Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

[Mohamed Said]

Wanaukumbi huyu ndugu yetu naona bado anaendelea na porojo zake kuhusu historia ya Tanganyika na harakati za kutafuta uhuru.

Wanaukumbi hapa juu tunamsoma ndugu yetu anatuambia TAA Haikuanzishwa na waafrika lakini hasemi ilianzishwa na na nani tusiandikie mate na wino upo hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe.

Wanaukumbi nadhani ingekuwa vyema huyo jamaa yetu angetuambia TAA imeundwa na kina nani atutajie na majina yao, hebu tumsome tena huyu jamaa yetu hapa chini.

Wanaukumbi hapa juu ndugu yetu anajaribu kumuwekea Nyerere maneno mdomoni kuhusu Waingereza hebu hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe anavyowaelezea Waingeleza amabao tunaambiwa walikuwa upande wake.

Wanaukumbi nadhani tumeona tofauti ya maneno ya ndugu yetu na maneno ya Nyerere.
gombesugu, THE BIG SHOW,

Shariff Ritz,
Sijui inakuwaje kuwa inafika pahala mtu anotolewa ushahidi lakini hakubali.

Nyerere hakuigeuza TAA kuchukua mwelekeo wa siasa.
Hilo hakufanya yeye.

Wakati TAA inachukua mwelekeo mpya Nyerere alikuwa bado hajafika Dar es
Salaam.

TAA ilichukua mwelekeo mpya 1950 baada ya kile kishindo cha Schneider Abdillah
Plantan pale Arnatouglo Hall katika uchaguzi uliokuja kumtoa madarakani kaka yake
Schneider, Mwalimu Thomas Sauti Plantan aliyekuwa rais wa TAA.

Huu ndiyo uchaguzi uliowatia katika uongozi Dk. Kyaruzi kama rais na Abdu Sykes
akiwa katibu.

Mwelekeo mpya ulionekana kwenye Memorandum on Constitutional Development
Commitee iliyotayarishwa na TAA Politica Subcommittee.

The rest is history....

Lakini kama wao wanataka kumpa Nyerere sifa hiyo ya kuigeuza TAA kuwa na mwelekeo
wa siasa hakuna neno wala hapana haja ya kubishananao.

Huo ndiyo ulikuwa msimamo wa historia rasmi.
Mradi tushaeleza ukweli basi inatosha.

Najua shida yao.

Ikiwa Nyerere hatavishwa sifa hii ya kuigeuza TAA hataweza kupewa sifa ya kuwa yeye ndiye
aliyeasisi TANU.

Niliwawekea hapa nyaraka kadhaa pamoja na barua ya Nyerere aliyokuwanayo Abdu Sykes kuhusu
TAA hakuna hata mmoja aliyethubutu kusema lolote kuhusu nyaraka zile.

Sana sana Yericko kapinga kuwa barua ya baba yake haiwezi kuwa mikononi mwa nyaraka za Sykes.

 

[Nanren]

Shariff Ritz,
Sijui inakuwaje kuwa inafika pahala mtu anotolewa ushahidi lakini hakubali.

Nyerere hakuigeuza TAA kuchukua mwelekeo wa siasa.
Hilo hakufanya yeye.

Wakati TAA inachukua mwelekeo mpya Nyerere alikuwa bado hajafika Dar es
Salaam.

TAA ilichukua mwelekeo mpya 1950 baada ya kile kishindo cha Schneider Abdillah
Plantan pale Arnatouglo Hall katika uchaguzi uliokuja kumtoa madarakani kaka yake
Schneider, Mwalimu Thomas Sauti Plantan aliyekuwa rais wa TAA.

Huu ndiyo uchaguzi uliowatia katika uongozi Dk. Kyaruzi kama rais na Abdu Sykes
akiwa katibu.

Mwelekeo mpya ulionekana kwenye Memorandum on Constitutional Development
Commitee iliyotayarishwa na TAA Politica Subcommittee.

The rest is history....

Lakini kama wao wanataka kumpa Nyerere sifa hiyo ya kuigeuza TAA kuwa na mwelekeo
wa siasa hakuna neno wala hapana haja ya kubishananao.

Huo ndiyo ulikuwa msimamo wa historia rasmi.
Mradi tushaeleza ukweli basi inatosha.

Najua shida yao.

Ikiwa Nyerere hatavishwa sifa hii ya kuigeuza TAA hataweza kupewa sifa ya kuwa yeye ndiye
aliyeasisi TANU.

Niliwawekea hapa nyaraka kadhaa pamoja na barua ya Nyerere aliyokuwanayo Abdu Sykes kuhusu
TAA hakuna hata mmoja aliyethubutu kusema lolote kuhusu nyaraka zile.

