magazeti walikuwa wameshughulishwa katika kutafuta habari mpya za ''kuchomwa makanisa'' na ''ugomvi wa kuchinja,'' hawakuwa na muda wa kufuatilia msiba wa muasisi wa TANU marehemu Ally Sykes. Lakini iweje hali iwe kama vile miaka saba tu baada ya uhuru kupatikana nchi iingie na taharuki ya kiasi kile na hivi sasa taharuki ile ijirejee upya tena ikishuhudiwa na waasisi wa harakati za ukombozi?

Ilikuwa nimemaliza kuandika kitabu kuhusu maisha ya kaka yake Ally Sykes kitabu kilichokujajulikana kama ''The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 - 1968) The Untod Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika.'' Ally Sykes alinikabidhi nyaraka zake katika utafiti wa maisha ya Abdulwahid Sykes.

Nyaraka hizi mpaka Ally Sykes anakufa zilibaki kuwa sehemu ya malalamiko yangu kwake kuwa hazikustahili kuwa mikononi kwake na kazifungia katika ''safe'' zake. Nilikuwa nikamwambia mara kadhaa inagawa hakutaka kunisikiliza kuwa nyaraka hizi ni mali ya taifa la Tanzania lazima azikabidhi serikalini kwa kuhifadhiwa na kuwekwa Tanzania National Archive (TNA) kama urithi wa kizazi kijacho. Yeye siku zote akinambia, ''Mohamed hizi nyaraka ninaogopa nikiwapa serikali watazichoma moto.'' Alikuwa na sababu ya kusema vile.

Nyaraka za Ally Sykes zinakwenda nyuma kiasi cha miaka mia moja kuanzia siku babu yake Sykes Mbuwane alipotia mguu katika ardhi ya Tanganyika kutoka meli ya kvitia ya Wajerumani pale Pangani akitokea Msumbiji. Nyaraka zile zina barua za wanasiasa wa mwanzo katika Tanganyika achilia mbali habari za baba yake. Ukianza kufunua majalada yale hutachoka kupekua karatasi baada ya karatasi. Nyingine zimechoka kwa umri mrefu.

Katika majalada yale utakutana na wazalendo na machifu, utakutana na wasiasa wenye asili ya Kiasia na Waingereza wenyewe waliokuwa watawala.

Katika nyaraka zile utawaona na utawasikia watu hawa wakizungumza na wewe: Dk Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali wa Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle wa Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa wa Wahehe, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dk. Wilbard Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dk Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Dossa Aziz, Ivor Bayldon, Yustino Mponda, Ivor Bayldon, Rashid Mfaume Kawawa, Bhoke Munanka, Rashid Kheri Baghdelleh, Robert Makange, Saadani Abdu Kandoro, Malkia Elizabeth, Chief Secretary Bruce Hutt, Gavana Edward Twining, Gavana Ronald Cameron, Mwalimu Thomas Plantan na ndugu zake - Schneider Abdillah Plantan na Ramadhani Plantan, Mwalimu Mdachi Shariff, Mwalimu Nicodemus Ubwe, Kassela Bantu, John Rupia, Hamza Kibwana Mwapachu, Othman Chande, Leonard Bakuname, Stephen Mhando, Oscar Kambona, Peter Colmore, Albert Rothschild, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, Alexander Thobias, Japhet Kirilo, Joseph Kimalando, Ian Smith, Roy Welensky, Jim Bailey, Kenneth Kaunda, Meida Springer, John Hatch, Gretton Bailey, Brig. Scupham, Dome Okochi Budohi, Annur Kassum, Nesmo Eliufoo, Yusuf Olotu, Joseph Kimalando, Julius Nyerere na wengine wengi wakubwa kwa nyadhifa walizokuja kukamata katika Tanganyika huru na wale walioanguka njiani.

Ukikaa na Ally Sykes na mkapitia jina moja baada ya jingine utapata habari za wazalendo na watu hawa na historia yao yote na kwa hakika hiyo ndiyo historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika na historia ya kweli ya TANU. Ally Sykes alikuwa anawajua watu hawa vilivyo. Atakuambia yupi alikuwa kibaraka wa Waingereza na yupi alikuwa mpiganaji wa kweli. Atakueleza nani alikuja katika siasa kwa uzalendo na nani alikuja kwa ajili ya kutafuta maslahi yake binafsi.

Ally Sykes kabla hajafa alikuwa keshamaliza kuandika historia ya maisha yake. Mswada huu unaitwa, ''Under the Shadow of British Colonialism in Tanganyika.'' Mchapaji alipomaliza kuhariri mswada ule aliomba kitabu kibadilishwe jina kiitwe, ''Dreams Unfulfilled.'' Mhariri alinipigia simu kutola Nairobi akanambia kila akimsoma Ally Sykes alikuwa anamwona Ally Sykes katika majonzi kwa kuwa ndoto aliyokuwanayo wakati akipigania uhuru wa Tanganyika ndoto ile haikukamilika. Aliniomba nimuombe Ally Sykes jina la kitabu libadilishwe.

Kwake Ally Sykes suala halikuwa kugawana vyeo ndani ya chama cha siasa na kisha katika Tanganyika huru. Suala lilikuwa kwa Mwafrika kuwa huru katika nchi yake bila ya kubughudhiwa na mtu yeyote yule. Mwaka 1953 ilikuja shinikizo kubwa kutoka kwa Ivor Bayldon kuunda chama kitakachojumuisha wananchi wa rangi zote katika Tanganyika.

Ally Sykes alikuwa akisema laiti kama wangekubali kumeza chambo kile historia ya Tanganyika ingekuwa nyingine na TANU isingeliasisiwa pale New Street mwaka 1954 katika nyumba ile ambayo ilijengwa na kukamilika mwaka 1933 wakati wa uongozi wa baba yake; na Nyerere asingelikuja kuwa kiongozi wa nchi hii. ''Laiti Bwana Abdu na Hamza Mwapachu wangelikubaliana na ule mpango wa akina Ivor Bayldon na Nazerali uongozi wa nchi huu ungelitoka ndani ya Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la wakoloni, usingelitoka kwetu sisi Waafrika wazalendo wenye uchungu na nchi hii na huenda rais wa Tanganyika angelikuwa Chief David Kidaha Makwaia na Nyerere angelibakia kuwa mwalimu wa shule pale Pugu.''

