Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Mchambuzi,

..Lakini inasemekana Mwalimu alipendekeza uhuru upatikane miaka ya 70.

..wananchi walipopata habari hizo walichukizwa sana na kumshinikiza kwamba hawataki uhuru ucheleweshwe.

..Gavana alikuwa anawaogopa TANU kwasababu walikuwa ni radicals, na walikuwa hawafanyi juhudi zozote zile kuandikisha wanachama wa kiasia, au kizungu.

..hicho ndicho kikasababisha gavana, Chifu Marealle, na ma-settler, kuanzisha chama cha UTP ambacho kiliruhusu wanachama wa rangi zote.

..TANU ilikuwa inawatishia machifu kwasababu ilikuwa ndiyo kimbilio la watu wengi waliokosa nafasi za uongozi ktk mfumo uliopo. kwa mfano waliokosa kuchaguliwa kutumikia ktk mabaraza ya machifu walikuwa wakikimbilia kujiunga na TANU. Kwa msingi huo, gavana na machifu, hawakuwa wamekosea kwamba TANU ilikuwa tishio kwa machifu. the fact kwamba Mwalimu alikuja ku-abolish Uchifu ni uthibitisho wa madai ya gavana.

Hapana Nyerere alifikiria Uhuru ungekuwa mwanzoni mwa miaka ya sitini siyo sabini. Katika majibu yake kwenye Fourth Committee ya UN Disemba 21, 1956 Nyerere alisema hivi:

Mr. Caprio (Phillipines) asked whether the petitioner felt that the Committee should set a target date for the Territory's independence and, if so what date.
Mr. Nyerere: (TANU) was strongly in favor of fixing a target date. That would dispel the people's fears about the country's future and make it possible to intensify the Territory's development. It was difficult to specify a date in such cases, but he thought that Tanganyika should be independent in about ten years' time.

Kwa hiyo walikuwa wanafikiria sometime katikati ya miaka ya sitini.

 

[Mohamed Said]

KUna mambo ambayo ni factual:

TANU imeanzishwa mwaka 1954 - period. hatuzungumzii mtu alikuja na wazo lini.. mtu akiwa na wazo la kuoa binti fulani na mwaka fulani hatuanzi kuhesabu ndoa siku alipopata wazo na hata jina la mwenza wake. Ndoa huanza inapofungwa. Wanaotaka kusema TANU ilianzia Burma ni kuchezea maneno tu.

TANU ilipoanza kiongozi wake alikuwa Mwalimu Nyerere - wapo wanaotaka awe Sykes au mtu mwingine yeyote. Haliwezekani historia imeshaandikwa. Kusema kuwa kiongozi wa kwanza wa TANU alikuwa Nyerere siyo dharau wala kejeli kwa wengine waliokuwepo it is just a fact. Kwa mfano, huwezi kumuondoa John Okello kwenye Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar hata kama humtaki.

Waasisi wa TANU siyo kila mtu aliyekuwa mwanachama wa kwanza wa TANU au aliyeunga mkono TANU toka mwanzo. Unapozungumzia waasisi unazungumzia watu wale waliokaa chini na kuanzisha TANU. Wale waliokubaliana kuua TAA na kuunda TANU ndio waasisi. Marekani kwa mfano unapozungumzia Foounding Fathers unazungumzia wale wajumbe wa mkutano uliotangaza Azimio la Uhuru 1776. Marekani inawataja wale waliotia sahihi Azimio la Uhuru na walioandika Katiba ya Marekani (Framers of the Constitution) kama kundi kuu la Waasisi wa Marekani. Lakini Saba kati yao ndio wanajulikana sana kama Founding Fathers - George Washington, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Thomas Jeffferson, na James Madison.

Kwa Tanzania unaweza kabisa kuweka orodha ya watu ambao tunaweza kuwaita Waasisi wa TANU (siyo waasisi wa Tanganyika) - hili ni lile kundi la viongozi wa TAA kukaa chini na kuivunja ili kuunda TANU. Majina yao yamewekwa hapo.