Sana sana Yericko kapinga kuwa barua ya baba yake haiwezi kuwa mikononi mwa nyaraka za Sykes.

Mkuu Mohamed Said
Japo nilipumzika kidogo kuchangia, bado nilikuwa nafuatilia posts zote kwenye mnakasha huu.
Hiyo barua ya Nyerere uliyotaja hapo juu sikumbuki kuiona. Naomba kama inawezekana iweke tena au nipe link kwenda kwenye post husika.

 

[Mshume Kiyate]

Historia ya Tanganyika imepotoshwa sana sijui kwa maslahi ya nani.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Sawa sheikh; Sawa utatuwekea especially kitabu na papers kwa jinsi unavyojieleza. Yabidi basi hata utushukuru na Nguruvi japo kwa vi-LIKE. Bila maswali yetu kukubana ungebembelezwa lini na Prishaz!!!! hahahahahah.





hebu tuliza roho bwana. Nina kibano kwa sasa.

Bee Gees - Night Fever (Video) - YouTube

Wickama,

Our song na nikisema ''our'' umenipata vizuri.
Ilikuwa ''How Deep is Your Love.''

Saturday Night Fever hiyo.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mkuu Mohamed Said
Japo nilipumzika kidogo kuchangia, bado nilikuwa nafuatilia posts zote kwenye mnakasha huu.
Hiyo barua ya Nyerere uliyotaja hapo juu sikumbuki kuiona. Naomba kama inawezekana iweke tena au nipe link kwenda kwenye post husika.

Nanren na Wanajamvi,
Angalieni footnote no.8.

[TABLE="class: cms_table_MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid's name in the entire book.[1] The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought. This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement. Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.[2] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8] Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union'. [9] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10] Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11] Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12] But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution'. Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party' in another. [14] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character.'[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians' in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis' Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year. [16] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Kandoro and Japhet, [18] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo's visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens' Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership. It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing. The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master's degree.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[19] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Of late there has been interest in Tanzania's political history and Abdulwahid's name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[20] newspapers, [21] international magazines,[22] and books.[23] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid. There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary. Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten'. [24] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois'. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class. In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that: [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] ...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers' union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class. [25][/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] Kivukoni Ideological College, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial
Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' in G. Ruhumbika
(ed) Towards Ujamaa, Twenty Years of TANU Leadership, Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.

[8] Julius K. Nyerere, Tanganyika African Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August,
1953. Sykes' Papers.

[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association
7 th January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania' (1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial
Consciousness in Tanzania'. Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[20] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy' Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979,
pp. 47-48.

[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State
and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.

[24] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.

 

[assadsyria3]

Nanren na Wanajamvi,
Angalieni footnote no.8.

[TABLE="class: cms_table_MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid's name in the entire book.[1] The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought. This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement. Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.[2] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8] Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union'. [9] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10] Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11] Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12] But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution'. Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party' in another. [14] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character.'[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians' in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis' Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year. [16] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Kandoro and Japhet, [18] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo's visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens' Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership. It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing. The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master's degree.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[19] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Of late there has been interest in Tanzania's political history and Abdulwahid's name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[20] newspapers, [21] international magazines,[22] and books.[23] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid. There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary. Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten'. [24] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois'. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class. In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that: [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] ...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers' union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class. [25][/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] Kivukoni Ideological College, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial
Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' in G. Ruhumbika
(ed) Towards Ujamaa, Twenty Years of TANU Leadership, Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.

[8] Julius K. Nyerere, Tanganyika African Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August,
1953. Sykes' Papers.

[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association
7 th January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania' (1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial
Consciousness in Tanzania'. Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[20] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy' Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979,
pp. 47-48.

[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State
and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.

[24] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.

da histry kweli unaijua ndo mana nilikmbilia science

 

[Yericko Nyerere]

Yericko; Inaelekea kuna recess ya kupumua kidogo vumbi litue!!!! kazi kweli

Nikweli,

Wamekuja na kamfumo kao kakujiamulia wao wakitakacho sio hoja zitu zinavyowataka wafanye!


Hilo haliondoi maana ya hoja zetu, kinyume chake hazijajibiwa bali zinapewa uzito mpya!

 

[gombesugu]

Wanaukumbi huyu ndugu yetu naona bado anaendelea na porojo zake kuhusu historia ya Tanganyika na harakati za kutafuta uhuru.

Wanaukumbi hapa juu tunamsoma ndugu yetu anatuambia TAA Haikuanzishwa na waafrika lakini hasemi ilianzishwa na na nani tusiandikie mate na wino upo hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe.

Wanaukumbi nadhani ingekuwa vyema huyo jamaa yetu angetuambia TAA imeundwa na kina nani atutajie na majina yao, hebu tumsome tena huyu jamaa yetu hapa chini.