Ivor Bayldon baada ya kushindwa kuwapata wanachama wa TAA alikuja baadae mwaka 1955 kuunda United Tanganyika Party (UTP) chama kilichokuja kupinga TANU. Hii ndiyo namna nyaraka za Ally Sykes zinavyozungumza na wewe unapozisoma na pale yeye mwenyewe anapokupa maelezo hutaacha kupigwa na butwaa na mshangao.

Nilipata kumuuliza Ally Sykes kama anajua ni fedha kiasi gani alizopata kutumia katika TAA na TANU jibu alonipa ni kuwa hajui wala hajuti. ''Hizo fedha si kitu kikubwa. Kubwa ni njama ambayo niliundiwa na Waingereza wawili Dk Hughes na Dk Frank kutaka kuniua wakati nikifanya kazi Kibongoto Infectious Disease Hospital, Moshi. Unajua Waingereza kwa kweli walikuwa wamechoka na hili jina letu. Kila Gavana aliyekuja kutawala Tanganyika alikuwa lazima atapambana na jina hili. Baba yetu aliitwa kuhojiwa na kila gavana aliyekuja kutawala Tanganyika kuanzia mwaka 1927 hadi 1947. Kati ya mwaka 1929 hadi 1947 Mzee Kleist aliitwa kuhojiwa mbele ya ''tribune'' mara tatu kuhusu harakati za wafanyakazi, yeye akiwa katibu wa Railway African Civil Service Union. Waingereza walikuwa wamechoka sasa na sisi wakaaamua kuniua kwa kuniambukiza kifua kikuu.

Hawa madaktari wawili walikuwa wakiniita mimi ''rafiki yake Nyerere'' ambaye kwao wao alikuwa adui mkubwa sana. Wakati ule kunasibishwa na Nyerere halikuwa jambo jema. Hicho kilikuwa kitu cha hatari na cha kutisha sana. Mimi sikuwa nakataa kuwa Nyerere alikuwa rafiki yangu. Kwa Waingereza hiyo ilikuwa kama vile kujinasibisha udugu na Adolf Hitler.

Hii ilikuwa mwaka 1956 na ingawa mimi nilikuwa nimepewa uhamisho kufanyakazi Kibongoto, Moshi ili kuniweka mbali na TANU pale New Street bado nilikuwa nikijitahidi kukijenga chama pale nilipokuwapo. Mimi na Bwana Abdu, Dossa, Mzee Rupia, Nyerere na Baraza la Wazee wa TANU chini ya Mwenyekiti wake Sheikh Suleiman Takadir tulikuwa tukiitumikia TANU kwa nguzu zetu zote na ni wakati huu ndipo nilipompiga muuguzaji wa kike Mzungu Ocean Road Hospital kwa ajili ya ubaguzi wake na matokeo yake nikasimamishwa kazi na niliporejeshwa nikapelekwa uhamishomi Mtwara kama adhabu…''

Mtu usingeweza kuchoka kumsikiliza Ally Sykes anapohadithia historia ya mapambano dhidi ya ukoloni. Ilipokuwa sasa inakaribia kupatikana kwa uhuru anasema, ''Allah akanifungulia milango zaidi kwa kuwa sasa nikishirikiana na rafiki yangu Peter Colmore na kampuni yake ya High Fidelity Productions kutoka Nairobi tukawa tumeshika biashara yote kubwa ya uwakilishi wa makampuni makubwa yaliyokuwa Afrika ya Mashariki - Coca Cola (East Africa) Ltd; The Cooper Motors Corporation Ltd; The Shell Company of East Africa Ltd, Aspro Nicholas Ltd; Gailey and Roberts Ltd; Bata Shoes Company Ltd; Kenya Broadcasting Service, Cotton Lint and Seed Marketing Board, Raleigh Industries of East Africa Ltd; na tulikuwa wawakilishi Kenya wa Tanganyika Broadcasting Corporation (TBC) lakini mafanikio yana matatizo yake hii nilikujajua baadae sana uhuru ulipopatikana. Sisi tuliokuwa mstari wa mbele tukawa hatuhitajiki tena na husda na fitna ikaingia baina yetu sisi waasisi wa TANU na Nyerere…''

Haikuwa rahisi kuacha kumsikiliza Ally Sykes akiieleza historia ya TANU, uhusiano wake na Nyerere na yote yaliyotokea hadi aakafutwa kabisa katika historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Hatuwezi kummaliza Ally Sykes. Ally Sykes aliishi maisha kamili. Allah alimruzuku kila kitu na akampa dunia. Mguu wake ulikanyaga pale alipotaka. Mimi binafsi nimeshuhudia nguzu zake kwa macho yangu mwenyewe. Wazungu wakimtetemekea na akiwatuma kazi na wakimtumikia kwa adabu na unyofu wa hali ya juu. Mmoja wa jamaa za Ally Sykes, Mzee Ahmed Rashad Ali alipata kunambia kuwa Ally Sykes akiwatuma Wazungu toka ujana wake na anapowaita kuja kula nyumbani kwake wakija na adabu zao kamili.

Juu ya haya yote Ally Sykes alikuwa na ibra moja - hakuwa mtu wa kujiona. Hukuweza kupima nguvu na uwezo wake kwa kumtazama. Nilisikitika sana mazikoni pale Makaburi ya Kisutu. Wale waliompuuza Ally Sykes na kuufanya mchango wake si lolote si chochote ndiyo walipewa heshima ya wao kuwa mbele pale makaburini katika kumsindikiza katika safari yake ya mwisho na kusoma hotuba.

Rafiki zake aliokuwanao siku zote, Abdallah Awadh, Ali Mbarak, Shomari, Abdu Faraj, Boi Juma Risasi, Harudiki Kabunju, Hussein, Abdu Kifea, Abdallah Jabir, Muharram Kocha, Muharram Mkamba, Abdubari, Salim Hirizi kuwataja wachache waliwekwa mbali na jeneza na kaburi na watu wa Itifaki wa Ikulu nafasi yao ikachukuliwa na wanasiasa na viongozi wa juu wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). Ilikuwa aibu kubwa kwa CCM kuonekana hawapo katika kumzika Ally Sykes mwanachama wa TANU kadi namba mbili na mzalendo wa kweli aliyemwandikia na kumkabidhi kadi namba moja ya TANU Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere.