Kutoka hapo kuna kundi la Wapigania Uhuru ambao kwa ujumla wao tunaweza kuwaita Waasisi wa Tanganyika - Sasa hawa siyo wote walikuwa wanachama wa TANU au kama walikuwa wanachama wameingia baadaye. Katika kundi hilo wamo wale wote ambao walishiriki katika harakati za Uhuru kwa kutoa mchango wa aina mbalimbali ikiwemo kushiriki katika nafasi mbalimbali za uongozi katika sehemu mbalimbali nchini. Hawa ndio unaweza kuwaita Mashujaa wa Uhuru.

Orodha hii ni tofauti na wale walioupinga Ukoloni - kabla ya Vita ya Majimaji kulikuwepo na juhudi za makabila mbalimblai kuupinga ukoloni sehemu mbalimbali nchini. Mashujaa wetu hawa ni wale wote waliopigana kumkataa Mjerumani na utawala wake sehemu zote na kwa namna zote ambapo anayejulikana kati yao zaidi ni Chief Mkwawa wa Wahehe na kina Nduna Songea wa Wangoni na wenzake walionyongwa pale Songea. Hawa wazee ndio waliotangulia wapigania uhuru ndio maana katika historia tuna kipindi kinaitwa "Anti-colonial movement " na Independence Struggle (harakati za uhuru).

Tatizo kubwa la maandishi ya Bw. Said kama nilivyoonesha katika ukosoaji wangu mara kwa mara ni kuwa amejaribu kupotosha historia akitumia lugha ya kuipotosha historia. Kwa mfano anaposema katika "kupigania uhuru tulipigana sisi" kwa makusudi anataka kuashiria (imply) kuwa ni wao peke yao walipigania uhuru - anajua akisema "na sisi tulipigania uhuru" atakuwa anazimua hoja yake.

Mimi matumaini yangu ni kuwa vijana wetu ambao wametusoma hapa katika mamia haya ya kurasa watakuwa wamejifunza siyo tu historia zaidi bali pia kufikiri kwa usahihi (critical thinking). Watakuwa wamejifunza kusikiliza hoja na kuzipima na hata kuzikataa bila kujali zinatolewa na nani au vipi. Ni matumaini yangu wale ambao walikuwa wanaamini tu kauli za Bw. Said sasa hivi wamejifunza kugungua mara moja anaposema vitu visivyo na msingi katika historia na pale ambapo anatupa simulizi zuri ambalo halina utata na pale ambapo anaweza hisia zake kwenye tukio na kulipa tafsiri kwa hisia zake siyo kwa historia ilivyo.

Nina uhakika mada hii imepunguza vya kutosha tu watu wanaoamini simulizi lake lisilo na msingi wa kanuni za historia.

Mwanakijiji,

Nyie hamyajui ya mjini.
Mmeshughulishwa na yenu.

Mambo sasa yako hivi:

In order to understand the Tanzanian political environment and to appreciate this study we first need to establish even in a nut shell the source of the problem.

Why is the Church in Tanzania and particularly the Catholic Church in control of the government and all that it entails?

Why are Muslims, fifty years after independence still backward, uneducated and form the lower strata of society? Is this by default or design?

Having seen this we have to analyse and deeply explore the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika as Tanzania was known then and ask, are Muslims satisfied with this unequal status?

We also have to ask again did Muslims spearhead the struggle for independence so that the Church could replace the colonial government.

Although for reasons which are to be deduced later, this historical fact is still in contention.

No one can ignore the role of Islam and Muslims in resisting foreign domination beginning with German colonialism when in 1905 Muslims rose up in arms against Germans in Maji Maji War to free Tanganyika from bondage; to the period of British rule when Muslims formed the backbone of resistance against British rule.

Subsequently Muslims dominated both labour and nationalist politics. Tanzania Mainland celebrates fifty years of independence this year but the role of Muslims in resisting foreign rule and in liberating Tanganyika from colonialism has not been requited nor have the heroes of independence struggle been honoured.[1]

We again have to pose a question why is this so?

Is it that Tanzania is an ungrateful nation and therefore hates its heroes?

Answers to all those questions will lead us closer to understanding the problem which Muslims in Tanzania face.

Answers to these questions will make us reflect and uncover reasons which caused Muslim independence aspirations not to be realised.

This is now the bone of contention between Muslims and the government.