Wanaukumbi hapa juu ndugu yetu anajaribu kumuwekea Nyerere maneno mdomoni kuhusu Waingereza hebu hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe anavyowaelezea Waingereza amabao tunaambiwa walikuwa upande wake.

Wanaukumbi nadhani tumeona tofauti ya maneno ya ndugu yetu na maneno ya Nyerere.
gombesugu, THE BIG SHOW,

Shariff Ritz,

Achana na huyo jamaa nahisi ana allergy na Watu wa Mwambao na ile Islamophobia inamsumbua tu!

Sio kila mtu hapa jamvini ana akili timamu Al Akhiy...na ili uweze/tuweze kumjibu huyo jamaa kwa kina itatulazim au kusababishia,na sisi pia kuwatukana na kuwadhalilisha ndugu zetu wengine Wakristo/Watanzania wenzetu ambao ni wastaarabu na tunaishi nao miaka yoote kwa mapenzi na hishma kubwa mno.

Natumai ushanifahamu.

Ahsanta.

 

[Yericko Nyerere]

Nanren na Wanajamvi,
Angalieni footnote no.8.

[TABLE="class: cms_table_MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid’s name in the entire book.[1] The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought. This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement. Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.[2] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8] Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union’. [9] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD] Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10] Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11] Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12] But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution’. Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party’ in another. [14] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character.’[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians’ in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis’ Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year. [16] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Kandoro and Japhet, [18] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo’s visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens’ Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership. It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing. The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master’s degree.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[19] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Of late there has been interest in Tanzania’s political history and Abdulwahid’s name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[20] newspapers, [21] international magazines,[22] and books.[23] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid. There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary. Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten’. [24] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois’. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class. In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that: [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] ...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers’ union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class. [25][/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] Kivukoni Ideological College, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial
Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation’ in G. Ruhumbika
(ed) Towards Ujamaa, Twenty Years of TANU Leadership, Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.

[8] Julius K. Nyerere, Tanganyika African Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August,
1953. Sykes' Papers.

[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association
7 th January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania’ (1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial
Consciousness in Tanzania’. Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[20] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy’ Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979,
pp. 47-48.

[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State
and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.

[24] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.

Wanajamvi,

Hii ni moja ya kile kinachoitwa "NYARAKA" tena nyeti za Hayati Mwalimu Nyerere zilizo kwenye hifadhi ya Abdul Sykes, ambazo TANU/Mwalimu Nyerere walipozihitaji walinyimwa na Abdul Sykes!

Ndugu zangu pimeni wenyewe kisha mchague kukubali ama kukataa!

Mimi naziita ni TUNGO za Mohamed Said!

 

[Mohamed Said]

Wanajamvi,

Hii ni moja ya kile kinachoitwa "NYARAKA" tena nyeti za Hayati Mwalimu Nyerere zilizo kwenye hifadhi ya Abdul Sykes, ambazo TANU/Mwalimu Nyerere walipozihitaji walinyimwa na Abdul Sykes!

Ndugu zangu pimeni wenyewe kisha mchague kukubali ama kukataa!

Mimi naziita ni TUNGO za Mohamed Said!

Yericko,
Ntakugusia kitu.

Abdu Sykes alikuwa mtu muungwana sana.
Aliyezuia hizo nyaraka hakuwa Abdu.

Hebu pitia nyaraka hizo nilizotaja hapa chini na nitafurahi sana kama na hizo utazikana:

Going through the files I was amazed by Ally Sykes' obsession with record keeping.

Every piece of paper with information was kept, however trifling it may have seemed during the struggle-a 1954 pencil note from Zuberi Mtemvu to Ally Sykes, informing him of a discussion he had with Nyerere about him and TANU; a 1953 money order receipt from Ally Sykes to Japhet Kirilo during the Meru Land Case; an undated copy of the letter from the TAA to Queen Elizabeth signed by the entire executive (the President, Julius Nyerere, Vice-President Abdulwahid Sykes, General Secretary Dome Okochi, Assistant Secretary Dossa Aziz, Treasurer John Rupia, Assistant Treasurer Ally Sykes) congratulating Her Majesty on her coronation; a 1952 letter from Rashid Mfaume Kawawa from Bukoba to Ally Sykes informing him of the political situation in the Lake Region; a 1963 letter from Lady Judith Listowel; letters from Kenneth Kaunda, Julius Nyerere, Kasella Bantu ... the list is endless.

 

[Ritz]

Shariff Ritz,

Achana na huyo jamaa nahisi ana allergy na Watu wa Mwambao na ile Islamophobia inamsumbua tu!