Ally Sykes alimpenda na kumuheshimu sana kaka yake na katika maisha yangu ndiyo mtu pekee niliyemsikia kila akimtaja kaka yake anatanguliza neno, ''Bwana.'' Kwake yeye Abdulwahid alikuwa ''Bwana Abdu'' kila alipomtaja. Ally Sykes amezikwa pembeni mwa kaburi la kaka yake Bwana Abdu.

Tunamwomba Allah amlaze Ally Kleist Sykes mahali pema peponi.
Mohamed Said
22 Mei 2013
 
Yericko Nyerere,

Naona bado unaedelea na porojo zako unaogea maneno mengi bila ushahidi wa data za kutosha ngoja nidadavue kiduchu bayana zako.
Wanajamvi hebu hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe anavyoelezea harakati za uhuru wetu hakuna anayesema kuwa walikuwa wanapigania uhuru wa dini hawa wazee waliokuwa wanamjenga kijana wao Nyerere walikuwa Waislam.
Wanajamvi mpaka Nyerere anatangulia mbele ya haki ameelezea mara moja tu dua aliyofanyiwa na Wazee wa Dar es Salaam haya maneno Yericko sijui kayatoa wapi chini hapa tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe.
Wanajamvi tuendelee kumsoma Nyerere mwenyewe hapa chini halafu tulinganishe na haya maneno ya ndugu yetu Yericko.
Yericko Nyerere, hapa chini naona umemua kwadanganya wanajamvi hawo niliobold hawakuwemo kwenye hiyo safari Abbas Sykes alikuwemo kwenye hiyo safari lakini kutokana hujui chochote ameamua kijiandikia.

Ahsantum...
 
Mkuu JokaKuu,
Hili suala la kutengwa ni gumu sana. Sasa kama lengo ni kutengwa basi wangefanyiwa hata hiyana katika hizo biashara ambazo Barubaru anadai ndio wameshikilia.

Kila mara tumeuliza maswali haya kuhusu suala la kutengwa
1. Uongozi unaanzia wapi na unaishia wapi?
Kwamba mtu akisema uongozi wa taifa hili nini parameters zake
2. Kwani uongozi ni lazima uwe katika siasa?

Malalamiko haya mengi ni ya kurithi, kwamba fulani kasema basi ndio inageuka kuwa ukweli. Hata bila ushahidi, au fikra mtu anakimbilia kibwagizo hicho.

Nakumbuka Mwanakijiji aliuliza swali na huu mjadala ukafa naona nikumbushe ili watu watufahamishe. Hivi ni wapi duniani watawaliwa wamewahi kupewa nafasi ya kutawala?

Lakini nitakupa mfano mmoja mzuri.
Kuna madai kuwa wakati wa EAWMS Nyerere aliwatenga viongozi akina Tewa ili kuua mradi huo. Leo tumeelewa kuwa Tewa alipelekwa kuwa balozi miaka 3 baada ya kurejea na ahadi za paundi 55 za misri. Sasa sijui alitakiwa akae Dar hadi lini.

Hata hivyo ukiwauliza wanaojenga hoja hii kuwa nini role ya Tewa katika EAMWS, nakuhakikishia hawana ushahidi wa maana zaidi ya ''inasemekana''.
Narudia, na hapa namuuliza mtunzi wa hadithi, hivi Tewa Said alikuwa na nafasi ipi EAMWS kwa ushahidi.

Sasa utaona manju akikamata zumari kila mmoja anaitikia hata kama kibwagizo cha nyimbo hakijui. Kuna tatizo kubwa sana!
 

Sheikh Mohammed,

Tunamwombea Dua nyingi mno ndugu yetu,mwenzetu,Mzee wetu na Mtanzania mwenzetu Insha Allah Mola tamjaalia kauli Thabit,na mkumpa pepo yake tukufu.

Safari hiyo haina mmoja,kutangulia tu ndiko kugombako!

Nawe pia Al Akhiy,Mola takuruzuk kwa yoote na kukuongezea Sabra Insha Allah.

Ahsanta.
 

Al Akhiy gembesugu,

Niwie radhi ndugu siku mbili hizi hatujapata kuamkuana nilitingwa na vijikazi kidogo naomba kiduchu na mie nijazie huu mpini nauweka hapa chini wanaukumbi nao wapate kupakuwa na kuchota kidogo.
Britain's colonial shame: Slave-owners given huge payouts after abolition

David Cameron's ancestors were among the wealthy families who received generous reparation payments that would be worth millions of pounds in today's money
Sanchez Manning

Sunday 24 February 2013
The true scale of Britain's involvement in the slave trade has been laid bare in documents revealing how the country's wealthiest families received the modern equivalent of billions of pounds in compensation after slavery was abolished.

The previously unseen records show exactly who received what in payouts from the Government when slave ownership was abolished by Britain – much to the potential embarrassment of their descendants. Dr Nick Draper from University College London, who has studied the compensation papers, says as many as one-fifth of wealthy Victorian Britons derived all or part of their fortunes from the slave economy.

As a result, there are now wealthy families all around the UK still indirectly enjoying the proceeds of slavery where it has been passed on to them. Dr Draper said: "There was a feeding frenzy around the compensation." A John Austin, for instance, owned 415 slaves, and got compensation of £20,511, a sum worth nearly £17m today. And there were many who received far more.

Academics from UCL, led by Dr Draper, spent three years drawing together 46,000 records of compensation given to British slave-owners into an internet database to be launched for public use on Wednesday. But he emphasised that the claims set to be unveiled were not just from rich families but included many "very ordinary men and women" and covered the entire spectrum of society.

Dr Draper added that the database's findings may have implications for the "reparations debate". Barbados is currently leading the way in calling for reparations from former colonial powers for the injustices suffered by slaves and their families.

Among those revealed to have benefited from slavery are ancestors of the Prime Minister, David Cameron, former minister Douglas Hogg, authors Graham Greene and George Orwell, poet Elizabeth Barrett Browning, and the new chairman of the Arts Council, Peter Bazalgette. Other prominent names which feature in the records include scions of one of the nation's oldest banking families, the Barings, and the second Earl of Harewood, Henry Lascelles, an ancestor of the Queen's cousin. Some families used the money to invest in the railways and other aspects of the industrial revolution; others bought or maintained their country houses, and some used the money for philanthropy. George Orwell's great-grandfather, Charles Blair, received £4,442, equal to £3m today, for the 218 slaves he owned.