Muslims without mincing words are now pointing an accusing finger to the Church particularly the Catholic Church which in connivance with President Nyerere for being anti Islam and for frustrating the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika, a country they liberated from colonialism in 1961.[2]

History in Revision​

Muslims are now organising nationwide mass rallies which openly and in live broadcasts denounce the church, criticise the government and church agents within the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Parliament for oppressing Muslims.

Seemingly derogatory words like "pandikizi" (singular) and "mapandikizi" (plural) meaning "turncoats;" or the new coined word "Mfumo Kristo" roughly meaning "Christian dominance" are now part of the Muslim and Swahili vocabulary.

These analogies are used freely in the Muslim media and among Muslims in every day conversation. But what usually thrills Muslims and utterly significant showing that times have changed is when in the rallies and in normal discussion Muslims refer to Nyerere hitherto known respectfully as "Baba wa Taifa" as "Baba wa Kanisa," meaning "Church Elder."[3]

The move by the Catholic Church to make him a saint has not helped matters. More so it proves all the allegations levelled against Nyerere that he never was a nationalist but a Catholic zealot.

Respect and love which Muslims once had for Nyerere has been completely wiped out.

The new generation of Muslims no longer believe in the official history of TANU and the propaganda that it was Nyerere who single handed defeated the British.

Muslims instead are honouring the forgotten heroes of independence movement and in so doing invoking emotions particularly in the new generation to stand up against oppression as their forefathers had done against Germans and the British.

Muslim heroes of the Maji Maji War like Suleiman Mamba, Ali Songea Mbano,[4] and Muslim nationalists like Abdulwahid [5] and Ally Sykes,[6] Dossa Aziz, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir,[7] Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Sheikh Yusuf Badi, Bibi Titi Mohamed,[8] Bibi Tatu bint Mzee, Bilali Rehani Waikela,[9] Ali Migeyo[10] and others are now part of nationalist history which was suppressed for many years.[11]

Muslims are demanding the restoration of their history and honour as true liberators of Tanganyika.

This is unprecedented.

One can only speculate and wonder where this would lead to.

Can we identify this phenomenon as corrective and revision of history or is it a lesson of anarchy in recording history?[12] The result of all this is that the Church has been made to stand naked.

That the Church did not play any role during Maji Maji[13] or during the struggle against the British or that it has worked hand in hand with the government to sabotage Islam and Muslims is now common knowledge.