Sio kila mtu hapa jamvini ana akili timamu Al Akhiy...na ili uweze/tuweze kumjibu huyo jamaa kwa kina itatulazim au kusababishia,na sisi pia kuwatukana na kuwadhalilisha ndugu zetu wengine Wakristo/Watanzania wenzetu ambao ni wastaarabu na tunaishi nao miaka yoote kwa mapenzi na hishma kubwa mno.

Natumai ushanifahamu.

Ahsanta.

Al Habiby gombesugu,

Nimeishakufahamu ndugu yangu tusije tukawakosea heshima ndugu zetu.

 

[Nicholas]

Wanaukumbi huyu ndugu yetu naona bado anaendelea na porojo zake kuhusu historia ya Tanganyika na harakati za kutafuta uhuru.

Naona jinsi unathibitisha Nisemalo...waislam unaweza wapa barua ya wazi na ukaandika "pokea hii barua na mpe chakula chenye sumu aliyekupa".Wataifikisha na watabisha sana nani anatakiwa kuwa victim.Maandiko yote waliyobeba waislam yanawadhalilisha,na kuwapinga ila mnatembea nayo kwa fahari.

Ni wazi hamjui mtendalo ktk minajili ya Dini..Porojo ipi sasa ipo hapa?

Wanaukumbi hapa juu tunamsoma ndugu yetu anatuambia TAA Haikuanzishwa na waafrika lakini hasemi ilianzishwa na na nani tusiandikie mate na wino upo hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe.

Hujaona wapi nimesema imeanzishwa na nani?hembu rudia wewe kimeo....watu wenye pepo(majinn)nao huzubaa,wakikurupuka ni vita na damu ...na mara nyingi huchelewa..sikia na kutambua mambo.Narudia kukusaidia ....Ilianzishwa na Waingereza,kwa ajili ya waafrica kupitishia mijadala yao(Discussion forum).Na kwa taarifa yako Nyerere asinge qualify kujiunga na TAA km ingekuwa ya kisiasa.Ndio Maana alipoibadili kuwa TANU ikabidi achague bwana mmoja.Na hii ilikuwa nchi nzima.Mikoani vyama vya ushirika vilifanya kazi ya siasa kimaficho.

Wanaukumbi nadhani ingekuwa vyema huyo jamaa yetu angetuambia TAA imeundwa na kina nani atutajie na majina yao, hebu tumsome tena huyu jamaa yetu hapa chini.

....
Julius Kambarage Nyerere"Niliporejea nchini hapo Oktoba, nikaenda Butiama. Januari nikarudi Dar es Salaam. Nikaanza kazi. Nikataka kujua habari za African Association. Mzee Mwangosi anakumbuka. Yeye ndiye aliniambia habari za African Association. Aliisha niambia habari hizo tangu nikiwa Makerere Chuo Kikuu nikiwa mwanafunzi.

Pale, mimi na wanafunzi wenzangu tulikuwa tumeanzisha chama kinachoitwa Tanganyika African Welfare Association (TAWA) cha wanafunzi wa Tanganyika; mimi nikiwa katibu wao. Hapa tukaona mambo yanakwenda vizuri kidogo.

Tukaona kwanini TAWA iwe ya wanafunzi peke yao na siyo Tanganyika nzima. Kwa hiyo nikawaandikia baadhi ya watu Tanganyika. Nikasema, jamani ee, tumeanzisha chama, kwanini msianzishe huko matawi ya chama hicho?

Ndugu Mwangosi akapata barua hiyo. Alikuwa miongoni mwa waliopata barua hiyo. Akaniandikia nikiwa Makerere akasema: wewe kwanini unataka kuanzisha chama kipya? Kipo chama. Kipo chama cha TAA (Tanganyika African Association).

Kwa hiyo la maana siyo kuanzisha matawi, maana chama kipo na matawi yameenea; la maana ni kwamba hicho chama chenu mfute, na muanzishe tawi la Tanganyika African Association".

Kweli wewe unatembea na ushahidi against you.Kweli mnaabudu msichokijua.....ktk Red nadhani ndipo kungekutetea,ila sijui umerudia mara mbili?Hakuna mwanzilishi wa kiafrica anatajwa.N aukifuta sana utakuta kuna waafrica walioshika wadhifa wa kwanza.Its like mtu anaweza mtaja mkuu wa chuo cha UDOM wa kwanza km mwanzilishi..lakini ni kweli?Kile kimeanzishwa na serikali.

Kweli unathibitisha kwanini waislam hawatakaa waelewe maandiko yao na wakabaki waislam.Kafiri huwa wanasoma within few mins wanaona mapungufu..nyie ndio huwa mnabaki kusema hamuelewi.