The British government paid out £20m to compensate some 3,000 families that owned slaves for the loss of their "property" when slave-ownership was abolished in Britain's colonies in 1833. This figure represented a staggering 40 per cent of the Treasury's annual spending budget and, in today's terms, calculated as wage values, equates to around £16.5bn.

A total of £10m went to slave-owning families in the Caribbean and Africa, while the other half went to absentee owners living in Britain. The biggest single payout went to James Blair (no relation to Orwell), an MP who had homes in Marylebone, central London, and Scotland. He was awarded £83,530, the equivalent of £65m today, for 1,598 slaves he owned on the plantation he had inherited in British Guyana.

But this amount was dwarfed by the amount paid to John Gladstone, the father of 19th-century prime minister William Gladstone. He received £106,769 (modern equivalent £83m) for the 2,508 slaves he owned across nine plantations. His son, who served as prime minister four times during his 60-year career, was heavily involved in his father's claim.

Mr Cameron, too, is revealed to have slave owners in his family background on his father's side. The compensation records show that General Sir James Duff, an army officer and MP for Banffshire in Scotland during the late 1700s, was Mr Cameron's first cousin six times removed. Sir James, who was the son of one of Mr Cameron's great-grand-uncle's, the second Earl of Fife, was awarded £4,101, equal to more than £3m today, to compensate him for the 202 slaves he forfeited on the Grange Sugar Estate in Jamaica.

Another illustrious political family that it appears still carries the name of a major slave owner is the Hogg dynasty, which includes the former cabinet minister Douglas Hogg. They are the descendants of Charles McGarel, a merchant who made a fortune from slave ownership. Between 1835 and 1837 he received £129,464, about £101m in today's terms, for the 2,489 slaves he owned. McGarel later went on to bring his younger brother-in-law Quintin Hogg into his hugely successful sugar firm, which still used indentured labour on plantations in British Guyana established under slavery. And it was Quintin's descendants that continued to keep the family name in the limelight, with both his son, Douglas McGarel Hogg, and his grandson, Quintin McGarel Hogg, becoming Lord Chancellor.

Dr Draper said: "Seeing the names of the slave-owners repeated in 20th‑century family naming practices is a very stark reminder about where those families saw their origins being from. In this case I'm thinking about the Hogg family. To have two Lord Chancellors in Britain in the 20th century bearing the name of a slave-owner from British Guiana, who went penniless to British Guyana, came back a very wealthy man and contributed to the formation of this political dynasty, which incorporated his name into their children in recognition – it seems to me to be an illuminating story and a potent example."

Mr Hogg refused to comment yesterday, saying he "didn't know anything about it". Mr Cameron declined to comment after a request was made to the No 10 press office.

Another demonstration of the extent to which slavery links stretch into modern Britain is Evelyn Bazalgette, the uncle of one of the giants of Victorian engineering, Sir Joseph Bazalgette and ancestor of Arts Council boss Sir Peter Bazalgette. He was paid £7,352 (£5.7m in today's money) for 420 slaves from two estates in Jamaica. Sir Peter said yesterday: "It had always been rumoured that his father had some interests in the Caribbean and I suspect Evelyn inherited that. So I heard rumours but this confirms it, and guess it's the sort of thing wealthy people on the make did in the 1800s. He could have put his money elsewhere but regrettably he put it in the Caribbean."

The TV chef Ainsley Harriott, who had slave-owners in his family on his grandfather's side, said yesterday he was shocked by the amount paid out by the government to the slave-owners. "You would think the government would have given at least some money to the freed slaves who need to find homes and start new lives," he said. "It seems a bit barbaric. It's like the rich protecting the rich."

The database is available from Wednesday at: ucl.ac.uk/lbs.

Cruel trade

Slavery on an industrial scale was a major source of the wealth of the British empire, being the exploitation upon which the West Indies sugar trade and cotton crop in North America was based. Those who made money from it were not only the slave-owners, but also the investors in those who transported Africans to enslavement. In the century to 1810, British ships carried about three million to a life of forced labour.

Campaigning against slavery began in the late 18th century as revulsion against the trade spread. This led, first, to the abolition of the trade in slaves, which came into law in 1808, and then, some 26 years later, to the Act of Parliament that would emancipate slaves. This legislation made provision for the staggering levels of compensation for slave-owners, but gave the former slaves not a penny in reparation.

More than that, it said that only children under six would be immediately free; the rest being regarded as "apprentices" who would, in exchange for free board and lodging, have to work for their "owners" 40 and a half hours for nothing until 1840. Several large disturbances meant that the deadline was brought forward and so, in 1838, 700,000 slaves in the West Indies, 40,000 in South Africa and 20,000 in Mauritius were finally liberated.

David Randall
Dr Nick Draper

Sunday 24 February 2013

We must be honest about our role in slavery


Britain's view of its involvement in slavery is that we abolished the slave trade and we abolished slavery, and that we were the first nation to do either of these things.

If you ask almost anybody for free association around the words Britain and slavery, they'll tell you: "Wilberforce", "abolition" and then perhaps something about the Caribbean or Africa, and it will be in that order because that's what we've been brought up to think about. So what our work is doing is trying to re-inscribe slavery into Britain's history, rather than leaving the only connection between the two as abolition.

We're not saying that Britain as a whole was created by slavery – that is not tenable as an argument. But we are saying that slavery had a material part to play in the formation of modern Britain.

We are arguing that a significant minority of the aristocracy and business drew its wealth reasonably directly from slavery and slave ownership, but the objective of this work is not to point fingers at families or firms. It is instead to establish an empirical basis of knowledge common to all. Public perceptions will change only if pieces of work such as ours are done and then injected into the public domain.


We're not going to transform people's view of British history, but we might contribute to a transformation that could take place over 10 or 15 years. It would be to move to a new consensus, which is that Britain was a major slave-trading and slave-owning power for more than 200 years and that that period significantly contributed, through industrialisation driven in part by the transfer of wealth from expropriation of enslaved people's labour, to the emergence of modern Britain.

Dr Nick Draper is research associate on the 'Legacies of British Slavery Ownership Project' at University College London

Ahsantum.

 
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Shariff Ritz,

Salaam.