---

[1] On 27 th April, 1985, Julius Nyerere, before stepping down from power, in a colourful ceremony at the State House grounds, conferred a total of 3,979 medals to Tanzanians who had contributed to the development of the nation. None of the Muslim patriots who spearheaded the independence struggle was in that list. The names of those honoured make very interesting reading.
[2]Catholics form 76% of all members of Parliament the remaining 24% seats are divided between Christians of other dominations and Muslims. Muslims control a mere 6% of the seats. Most areas which are under developed in Tanzania mainland are areas with Muslim majority like Kigoma, Tabora, Kilwa, Mtwara, Lindi etc. These areas are now re-examining themselves and are gradually turning into local factions of radical Muslim politics reminiscence of the era of nationalist politics of the 1950s. This could be a source of civil unrest in the very near future. Signs of this have begun to show in the recurrent violent conflicts between Muslims and the government. Tanzania has experienced the Buzuruga Muslim-Sungusungu Conflict (1983), Pork Riots (1993) and Mwembechai Upheaval (1998). For more information See Hamza Mustafa Njozi, Mwembechai Killings and Political Future of Tanzania, Globalink Communications Ottawa, 2000. (The book is banned by the government). In all these conflicts, Muslim blood has been shed. In between these conflicts Muslims have sent several petitions to the government requesting it to look into these problems but all of them have been ignored. As a result of this Muslims from all regions of Tanzania met in Dar es Salaam at Masjid Tungi in 1990 and issued the Tungi Declaration which among other things stated that Muslim should prepare to defend their rights by all means.
[3]The late Prof. Haroub Othman after reading Sheikh Ali Muhsin's book Conflict and Harmony in Zanzibar and the writer's book The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes 1924 -1968 The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika, Minerva Press, London 1998 and having come across hitherto unknown information on Nyerere was devastated because he was a great admirer of Nyerere as a patriot and a nationalist. The two books had painted him differently. Prof. Haroub confronted Nyerere and told him that the allegations in those two works have tarnished his image and he advised him to respond to them. Nyerere never did. Christian lecturers at Dar es Salaam University are discouraging students from making references to those two books. Dr. Harith Ghassany's book Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru, has also come up with more information on Nyerere hitherto unknown in the Zanzibar Revolution and the bloodbath which followed.
[4]In all historical references to Maji Maji War hero and Chief of Wangoni Ali Songea Mbano, his Muslim name "Ali" would be omitted and he would be referred to as Songea Mbano.
[5] Mohamed Said, The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 –1968), The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika Minerva Publishers, London, 1998.
[6]Mohamed Said, Broken Dreams, The Life of Ally Kleist Sykes, Phoenix Publishers, Nairobi 2011 (Forthcoming).
[7]Issa Ziddy, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir (1880-1979). Also See Mohamed Said, "Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir - The Moving Spirit of Muslim Emancipation in Tanganyika (1950 – 1968)" (Paper presented at Youth Camp Organised by Zanzibar University, World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY) and Tanzania Muslim Students Association (TAMSA) 27[SUP]th[/SUP] February – 4[SUP]th[/SUP] March 2004.
[8]Bibi Titi was recruited into TANU by Schneider Abdillah Plantan and began to mobilize people particularly women to join the party even before he came to know Nyerere.
[9]Bilali Rehani Waikela one of the TANU founder members in Western Province in 1955 and Regional Secretary of the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) was detained by Nyerere in 1964 for "mixing religion and politics." His personal papers were of great help in understanding the EAMWS crisis of 1968 and the reasons why Nyerere detained prominent sheikhs banned and the society in 1968. A documentary of his political life has been made and although not officially recognized as a patriot Muslims now consider him as one of the heroes of the independence movement. For more information see Mohamed Said, "In Praise of Ancestors," Africa Events (London) March/April 1977.
[10] G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969.
[11] Maji Maji Museum in Songea which has been greatly desecrated removing all signs of Muslim symbols during the Maji Maji War with Germans. The Maji Maji Museum at Peramiho under the Catholic Church has closed its doors to young Muslims for fear of criticism for distorting history. All Muslim symbols in Maji Maji War against Germans have been obliterated in the Maji Maji Museum.
[12] A children's book authored by the current writer, Torch on Kilimanjaro, Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 2007 has been blacklisted and cannot be included as a reader in schools because it contravenes the official history.
[13]Yusuf Halimoja, Historia ya Masasi, East African Literature Bureau, Nairobi, 1977 pp 163 175 gives a narration how Christians fought alongside Gerrmans during Maji Maji. Also see P. Gerold Rupper, OSB, Pugu Hadi Peramiho: Miaka 100 wa Wamishionari Wabenediktini Katika Tanzania, Benedictine Publications, Ndanda Peramiho, 1980, pp 31- 42.

 

[Mchambuzi]

Mzee Mwanakijiji,

Karibu sana, ulikosekana humu, bandiko lako namba 3127 lime sheheni facts za msingi sana;

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Mwanakijiji,

Nyie hamyajui ya mjini.
Mmeshughulishwa na yenu.

Mambo sasa yako hivi:

Si kweli mambo hayako hivyo unavyodhani yako; tukikuuliza maswali ya madai yako hayo utatuambia tuandikie kitabu! Madai utoe wewe, ushindwe kuyathibitisha halafu sisi wengine ndio tufanye kazi ya kuyapinga. Kabla hatujaweza kuyapinga ni jukumu lako kuyaweka ushahidi ili tukubali. Kwa mfano haya unayoyasema hapa na ambayo umeyarudia kwa kunukuu kila mwaka kutoka maandishi yako mwenyewe huwezi kujibu tukikuuliza maswali, unakwepa.

Why is the Church in Tanzania and particularly the Catholic Church in control of the government and all that it entails?

Why are Muslims, fifty years after independence still backward, uneducated and form the lower strata of society? Is this by default or design?

Having seen this we have to analyse and deeply explore the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika as Tanzania was known then and ask, are Muslims satisfied with this unequal status?

We also have to ask again did Muslims spearhead the struggle for independence so that the Church could replace the colonial government.