Wanaukumbi hapa juu ndugu yetu anajaribu kumuwekea Nyerere maneno mdomoni kuhusu Waingereza hebu hapa chini tumsome Nyerere mwenyewe anavyowaelezea Waingereza amabao tunaambiwa walikuwa upande wake.

Julius Kambarage Nyerere
"Tulielezana. Nikawaambia ninyi wazee, Waingereza wanawadanganya, Waingereza wametumwa na ule Umoja wa Mataifa uliokufa (League of Nations), waje kuishika Tanganyika kwa muda tu; watusaidie, na wakati tutakapokuwa tayari, watuachie tukajitawale.

Waingereza wanafanya ujanja; hawasemi. Vita vimekwisha (vya Pili) na Umoja wa Mataifa mwingine mpya (United Nations Organisation UNO) umewakabidhi Tanganyika kwa shabaha ileile. Sisi siyo koloni lao. Wamepewa dhamana tu.


Kwa hiyo nikawaambia wazee, hakuna haja ya kumwaga damu. Tuwaseme tu! Tuwashitaki kwa waliowaleta hapa kwamba hawafanyi kazi yao; wamesahau kabisa!

Wazee wakauliza: Eh, inawezekana? Nikasema inawezekana. Kazi yetu ya kwanza ilikuwa kuwaambia watu kwamba uwezekano wa kujitawala upo. Hilo lilikuwa la kwanza. Wazee walijua maana ya kujitawala. Walitamani kujitawala, lakini hawakujua waanzie wapi.

Vijana hawakuwa na habari kwamba kujitawala kunawezekana. Kwa hiyo kwa wazee sikuwa na matatizo. Wao hawakuwa na kazi; hawakumwogopa Mwingereza. Hawakuogopa kufukuzwa kazi. Baadhi walikuwa wafanyabiashara."

Wewe kiumbe wa hovyo kabisa.....ni laana ya Mungu nini?Mbona mnajisifu sana ktk hali ya kujidhalilisha...?

Ktk red, unathibitisha nilichokuwa nakuambia muda wote kuwa, Nyerere alikuwa smart sana ukilinganisha na wana Mzizima,na wazee walikuwa hawajui lolote.Walimhitaji Nyerere ktk mambo mengi sana,zaidi ya siasa.Nyerere anasema hali halisi ya watu wake...kwa reference zako mwenyewe.

Pia inaelekea hawa wazee walishiriki ktk harakati si kwamba walitaha uhuru km tuelewavyo tusio waislam,ila kubadili Master,km wafanyavyo CUFna wazenj wote leo hii.

Nyerere alihitajai kuhamasisha watu,alihitaji kuonyesha watu nyuma yake ili kupata Mandate.Na alikuwa na plan yote..na alichokifanya kilikuwa ni product ya kichwa chake na washauri wake waliokuwa nje ya wale wazee wa dar.Alijua segment gani ya kuanza nayo.

Haikuwa tofuati sana na kuchukua picture,profile na sahihi za mateja na kuweza shawishi wafadhili au serikali ili kupatikana na suluhu.

Wanaukumbi nadhani tumeona tofauti ya maneno ya ndugu yetu na maneno ya Nyerere.
gombesugu, THE BIG SHOW,

Nimeona pia uwezo wako wa kuchambua mambo ulivyo chini ya kiwango..hata.Literal meaning kwako ni shida kubwa sana.

 

[Ritz]

Yericko,
Ntakugusia kitu.

Abdu Sykes alikuwa mtu muungwana sana.
Aliyezuia hizo nyaraka hakuwa Abdu.

Hebu pitia nyaraka hizo nilizotaja hapa chini na nitafurahi sana kama na hizo utazikana:

Going through the files I was amazed by Ally Sykes obsession with record keeping.

Every piece of paper with information was kept, however trifling it may have seemed during the struggle-a 1954 pencil note from Zuberi Mtemvu to Ally Sykes, informing him of a discussion he had with Nyerere about him and TANU; a 1953 money order receipt from Ally Sykes to Japhet Kirilo during the Meru Land Case; an undated copy of the letter from the TAA to Queen Elizabeth signed by the entire executive (the President, Julius Nyerere, Vice-President Abdulwahid Sykes, General Secretary Dome Okochi, Assistant Secretary Dossa Aziz, Treasurer John Rupia, Assistant Treasurer Ally Sykes) congratulating Her Majesty on her coronation; a 1952 letter from Rashid Mfaume Kawawa from Bukoba to Ally Sykes informing him of the political situation in the Lake Region; a 1963 letter from Lady Judith Listowel; letters from Kenneth Kaunda, Julius Nyerere, Kasella Bantu ... the list is endless.