Yaani kwa kifupi credibility ya Yericko ni kiduchu mno. Kumbuka ni yeye pekee mpaka sasa hapa Jamvini alodai na kutoa informations mbovu/za urongo, yakuwa ati mtu mmoja amefariki kumbe yupo hai nafikiri alikua ni Mohammed Al Sahaf. Baade akamfufua upya yule Mzee wa watu wa Kizaramo/Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir maskini,kuja kuhudhuria mikutano ya TANU.

Lakini nime-noticed amefanya correction kule kwenye kianzio cha mada hii, tangia siku ile ulimpobainishia ukinyonga wake!ahah!!...ama kweli kutahayari si kufa...la si hivyo maskini ndugu yetu Yericko angalikua nae tumeshamzika hivi sasa!?

Ahsanta.
 

Gombesugu,
Amin.
 

ahsanta ndugu yangu namshukuru allah nimerudi naendelea kufyonza ilmu kutoka kwa mzee MS na wewe kwa pembeni ukiwaereza ukweli wa historia, tuendelee al akhy.
 

Wanajamvi naendelea kudadavua porojo kuduchu kutoka kwa ndugu yetu @ Yericko Nyerere,
Yericko Nyerere said:
Hapo ndipo penye mgogoro wa uchochezi wa Mohamed Said,

Huenda hukujua dhana ya uzi huu, hatupingi tu kila kitu cha Mohamed Said, bali tunapinga kwakufuata mizani ya hoja!

Tunapinga UONGO na UZUSHI kuwa TANU ilianza mwaka 1947 huko BURMA
Click to expand...
Wanajamvi baada ya Yericko kuongea maneno yake hebu hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe...
Yericko Nyerere,
'
Unajua maana ya haya maneno "Walikuwa wamelifikiria tangu zamani", jiulize sasa wewe unaweza kufikiria jina bila chama?
 
Sehemu ya nne...
Jopo la wana-historia wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi waliopewa jukumu la kutafiti na kuandika historia rasmi ya TANU, hakuna hata sehemu moja waliyotaja jina la Abdulwahid katika kitabu kizima.[SUP]296[/SUP] Dhana inayojaribiwa kuenezwa katika kitabu kile ni kuwa kabla ya kutokea kwa Julius Nyerere mwezi Aprili, 1953, alipochaguliwa kuwa rais wa TAA, chama hicho hakikuwa na mwelekeo wowote wa siasa. Kitu cha ajabu ni kuwa kitabu hicho wala hakielezi huo urais wa TAA, Nyerere aliupataje au aliuchukua kutoka kwa kiongozi gani wa wakati ule. Kitendo hiki kimeondoa hadhi na heshima ya wazalendo wengi waliopigania nchi hii na halikadhalika kimeiondolea TAA heshima ya kuitwa chama cha siasa. Wanahistoria wazalendo pamoja na wanasiasa wa sasa hawataki kabisa kuipa TAA hadhi ya chama cha siasa. Kambona aliiita African Association chama cha majadiliano:

Sasa inakaribia mwaka mmoja toka iundwe Tanganyika African National Union na katika kipindi hiki chama kimekua kikipata nguvu siku hadi siku, wakati mwingine chini ya upinzani mkubwa. Kama mnavyofahamu chama hiki ni badala ya Tanganyika African Union ambayo ilikuwa sawasawa na chama cha majadiliano.[SUP]297[/SUP]
Ulotu anaieleza TAA kuwa ilikuwa chama cha ustawi wa jamii.[SUP]298[/SUP] Wengine wameieleza TAA kama taasisi ya jamii: Nyerere (1976), [SUP]299[/SUP] halikadhalika Japhet na Seaton (1966).[SUP]300[/SUP] TAA wakati mwingine inaelezwa kuwa ilikuwa chama cha vuguvugu za upinzani dhidi ya ukoloni, lakini upinzani wake haukuwa dhahiri: Kaniki (1974), [SUP]301[/SUP] Nyerere (1953) [SUP]302[/SUP] aliieleza TAA kama chama cha vuguvugu la siasa lakini si za dhahiri. Julius Nyerere alipohutubia Baraza la Udhamini la Umoja wa Mataifa, New York, tarehe 7 Machi, 1955 alisema:
Tanganyika African National Union kwa mtazamo mmoja ni chama kipya, lakini kwa mtazamo mwingine ni chama kikongwe. TANU imechukua nafasi ya Tanganyika African Association ambayo ilianzishwa mwaka 1929, kama chama cha kijamii. Tanganyika African National Union, chama kilichochukua nafasi ya African Association miezi kumi iliyopita ni chama kipya kwa maana ni chama cha siasa, wakati TAA ilikuwa chama cha siasa nusunusu.
Wasomi wengine wameishusha TAA kufikia daraja la kuwa klabu: Mwenegoha (1976) anaandika: 'Mwaka 1954, baada ya miaka ishirini na tano ya kutoweza kufanya lolote, Nyerere aliigeuza TAA kutola chama cha kijamii kuwa chama cha siasa chenye kuogopwa kilichoitwa Tanganyika African National Union'. [SUP]303[/SUP]
Abdulwahid ambae alitoa mchango wa pekee katika kuunda TANU alikuwa anaiona TAA kama chama cha siasa (1951). [SUP]304[/SUP] Katika kundi la waandishi na wasomi walioandika kuhusu African Association kisha wakabadili mawazo yao kuhusu nini hasa chama kile kilikuwa, ni Nyerere na Hatch ndiyo waliobadili misimamo yao ya awali. Nyerere alipoandika barua kwa Gavana wa Tanganyika, Edward Twining tarehe 10 Agosti, 1953 alieleza kuwa TAA ni chama cha siasa.[SUP] 305[/SUP]