Although for reasons which are to be deduced later, this historical fact is still in contention. No one can ignore the role of Islam and Muslims in resisting foreign domination beginning with German colonialism when in 1905 Muslims rose up in arms against Germans in Maji Maji War to free Tanganyika from bondage; to the period of British rule when Muslims formed the backbone of resistance against British rule.
Subsequently Muslims dominated both labour and nationalist politics. Tanzania Mainland celebrates fifty years of independence this year but the role of Muslims in resisting foreign rule and in liberating Tanganyika from colonialism has not been requited nor have the heroes of independence struggle been honoured.[1]

We again have to pose a question why is this so? Is it that Tanzania is an ungrateful nation and therefore hates its heroes?

Answers to all those questions will lead us closer to understanding the problem which Muslims in Tanzania face. Answers to these questions will make us reflect and uncover reasons which caused Muslim independence aspirations not to be realised.

This is now the bone of contention between Muslims and the government.

Muslims without mincing words are now pointing an accusing finger to the Church particularly the Catholic Church which in connivance with President Nyerere for being anti Islam and for frustrating the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika, a country they liberated from colonialism in 1961

Sasa kama hutaki kutetea hoja zako mwenyewe ama kwa kukosa ushahidi au kwa kutokuwa jasiri kujibu tutaweza vipi kwenda mbali maana utakuwa unaturudisha kule kule na sisi tutarudia maswali yale yale na wewe utaendelea kutuao majibu yale yale na hivyo tunazungushana kama pia. Ukitaka majadiliano yaende mbele ni vizuri ujibu hoja za watu mahsusi kwa maswali yako. Je uko tayari kujibu maswali kwa hayo hapo juu niliyonukuu au utaniambia kama siyakubali niandike kitabu - kwa vile huna nia ya kuyatetea?

 

[Sideeq]

Mjadala huu haukamiliki bila ya kupata video lip ya hotuba ya nyerere kuwaaga wazee wa Dar.

Kuna uwezekano wowote wa kuishinikiza TBC itupatie hii clip?

Andrew Nyerere kama unafuatilizia huu uzi basi tafadhali tizama kwenye maktaba ya familia kama ipo hii clip tuwekee hapa.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Mzee Mwanakijiji,

Karibu sana, ulikosekana humu, bandiko lako namba 3127 lime sheheni facts za msingi sana;

Nipo mkuu wangu; najitahidi kusoma kwani majukumu yamebadilika kidogo hivyo nakuwa msomaji sana hadi ninapoona ipo haja ya kuingia tena.. Nawasoma michango yenu maridhawa na majadiliano ya heshima yanayoendelea.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Si kweli mambo hayako hivyo unavyodhani yako; tukikuuliza maswali ya madai yako hayo utatuambia tuandikie kitabu! Madai utoe wewe, ushindwe kuyathibitisha halafu sisi wengine ndio tufanye kazi ya kuyapinga. Kabla hatujaweza kuyapinga ni jukumu lako kuyaweka ushahidi ili tukubali. Kwa mfano haya unayoyasema hapa na ambayo umeyarudia kwa kunukuu kila mwaka kutoka maandishi yako mwenyewe huwezi kujibu tukikuuliza maswali, unakwepa.




Sasa kama hutaki kutetea hoja zako mwenyewe ama kwa kukosa ushahidi au kwa kutokuwa jasiri kujibu tutaweza vipi kwenda mbali maana utakuwa unaturudisha kule kule na sisi tutarudia maswali yale yale na wewe utaendelea kutuao majibu yale yale na hivyo tunazungushana kama pia. Ukitaka majadiliano yaende mbele ni vizuri ujibu hoja za watu mahsusi kwa maswali yako. Je uko tayari kujibu maswali kwa hayo hapo juu niliyonukuu au utaniambia kama siyakubali niandike kitabu - kwa vile huna nia ya kuyatetea?

MM,

Unasema sina ujasiri...

Sipendi kuwa gramafoni iliyokwama kwenye santuri iliyochimbika.

 

[Yericko Nyerere]

KUna mambo ambayo ni factual:

TANU imeanzishwa mwaka 1954 - period. hatuzungumzii mtu alikuja na wazo lini.. mtu akiwa na wazo la kuoa binti fulani na mwaka fulani hatuanzi kuhesabu ndoa siku alipopata wazo na hata jina la mwenza wake. Ndoa huanza inapofungwa. Wanaotaka kusema TANU ilianzia Burma ni kuchezea maneno tu.