Sheikh Mohamed Said,

Hii mipini unayomuwekea Yericko Nyerere, inamzidi kimo ni kama unamuonea tu.

 

[Nicholas]

Historia ya Tanganyika imepotoshwa sana sijui kwa maslahi ya nani.

Kwa maslahi ya waarabu....km akina Mkwawa,kinjekitile akiwa ktk himaya ya wayao, abushir na wengine waliokuwa mawakala wa kukusanya na kuuza watumwa...leo hii wanaitwa mashujaa,kwa vile waliowauza ni mmakfir(wapaganani na wakristu),na walipigana na wamisionari waliokuwa busy kuanzsiha mission ambazo zilikuwa ba vitu ovya afya,ufundi na makanisa.

 

[Nicholas]

Wanajamvi,

Hii ni moja ya kile kinachoitwa "NYARAKA" tena nyeti za Hayati Mwalimu Nyerere zilizo kwenye hifadhi ya Abdul Sykes, ambazo TANU/Mwalimu Nyerere walipozihitaji walinyimwa na Abdul Sykes!

Ndugu zangu pimeni wenyewe kisha mchague kukubali ama kukataa!

Mimi naziita ni TUNGO za Mohamed Said!

Yeriko hawa jamaa ni watumwa wenye wakfu,hawana njia ya rahisi ya kujitoa.Wanalilia utumwa kwa nguvu zote..UKIMUULIZA HUYU MZEE Mohamed Said ...kwani Nyerere akiwa TAA hakusumbuliwa,ila alipoanzisha TANU ndipo akapewa amri achague mume yupi Kazi au siasa.Ndipo atapata clue kuwa TAA haikuwa chochote zaidi ya "discussion Forum" na ilianzishwa na muingereza km chombo cha waafrica kutoa maoni.

ktk hiyo wanayoziita Nyaraka ni umbea tuu uliojijenga kutetea TAA kuwa ilikuwa zaidi ya ilichoitwa....Political movement yenye kichwa na miguu ilikuwa ya Nyerere ambaye aliona nafasi na akawapanga watu,na kuwapa miongozo sahihi ambayo ilifanya UN waone kuwa nchi ilikuw atayari mapema zaidi ya walivyofikiri.Hii kwa waislama ni envy kubwa.Walijaribu blackmail kuchelewesha uhuru km kawaida yao.

Sasa wanaswitch side..si ajabu ktk vita ya ugaidi napo wakaja na mamabo haya haya.Kuwa walipigana sana na ugaidi.Km uislam haukuweza ona kosa la unyama wa utumwa,ilikuweje waone ubaya wa ukoloni?

 

[Ritz]

Naona jinsi unathibitisha Nisemalo...waislam unaweza wapa barua ya wazi na ukaandika "pokea hii barua na mpe chakula chenye sumu aliyekupa".Wataifikisha na watabisha sana nani anatakiwa kuwa victim.Maandiko yote waliyobeba waislam yanawadhalilisha,na kuwapinga ila mnatembea nayo kwa fahari.

Ni wazi hamjui mtendalo ktk minajili ya Dini..Porojo ipi sasa ipo hapa?

Hujaona wapi nimesema imeanzishwa na nani?hembu rudia wewe kimeo....watu wenye pepo(majinn)nao huzubaa,wakikurupuka ni vita na damu ...na mara nyingi huchelewa..sikia na kutambua mambo.Narudia kukusaidia ....Ilianzishwa na Waingereza,kwa ajili ya waafrica kupitishia mijadala yao(Discussion forum).Na kwa taarifa yako Nyerere asinge qualify kujiunga na TAA km ingekuwa ya kisiasa.Ndio Maana alipoibadili kuwa TANU ikabidi achague bwana mmoja.Na hii ilikuwa nchi nzima.Mikoani vyama vya ushirika vilifanya kazi ya siasa kimaficho.


Kweli wewe unatembea na ushahidi against you.Kweli mnaabudu msichokijua.....ktk Red nadhani ndipo kungekutetea,ila sijui umerudia mara mbili?Hakuna mwanzilishi wa kiafrica anatajwa.N aukifuta sana utakuta kuna waafrica walioshika wadhifa wa kwanza.Its like mtu anaweza mtaja mkuu wa chuo cha UDOM wa kwanza km mwanzilishi..lakini ni kweli?Kile kimeanzishwa na serikali.

Kweli unathibitisha kwanini waislam hawatakaa waelewe maandiko yao na wakabaki waislam.Kafiri huwa wanasoma within few mins wanaona mapungufu..nyie ndio huwa mnabaki kusema hamuelewi.

Wewe kiumbe wa hovyo kabisa.....ni laana ya Mungu nini?Mbona mnajisifu sana ktk hali ya kujidhalilisha...?