Lakini baadae alibadili msimamo na kusema kuwa TAA kilikuwa chama cha starehe. Kauli hii ilitawala hotuba za Nyerere na maandishi yake kwa kipindi kirefu. Katika miaka ya hivi karibuni amesikika akisema kuwa TAA kilikuwa 'chama cha siasa kisichokuwa na katiba ya siasa'. Hatch (1976) ameieleza TAA kama chama cha starehe [SUP]306[/SUP] sehemu moja na chama cha siasa sehemu nyingine.[SUP]307[/SUP] John Kabudi ameieleza African Association kama 'chama cha watu binafsi wananchi kilichokuwa na mwelekeo wa kitaifa'.[SUP]308[/SUP] Ieleweke kuwa hata viongozi wa TAA hawathaminiwi kama wanasiasa. Kaniki, kwa kukosa neno la kuwatambulisha waasisi wa TAA, amewaita wanasiasa na kuwawekea quatation mark:
Nyerere, kabla ya hapo akiwa hajulikani na 'wanasiasa' wengi katika Tanganyika, alikuwa mwalimu katika shule ya Mtakatifu Francis, Pugu, jirani na Dar es Salaam, na alikuwa amechaguliwa rais wa (TAA) mwaka uliopita.[SUP]309[/SUP]
Kwa mtazamo huo wa Kaniki mzalendo kama Abdulwahid Sykes hakuwa mwanasiasa, ila Nyerere ndiye mwanasiasa. Iliffe (1968)[SUP]310[/SUP] alidokeza kuwa historia ya TANU iliyokuwa imeandikwa hadi wakati ule ilikuwa haijakamilika na katika uchambuzi wake alisema kuwa African Association kutokana na mwelekeo na wanachama wake ilikuwa ni chama cha siasa. Kandoro na Japhet, [SUP]311[/SUP] waasisi wa TANU walipata umaarufu wakati Abdulwahid akiwa rais wa TAA mwaka 1952. Hawa walikuwa ndiyo waasisi pekee ambao walifanya kazi na Abdulwahid wakati wa Mgogoro wa Ardhi ya Wameru. Safari ya Kirilo kuja Dar es Salaam na kule kumweka Seaton kama mwanasheria kushughulikia mgogoro ule, kazi yote hiyo ilifanywa na Abdulwahid na uongozi a TAA wa wakati ule. Ilikuwa Abdulwahid ndiye aliyemhangaikia Kirilo kupata pasi ya kusafiria baada ya kunyimwa pasi kule Arusha. Kirilo na Seaton na halikadhalika Kandoro wamenadika kumbukumbu zao kuhusu ukoloni, lakini cha ajabu na kusikitisha ni kuwa hakuna hata sehemu moja waandishi hawa wametaja mchango wa Abdulwahid hata kwa kuparazia tu. Waandishi hawa wamejaribu kumtumbukiza Nyerere kama kiongozi aliyehusika katika Mgogoro wa Ardhi ya Wameru, wakati yeye hata kuwapo nchini wakati ule hakuwapo. Ukweli ni kuwa wakati mgogoro wa ule ulipofikishwa mbele ya Baraza la Udhamini la Umoja wa Mataifa, New York, Nyerere alikuwa masomoni Chuo Kikuu cha Edinburgh Uskochi akisomea shahada ya pili. Mwandishi aliyejipambanua na hawa wote kwa kutomtaja Abdulwahid ni mama wa Kiingereza Judith Listowel (1965) [SUP]312[/SUP] ambae ingawa amemtaja kijuujuu, ameandika kwenye kitabu chake kuwa Abdulwahid alikuwa mmoja wa waasisi wa TANU.
Katika miaka hii ya karibuni kumejitokeza hamu ya kutaka kuielewa historia ya siasa katika Tanzania na jina la Abdulwahid limekuwa likijitokeza mara kwa mara katika majarida, [SUP]313[/SUP] magazeti, [SUP]314[/SUP] magazeti ya kimataifa, [SUP]315[/SUP] na katika vitabu. [SUP]316[/SUP] Maandiko yote haya yanamtazama Abdulwahid kwa sura tofauti. Yapo yanasema kuwa yeye ndiye alikuwa kinara katika kuunda TANU na kumtia Nyerere katika siasa. Katika maandiko haya Abdulwahid anaelezwa kama mzalendo na mwanamapinduzi. Tandon anamweleza Abdulwahid na wazalendo wengine katika Afrika ya Mashariki kama Chege Kibachia, Makham Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah na Gama Pinto kama 'viongozi maveterani wa watu wa Afrika ya Mashariki ambao wanahistoria wetu wa sasa wamewasahau'. [SUP]317[/SUP] Wapo waandishi wanaomuona Abdulwahid kama 'kabaila uchwara' kutokana na kuwa alikuwa mtoto wa mfanyabiashara Mwafrika tajiri, Kleist Sykes.
Profesa Shivji anamtuhumu Abdulwahid kwa kushirikiana na wakoloni na anamchukulia kama kabaila uchwara ambae yeye mwenyewe hatoki katika tabaka la wafanyakazi. Akitafakari nafasi ya Abdulwahid kama kiongozi wa makuli katika bandari ya Dar es Salaam wakati wa ukoloni Shivji ansema:

serikali ilipenyeza uongozi wa makabaila uchwara katika chama. Mwezi February 1948 Abdul Sykes, mtoto wa mfanya biashara Mwafrika maarufu, aliombwa na serikali awe katibu wa chama cha makuli. Abdul Sykes hakuwa akifanyakazi bandarini wala hakuwa anatoka katika tabaka la wafanyakazi.[SUP]318[/SUP]
Hapa Shivji alikuwa anaeleza jinsi Abdulwahid alivyochaguliwa kuwa katibu mkuu wa kwanza katika historia ya vyama vya wafanyakazi Tanganyika. Kwa kutoijua vyema historia ya maisha ya Abdulwahid na vilevile kwa hamaki za misimamo ya mrengo wa kushoto ya Ki-Marx, Shivji ametumia vipimo visivyo sawa katika kumchambua Abdulwahid. Engels anasema bepari uchwara ni 'tabaka la makabaila wa kisasa ambao wanahodhi njia zote za uzalishaji mali za jamii na vilevile wanawaajiri na kuwalipa'.[SUP]319[/SUP] Hata hivyo Sklar anasema kuwa dhana hiyo sasa imebadilika kwa hiyo hata ile maana yake ya awali imebadilika:
Hivi sasa neno hilo linatumiwa na wafuasi wa Marx kuieleza tabaka lililo juu katika jamii ambazo linafuata soko huria na kuachia kuhodhiwa kwa mali kama matokeo ya mali binafsi katika uzalishaji wake.[SUP]320[/SUP]
Kama Shivji angeliyajua maisha ya Abdulwahid ni wazi kuwa angetumia kipimo kingine kabisa katika kumweleza. Lakini kwa kuwa kilichotumika ni kipimo kisicho sawa, matokeo yake hayakuweza kuwa barabara. Hakuna biashara ya Mwafrika wakati wa ukoloni inaweza kuitwa biashara ya bepari na katika mkumbo wa kujumuishwa katika dhana ya ubepari, kama ubepari ulivyokuwa ukifahamika huko Ulaya. Haya ndiyo matatizo yanayoikumba historia ya Abdulwahid na kwa kweli historia nzima ya taifa la Tanganyika.
Katika wale walioasisi TANU, ni wale tu aliokuwa makao makuu ya TAA ndiyo wanaoweza kueleza historia ya kweli ya chama hiki. Hawa ni John Rupia, Dossa Aziz, Tewa Said Tewa, Julius Nyerere, Dome Budohi, Abdulwahid na Ally Sykes. Hawa ndugu wawili, Abdulwahid na Ally, wao ni baba yao ndiye aliyekuwa muasisi wa African Association akiwa kama katibu wake wa kwanza hapo mwaka wa 1929. Majalada ya akina Sykes kuhusu African Association na TANU yana habari muhimu sana kwa mtafiti kuhusu historia ya ukoloni na juhudi walizofanya waasisi wa taifa la Tanganyika katika kujikomboa. Majalada haya yana habari muhimu na za kutosha kuhusu Nyerere na jinsi alivyopokelewa Dar es Salaam na akina Sykes na jinsi alivyoingizwa katika siasa. Inastaajabisha kuwa kumbukumbu hizi zenye habari muhimu sana kuhusu Nyerere na TANU hazikuguswa kabisa wakati watafiti wa historia ya TANU walipokuwa wakifanya utafiti wao. Inastaajabisha vilevile kuwa, si Ally wala mdogo wake, Abbas ndugu wawili walio hai baada ya kifo cha kaka yaoAbdulwahid, walifanyiwa mahojiano yoyote na watafiti wale.
Katika miaka ya mwishoni ya 1960, John Iliffe akiwa Idara ya Historia ya Chuo Kikuu Cha Dar es Salaam, alipoanza utafiti wake wa historia ya Tanzania, aliweza kukusanya habari nyingi sana na muhimu kutoka kwa mmoja wa wanafunzi wake, Aisha Daisy Sykes, binti wa Abdulwahid. Ingawa Daisy alimfahamisha Iliffe kuwa habari zile alizokuwa akiandika katika semina kuhusu historia ya Tanganyika alikuwa akizipata kutoka kwa baba yake, inastaajabisha kuwa, Iliffe japo kuwa alikua muhihataji sana wa kutaka kujua historia ya Tanganyika, hakuchukua tabu ya kuonana na Abdulwahid ili apate habari zile moja kwa moja kutoka kinywani kwake.
Iliffe hata hivyo kwa kujua hazina ya historia iliyokuwa katika kumbukumbu za akina Sykes, alimtia hima Daisy aandike historia ya maisha ya babu yake, Kleist Sykes. Utafiti huu Daisy aliufanya kwa ufanisi mkubwa.[SUP] 321[/SUP]
Baba yake alipofariki dunia mwaka wa 1968, Daisy kutokana na mafanikio ya kuandika habari za babu yake sasa akataka kufanya utafiti na kuandika maisha ya marehemu baba yake. Daisy aliamua kufanya hivyo kwa uchungu alipokuja kugundua kuwa historia ilikuwa haimtendei haki baba yake. Daisy alihisi ilikuwa ni wajibu wake kuueleza ulimwengu baba yake alikuwa nani na nini mchango wake katika kuikomboa Tanganyika kutoka ukoloni wa Waingereza. Hiki alikiona kitu muhimu ili kuiweka sawa historia ambayo kwa makusudi ilikuwa inapotoshwa. Daisy alikuwa na majalada na shajara zote za baba yake. Iliffe kwa sababu ambazo kwa wakati ule Daisy hakuweza kuzitambua, alimkataza asifanye hivyo kwa kuwa wakati wa kuandika historia ya baba yake ulikuwa bado. Iliffe alimwambia Daisy afanye subira hadi hapo baadae. Ni wazi kuwa Iliffe alikuwa akijua kuwa Abdulwahid alikuwa mtu muhimu na wa kuaminika katika historia ya TANU; na kuwa utafiti wowote katika maisha yake kungesaidia sana kuielewa historia ya Tanzania. Kutokana na msimamo huu wa Iliffe Daisy hakujaaliwa tena kuandika maisha ya baba yake.
 
Al Akhiy gombesugu,

Niwie radhi ndugu siku mbili hizi hatujapata kuamkuana nilitingwa na vijikazi kidogo naomba kiduchu na mie nijazie huu mpini nauweka hapa chini wanaukumbi nao wapate kupakuwa na kuchota kidogo.
Britain's colonial shame: Slave-owners given huge payouts after abolition

David Cameron's ancestors were among the wealthy families who received generous reparation payments that would be worth millions of pounds in today's money
Sanchez Manning

Sunday 24 February 2013
The true scale of Britain's involvement in the slave trade has been laid bare in documents revealing how the country's wealthiest families received the modern equivalent of billions of pounds in compensation after slavery was abolished.

The previously unseen records show exactly who received what in payouts from the Government when slave ownership was abolished by Britain  much to the potential embarrassment of their descendants. Dr Nick Draper from University College London, who has studied the compensation papers, says as many as one-fifth of wealthy Victorian Britons derived all or part of their fortunes from the slave economy.

As a result, there are now wealthy families all around the UK still indirectly enjoying the proceeds of slavery where it has been passed on to them. Dr Draper said: "There was a feeding frenzy around the compensation." A John Austin, for instance, owned 415 slaves, and got compensation of £20,511, a sum worth nearly £17m today. And there were many who received far more.

Academics from UCL, led by Dr Draper, spent three years drawing together 46,000 records of compensation given to British slave-owners into an internet database to be launched for public use on Wednesday. But he emphasised that the claims set to be unveiled were not just from rich families but included many "very ordinary men and women" and covered the entire spectrum of society.

Dr Draper added that the database's findings may have implications for the "reparations debate". Barbados is currently leading the way in calling for reparations from former colonial powers for the injustices suffered by slaves and their families.

Among those revealed to have benefited from slavery are ancestors of the Prime Minister, David Cameron, former minister Douglas Hogg, authors Graham Greene and George Orwell, poet Elizabeth Barrett Browning, and the new chairman of the Arts Council, Peter Bazalgette. Other prominent names which feature in the records include scions of one of the nation's oldest banking families, the Barings, and the second Earl of Harewood, Henry Lascelles, an ancestor of the Queen's cousin. Some families used the money to invest in the railways and other aspects of the industrial revolution; others bought or maintained their country houses, and some used the money for philanthropy. George Orwell's great-grandfather, Charles Blair, received £4,442, equal to £3m today, for the 218 slaves he owned.