TANU ilipoanza kiongozi wake alikuwa Mwalimu Nyerere - wapo wanaotaka awe Sykes au mtu mwingine yeyote. Haliwezekani historia imeshaandikwa. Kusema kuwa kiongozi wa kwanza wa TANU alikuwa Nyerere siyo dharau wala kejeli kwa wengine waliokuwepo it is just a fact. Kwa mfano, huwezi kumuondoa John Okello kwenye Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar hata kama humtaki.

Waasisi wa TANU siyo kila mtu aliyekuwa mwanachama wa kwanza wa TANU au aliyeunga mkono TANU toka mwanzo. Unapozungumzia waasisi unazungumzia watu wale waliokaa chini na kuanzisha TANU. Wale waliokubaliana kuua TAA na kuunda TANU ndio waasisi. Marekani kwa mfano unapozungumzia Foounding Fathers unazungumzia wale wajumbe wa mkutano uliotangaza Azimio la Uhuru 1776. Marekani inawataja wale waliotia sahihi Azimio la Uhuru na walioandika Katiba ya Marekani (Framers of the Constitution) kama kundi kuu la Waasisi wa Marekani. Lakini Saba kati yao ndio wanajulikana sana kama Founding Fathers - George Washington, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Thomas Jeffferson, na James Madison.

Kwa Tanzania unaweza kabisa kuweka orodha ya watu ambao tunaweza kuwaita Waasisi wa TANU (siyo waasisi wa Tanganyika) - hili ni lile kundi la viongozi wa TAA kukaa chini na kuivunja ili kuunda TANU. Majina yao yamewekwa hapo.

Kutoka hapo kuna kundi la Wapigania Uhuru ambao kwa ujumla wao tunaweza kuwaita Waasisi wa Tanganyika - Sasa hawa siyo wote walikuwa wanachama wa TANU au kama walikuwa wanachama wameingia baadaye. Katika kundi hilo wamo wale wote ambao walishiriki katika harakati za Uhuru kwa kutoa mchango wa aina mbalimbali ikiwemo kushiriki katika nafasi mbalimbali za uongozi katika sehemu mbalimbali nchini. Hawa ndio unaweza kuwaita Mashujaa wa Uhuru.

Orodha hii ni tofauti na wale walioupinga Ukoloni - kabla ya Vita ya Majimaji kulikuwepo na juhudi za makabila mbalimblai kuupinga ukoloni sehemu mbalimbali nchini. Mashujaa wetu hawa ni wale wote waliopigana kumkataa Mjerumani na utawala wake sehemu zote na kwa namna zote ambapo anayejulikana kati yao zaidi ni Chief Mkwawa wa Wahehe na kina Nduna Songea wa Wangoni na wenzake walionyongwa pale Songea. Hawa wazee ndio waliotangulia wapigania uhuru ndio maana katika historia tuna kipindi kinaitwa "Anti-colonial movement " na Independence Struggle (harakati za uhuru).

Tatizo kubwa la maandishi ya Bw. Said kama nilivyoonesha katika ukosoaji wangu mara kwa mara ni kuwa amejaribu kupotosha historia akitumia lugha ya kuipotosha historia. Kwa mfano anaposema katika "kupigania uhuru tulipigana sisi" kwa makusudi anataka kuashiria (imply) kuwa ni wao peke yao walipigania uhuru - anajua akisema "na sisi tulipigania uhuru" atakuwa anazimua hoja yake.

Mimi matumaini yangu ni kuwa vijana wetu ambao wametusoma hapa katika mamia haya ya kurasa watakuwa wamejifunza siyo tu historia zaidi bali pia kufikiri kwa usahihi (critical thinking). Watakuwa wamejifunza kusikiliza hoja na kuzipima na hata kuzikataa bila kujali zinatolewa na nani au vipi. Ni matumaini yangu wale ambao walikuwa wanaamini tu kauli za Bw. Said sasa hivi wamejifunza kugungua mara moja anaposema vitu visivyo na msingi katika historia na pale ambapo anatupa simulizi zuri ambalo halina utata na pale ambapo anaweza hisia zake kwenye tukio na kulipa tafsiri kwa hisia zake siyo kwa historia ilivyo.