Ktk red, unathibitisha nilichokuwa nakuambia muda wote kuwa, Nyerere alikuwa smart sana ukilinganisha na wana Mzizima,na wazee walikuwa hawajui lolote.Walimhitaji Nyerere ktk mambo mengi sana,zaidi ya siasa.Nyerere anasema hali halisi ya watu wake...kwa reference zako mwenyewe.

Pia inaelekea hawa wazee walishiriki ktk harakati si kwamba walitaha uhuru km tuelewavyo tusio waislam,ila kubadili Master,km wafanyavyo CUFna wazenj wote leo hii.

Nyerere alihitajai kuhamasisha watu,alihitaji kuonyesha watu nyuma yake ili kupata Mandate.Na alikuwa na plan yote..na alichokifanya kilikuwa ni product ya kichwa chake na washauri wake waliokuwa nje ya wale wazee wa dar.Alijua segment gani ya kuanza nayo.

Haikuwa tofuati sana na kuchukua picture,profile na sahihi za mateja na kuweza shawishi wafadhili au serikali ili kupatikana na suluhu.


Nimeona pia uwezo wako wa kuchambua mambo ulivyo chini ya kiwango..hata.Literal meaning kwako ni shida kubwa sana.

JF vitu kila siku huyu naye kaja na mpya TAA ilianzishwa na Waingereza.

 

[THE BIG SHOW]

Mohamed Said,
Tunakusoma al akhiy,
Tunakusoma kwa utuvu sana...

 

[Nicholas]

Yericko,
Ntakugusia kitu.

Abdu Sykes alikuwa mtu muungwana sana.
Aliyezuia hizo nyaraka hakuwa Abdu.

Hebu pitia nyaraka hizo nilizotaja hapa chini na nitafurahi sana kama na hizo utazikana:

Going through the files I was amazed by Ally Sykes’ obsession with record keeping.

Every piece of paper with information was kept, however trifling it may have seemed during the struggle-a 1954 pencil note from Zuberi Mtemvu to Ally Sykes, informing him of a discussion he had with Nyerere about him and TANU; a 1953 money order receipt from Ally Sykes to Japhet Kirilo during the Meru Land Case; an undated copy of the letter from the TAA to Queen Elizabeth signed by the entire executive (the President, Julius Nyerere, Vice-President Abdulwahid Sykes, General Secretary Dome Okochi, Assistant Secretary Dossa Aziz, Treasurer John Rupia, Assistant Treasurer Ally Sykes) congratulating Her Majesty on her coronation; a 1952 letter from Rashid Mfaume Kawawa from Bukoba to Ally Sykes informing him of the political situation in the Lake Region; a 1963 letter from Lady Judith Listowel; letters from Kenneth Kaunda, Julius Nyerere, Kasella Bantu ... the list is endless.

Mbona mzee unayo shida kubwa sana.....hivi vikaratasi vichache amabvyo si ajabu viliokotwa ktk dustbin au copy binafsi aliyopewa yeye km vice ndivyo unataka vifanya leaks..vyote umeweka "a" yaani moja moja.

NI wazi huyu jamaa alipewa copy,km mdau....tu na si kitu kikubwa kihivyo mzee.Mzee unaweje?Unaaka kuwa kama wale jamaa wanaoogelea ktk maporomoko ya maji "clear" kule chini wakiona mawe ambayo yamesafishwa na maji hadi yanaonekana km vito fulani.Huwa wanatamani sana yangekuwa kweli.

Km ungejaliwa busara unge recall vitabu vyako vyote ktk mzunguko au uandike kingine kitakacho refute.Halafu pia utafute critics wasio wa hiyo kabila yako.Huwa hawana macho...wapo km talibani waliamua kucheza mpira bila kufungana wala kugombea mpira,kila mtu uwanjani ana mpira wake kwani wao wote ni waumini.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mohamed Said,
Tunakusoma al akhiy,
Tunakusoma kwa utuvu sana...

The Big Show,
Kuna mtu nimemtaka radhi lakini hana uungwana sharti anichokonoe.
Mie sitamuopoa.

Anasema nyaraka zangu ni ''vikaratasi.''
Ingekuwaje ningekuja mikono mitupu.

Jamaa Marekani na Ujerumani wameniomba niwafanyie nakala.

Leo hii watafiti wa historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika wakifika
maktaba za huko wanazisoma.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Sheikh Mohamed Said,

Hii mipini unayomuwekea Yericko Nyerere, inamzidi kimo ni kama unamuonea tu.