The British government paid out £20m to compensate some 3,000 families that owned slaves for the loss of their "property" when slave-ownership was abolished in Britain's colonies in 1833. This figure represented a staggering 40 per cent of the Treasury's annual spending budget and, in today's terms, calculated as wage values, equates to around £16.5bn.

A total of £10m went to slave-owning families in the Caribbean and Africa, while the other half went to absentee owners living in Britain. The biggest single payout went to James Blair (no relation to Orwell), an MP who had homes in Marylebone, central London, and Scotland. He was awarded £83,530, the equivalent of £65m today, for 1,598 slaves he owned on the plantation he had inherited in British Guyana.

But this amount was dwarfed by the amount paid to John Gladstone, the father of 19th-century prime minister William Gladstone. He received £106,769 (modern equivalent £83m) for the 2,508 slaves he owned across nine plantations. His son, who served as prime minister four times during his 60-year career, was heavily involved in his father's claim.

Mr Cameron, too, is revealed to have slave owners in his family background on his father's side. The compensation records show that General Sir James Duff, an army officer and MP for Banffshire in Scotland during the late 1700s, was Mr Cameron's first cousin six times removed. Sir James, who was the son of one of Mr Cameron's great-grand-uncle's, the second Earl of Fife, was awarded £4,101, equal to more than £3m today, to compensate him for the 202 slaves he forfeited on the Grange Sugar Estate in Jamaica.

Another illustrious political family that it appears still carries the name of a major slave owner is the Hogg dynasty, which includes the former cabinet minister Douglas Hogg. They are the descendants of Charles McGarel, a merchant who made a fortune from slave ownership. Between 1835 and 1837 he received £129,464, about £101m in today's terms, for the 2,489 slaves he owned. McGarel later went on to bring his younger brother-in-law Quintin Hogg into his hugely successful sugar firm, which still used indentured labour on plantations in British Guyana established under slavery. And it was Quintin's descendants that continued to keep the family name in the limelight, with both his son, Douglas McGarel Hogg, and his grandson, Quintin McGarel Hogg, becoming Lord Chancellor.

Dr Draper said: "Seeing the names of the slave-owners repeated in 20thcentury family naming practices is a very stark reminder about where those families saw their origins being from. In this case I'm thinking about the Hogg family. To have two Lord Chancellors in Britain in the 20th century bearing the name of a slave-owner from British Guiana, who went penniless to British Guyana, came back a very wealthy man and contributed to the formation of this political dynasty, which incorporated his name into their children in recognition  it seems to me to be an illuminating story and a potent example."

Mr Hogg refused to comment yesterday, saying he "didn't know anything about it". Mr Cameron declined to comment after a request was made to the No 10 press office.

Another demonstration of the extent to which slavery links stretch into modern Britain is Evelyn Bazalgette, the uncle of one of the giants of Victorian engineering, Sir Joseph Bazalgette and ancestor of Arts Council boss Sir Peter Bazalgette. He was paid £7,352 (£5.7m in today's money) for 420 slaves from two estates in Jamaica. Sir Peter said yesterday: "It had always been rumoured that his father had some interests in the Caribbean and I suspect Evelyn inherited that. So I heard rumours but this confirms it, and guess it's the sort of thing wealthy people on the make did in the 1800s. He could have put his money elsewhere but regrettably he put it in the Caribbean."

The TV chef Ainsley Harriott, who had slave-owners in his family on his grandfather's side, said yesterday he was shocked by the amount paid out by the government to the slave-owners. "You would think the government would have given at least some money to the freed slaves who need to find homes and start new lives," he said. "It seems a bit barbaric. It's like the rich protecting the rich."

The database is available from Wednesday at: ucl.ac.uk/lbs.

Cruel trade

Slavery on an industrial scale was a major source of the wealth of the British empire, being the exploitation upon which the West Indies sugar trade and cotton crop in North America was based. Those who made money from it were not only the slave-owners, but also the investors in those who transported Africans to enslavement. In the century to 1810, British ships carried about three million to a life of forced labour.

Campaigning against slavery began in the late 18th century as revulsion against the trade spread. This led, first, to the abolition of the trade in slaves, which came into law in 1808, and then, some 26 years later, to the Act of Parliament that would emancipate slaves. This legislation made provision for the staggering levels of compensation for slave-owners, but gave the former slaves not a penny in reparation.

More than that, it said that only children under six would be immediately free; the rest being regarded as "apprentices" who would, in exchange for free board and lodging, have to work for their "owners" 40 and a half hours for nothing until 1840. Several large disturbances meant that the deadline was brought forward and so, in 1838, 700,000 slaves in the West Indies, 40,000 in South Africa and 20,000 in Mauritius were finally liberated.

David Randall
Dr Nick Draper

Sunday 24 February 2013

We must be honest about our role in slavery


Britain's view of its involvement in slavery is that we abolished the slave trade and we abolished slavery, and that we were the first nation to do either of these things.

If you ask almost anybody for free association around the words Britain and slavery, they'll tell you: "Wilberforce", "abolition" and then perhaps something about the Caribbean or Africa, and it will be in that order because that's what we've been brought up to think about. So what our work is doing is trying to re-inscribe slavery into Britain's history, rather than leaving the only connection between the two as abolition.

We're not saying that Britain as a whole was created by slavery  that is not tenable as an argument. But we are saying that slavery had a material part to play in the formation of modern Britain.

We are arguing that a significant minority of the aristocracy and business drew its wealth reasonably directly from slavery and slave ownership, but the objective of this work is not to point fingers at families or firms. It is instead to establish an empirical basis of knowledge common to all. Public perceptions will change only if pieces of work such as ours are done and then injected into the public domain.


We're not going to transform people's view of British history, but we might contribute to a transformation that could take place over 10 or 15 years. It would be to move to a new consensus, which is that Britain was a major slave-trading and slave-owning power for more than 200 years and that that period significantly contributed, through industrialisation driven in part by the transfer of wealth from expropriation of enslaved people's labour, to the emergence of modern Britain.

Dr Nick Draper is research associate on the 'Legacies of British Slavery Ownership Project' at University College London

Ahsantum.

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