Nina uhakika mada hii imepunguza vya kutosha tu watu wanaoamini simulizi lake lisilo na msingi wa kanuni za historia.

Umenena jambo muhimu sana, kwakweli mwenye masikio na asikie na mwenye macho ya nyama na aone sasa!

 

[Darwin]

Kama hotuba mpaka leo haijaletwa basi kuna njama hapo TBC kuficha mambo.
Audio unafikiri iko Japan wakati iko Bongo?
Hii thread imenichosha tayari kwakutopata hio audio,
Isipoletwa tutaendelea kufuata ya Mohamed, Nyerere, Mwanakijiji bila kufikia tamati.

 

[sokolaboro]

mimi nilikwenda sekondari na jina langu la kiislamu mwaka 1978 na sikubaguliwa kwa jina kwa hiyo unayosema ni uongo.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Umenena jambo muhimu sana, kwakweli mwenye masikio na asikie na mwenye macho ya nyama na aone sasa!

Yericko,

Una hakika na hicho usemacho?
Nimekuuliza mnakasha unaendelea?

Hujatoa jibu.
Hayo ya historia nyote mmenisoma sana na kwa urefu.

Unasema nini katika haya hapa chini?:

...the United States government in supporting the Tanzanian government in its war against terrorism was in actual sense supporting the Christian lobby in the government in its anti Islam stand.

In so doing was creating out of Muslims an unwilling adversary who had never threatened American interests.

This state of affairs forced Muslims in Tanzania to open up yet another line of defence against the United States fanning an already volatile state of affairs.

Muslims have now two powerful adversaries to watch out.

Muslims had to confront local adversaries as well as the United States.

The Christian lobby in the government had found an unexpected ally.

Muslims had to organise a line of defence against the United States' interference into what was previously purely an internal power struggle between Muslims and Christians vying for dominance in the local political arena.

The entry of the United States in the conflict on the side of the Tanzania Government gave the conflict religious undertones, which were translated by Muslims as an impending American crusade hidden behind the façade of war against terrorism.

What was worse is the fact that in the last ten years there had been a large influx of Pentecost churches into the country from the United States and these churches were not openly hostile towards Islam but were also very aggressive towards other Christian sects.

However with the passing of the anti-terrorist legislation it seemed all Christian churches in Tanzania where united in combating Islam under the banner of terrorism.

The Act was therefore seen by Muslims as yet another strategy by the government to keep Muslims under perpetual bondage.

The government of Tanzania had succeeded to manipulate the Prevention of Terrorism Act for its own selfish ends.

The government had shifted from its long standing progressive policy of commitment to freedom, justice and equality overtime transforming itself into an ‘ally' of the United States whose oppressive policies it once lead other African nations to oppose.

This change of policy and ideological stand unsettled the established political equilibrium.

It is now out of tune for Tanzania to identify itself with the people of Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kashmir.

The government was able to kill three birds with one stone.

First by passing the anti terrorism legislation it had found a partner in its efforts to weaken Islam and its influence in Tanzania.

Second it managed to alienate Tanzanian Muslims from the rest of the Muslim world where Islam was under siege; and lastly the government managed to position itself correctly as an ‘ally' of the United States and hence be considered legible for aid,[1] the aid which will eventually strengthen the status quo.

(Excerpts from Terrorism in East Africa the Tanzanian Experience by Mohamed Said (Paper Presented at the Conference on Islam, Terrorism and African Development University of Ibadan, Nigeria 8[SUP]th[/SUP] - 10th February 2006)

Juu ya shida na njama zote hizi bado tupo na kila tupatapo nafasi huitumia nafasi hiyo kuwazindua Waislam.

---

[1] 50% of Tanzania's expenditure and recurrent budget is donor funded.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

MM,

Unasema sina ujasiri...

Sipendi kuwa gramafoni iliyokwama kwenye santuri iliyochimbika.

Kwa kweli una ujasiri wa kutoa madai lakini hauna wa kutetea madai hayo. Uko tayari kusema "gari limeharibika" lakini ukiiulizwa 'limeharibika vipi na wapi" unasema "lichunguzeni muone!" Je uko tayari kutetea madai yako hayo hapo juu tukikuuliza maswali?