Sharif Ritz,
Namuwekea rafiki yake Yericko hii hapa chini labda inaweza kumsaidia akaelewa hali ya siasa ilikuwaje pale New
Street kuanzia mwaka 1950 hadi TANU ilipoasisiwa 1954:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD] Nyerere had barely finished reading Abdulwahid's handover notes when, on 1 August, 1953, the colonial administration published Government Circular No. 5 banning African civil servants from politics. [1] Legally, of course, there was no political party in Tanganyika.

The Governor did not need to go to the Registrar of Societies to check the simple fact; it was known the Africans in Tanganyika had not gone beyond formation of welfare associations. But the government was forced to react in the way it did because of developments after 1950 when the Makerere intellectuals took over the TAA. The government decided to react against TAA because it was aware of its political character.

Since 1950 when Abdulwahid and Dr Kyaruzi assumed power, TAA headquarters began to capitalize on the social discontent in the country in order to legitimise its own existence in the eyes of the people of Tanganyika. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752"] The formation of the Political Sub-Committee in TAA, its involvement in the Constitutional Development Committee of Governor Edward Twining and in its submission of proposals to the government and its conduct in the Meru Land Case smacked of behaviour typical of political organisations. The colonial government was also aware that Mwapachu was in contact with the Fabian Society and was contributing radical articles to The Sentinel and was exchanging correspondence with ultra-leftists of the Labour Party in Britain.

In his capacity as the secretary of TAGSA, Ally Sykes had established contact with the Secretary-General of the Pan African Congress of Northern Rhodesia, Kenneth David Kaunda. [2] Abdulwahid had met the Indian High Commissioner to East Africa in Nairobi in 1950 in his official capacity as secretary of TAA. The colonial government was probably aware that since 1950 Abdulwahid and Ally were in constant contact with the Asia Socialist Conference and its Anti-Colonial Bureau. This behaviour by the Association and its leadership had transformed it into a de facto political party.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752"] By the time Nyerere was taking over leadership of TAA, Governor Edward Twining had ample evidence of TAA's involvement in politics and the circular which the government had issued was to check this new development. Up to that moment no one could accuse Nyerere of meddling in politics, even with his election as president of the TAA. If the government had wanted it could have interdicted almost the entire leadership, save Nyerere and a few others, and banned TAA.

The circular therefore threatened the very existence of the association and its direction. Most of the educated Africans who were in the civil service left the Association. Remaining close to Abdulwahid, Nyerere and TAA were a few die-hards-Ally Sykes, Dossa Aziz and John Rupia. [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752"] Abdulwahid risked losing his job as Market Master at the Kariakoo Market. Being a missionary employee, Julius Nyerere ironically, was not affected by the circular, although as we shall see later, his leadership of the popular mass movement was in contradiction to the stand of the Church on the African politics.

The political movement which had existed in Abdulwahid's mind from the end of the World War II when he was in Burma serving under the British command faced premature death. It was obvious to Abdulwahid that the TAA leadership and the future of Tanganyika faced a do-or-die situation. They could either succumb to threats and nip the movement in the bud, or stand up against the government and face whatever would be the consequences.

After assessing the political climate and making the necessary consultations with the TAA inner circle, (Abdulwahid, Ally, Tewa, Dossa, Rupia, Nyerere and the elders), TAA leadership at the headquarters resolved to stand up to the colonial government. In an unprecedented gesture, TAA declared itself a political party working for the development of the people of Tanganyika. Further more, it called for a dialogue with the colonial government. TAA President Julius Nyerere wrote a letter to Governor Edward Twining which in part read:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752"] ''...the vast majority of the educated Africans in this territory are in the Civil Service and banning them from membership of political organisations is equivalent to banning the Tanganyika African Association, the only political organisation in the Territory. This, Your Excellency, is a serious blow to our political development.'' [3] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752"] Governor Twining must have been startled by Nyerere's letter and the initiative to call for a dialogue between the government and TAA. Within seven days Twining wrote back to Nyerere informing him that he would grant an interview to a TAA delegation.[4] This was a complete change to the response which TAA had been receiving from the government for many years. Governor Twining had probably read the signs of the times. The colonial goverment could no longer afford to ignore TAA.

The government was put in a situation in which there was only one line of action open. It could allow open political organisation in Tanganyika and avert a crisis, or ban political activities and face violent resistance as experienced in 1947 and 1950 by the port labour movement. That situation could also deteriorate to what the government was facing in Kenya where KAU was banned, all political activities suspended and the state of emergency declared. [/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] Tanganyika, Members of Political Association, Tanganyika Government Circular No. 5 (1 st August, 1953), Dar es
Salaam, 1953.
[2] K.D. Kaunda to A.K. Sykes, 28 th December, 1953. Sykes' Papers.

[3]Julius K. Nyerere, President Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August,
1953. Sykes' Papers.

[4] Secretariat letter 16797/11/343 of August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.