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

...The government had shifted from its long standing progressive policy of commitment to freedom, justice and equality overtime transforming itself into an ‘ally' of the United States whose oppressive policies it once lead other African nations to oppose.

This change of policy and ideological stand unsettled the established political equilibrium. It is now out of tune for Tanzania to identify itself with the people of Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kashmir.

Niruhusu nikuulize maswali mawilii tu kwenye madai yako haya:

a. Ni lini Tanzania iliwahi kuwa na "long standing progressive policy of commitment to freedom, justice and equality"?

b. Ni lini serikali ya Tanzania imewahi kuwa aligned na plights za Waislamu "of Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kashmir"?

 

[Ronn M]

Nimefuatilia mjadala huu japo kwa kuchelewa! Na ninaona makundi matatu hapa! Waislamu wanaotaka version ya historia inayoreflect hilo, wakristo wanaoona hakuna haja ya kuchukia historia ya nchi kidini, na wale ambao either ni neutral au wafuatiliaji!

Nionavyo mimi hatuwezi kuweka historia sawa kwa msingi wa dini. Wote tunajua namna uislamu na ukristo ulivyoingia nchini na kuathiri mfumo wa maisha yetu!

Kama tunataka kuwa sawa tuyaangalie mambo haya kwa upana wake.Kama kuna watu waliachwa, tutafute uthibitisho wa ushiriki wao na wawekwe kwenye historia.

Kama tunataka kulichambua swala la udini tuliangalie kwa mapana yake kwa nia ya kutafuta mwafaka wa kitaifa!

Vita ya sisi tumefanya hivi au wale wamefanya vile, ni ngumu kushinda!

 

[Mohamed Said]

Nimefuatilia mjadala huu japo kwa kuchelewa! Na ninaona makundi matatu hapa! Waislamu wanaotaka version ya historia inayoreflect hilo, wakristo wanaoona hakuna haja ya kuchukia historia ya nchi kidini, na wale ambao either ni neutral au wafuatiliaji!

Nionavyo mimi hatuwezi kuweka historia sawa kwa msingi wa dini. Wote tunajua namna uislamu na ukristo ulivyoingia nchini na kuathiri mfumo wa maisha yetu!

Kama tunataka kuwa sawa tuyaangalie mambo haya kwa upana wake.Kama kuna watu waliachwa, tutafute uthibitisho wa ushiriki wao na wawekwe kwenye historia.

Kama tunataka kulichambua swala la udini tuliangalie kwa mapana yake kwa nia ya kutafuta mwafaka wa kitaifa!

Vita ya sisi tumefanya hivi au wale wamefanya vile, ni ngumu kushinda!

Ronn M,

Kwani Kivukoni walipoandika historia rasmi na kuwatoa Waislam
na kumbakisha Nyerere peke yake hofu ilikuwa dini?

 

[Ritz]

Ritz,
Wakati Yasser Arafat anakutana na Yitzhak Rabin Camp David, Moshe Dayan alishafariki kitambo.

Jasusi,

Nani kakuambia Yitzhak Rabin?

Mie naongelea kipindi cha Menachem Begin 1979. Moshe Dayan kafariki 1981

 

[Ritz]

Nilikuwa namwangalia tu anapotupiga kamba kirejareja hapa

Usipende kufuata mkumbo nani kamataja Yitzhak Raibin?

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Ronn M,

Kwani Kivukoni walipoandika historia rasmi na kuwatoa Waislam
na kumbakisha Nyerere peke yake hofu ilikuwa dini?

Una uhakikaa walimbakisha Nyerere "peke yake"? au unadhani walimbakisha Nyerere peke yake?

 

[Mohamed Said]

Niruhusu nikuulize maswali mawilii tu kwenye madai yako haya:

a. Ni lini Tanzania iliwahi kuwa na "long standing progressive policy of commitment to freedom, justice and equality"?

b. Ni lini serikali ya Tanzania imewahi kuwa aligned na plights za Waislamu "of Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kashmir"?

MM

Kwani mimi nimekuuliza wewe maswali?
Mimi nimeandika kutoa darsa.

Hebu na wewe toa darsa nasi tusome.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Una uhakikaa walimbakisha Nyerere "peke yake"? au unadhani walimbakisha Nyerere peke yake?

MM
Kwani hujasoma kitabu?