Z,
Haya mambo ndiyo yalivyo.
Waotuhumiwa wako kimya tulii.
Nyie ndiyo mnakuwa wasemaji wa serikali.
Mnatuhoji Waislam kutaka kujua nini shida zetu.
Mmegeuka kuwa serikali.
Hii ipo katika historia zote za ukandamizaji.
Hadi pale yanapotokea machafuko...
Hapo akili zinarejea na kila upande unamuuliza mwenzake...
Kwani ilikuwaje?
Hapo mshachelewa...
Hebu msome Prof. Njozi nimechukua kidogo sura ya pili ya ''Mwebechai Killings...'':
[SIZE=+3]The rise of religious tension[/SIZE] [SIZE=+0]
The way the government handled the Mwembechai saga convinced Muslims that their government was not only biased in favour of Christians but was now acting like a military wing of the church. After the Mwembechai killings the government did not want to be reminded of Padre Lwambano's fabrications which were broadcast over the Catholic radio, nor of its solemn promise to take severe measures against Muslim preachers. It was clear to the Muslims that the government refused to appoint a probe team because it did not want to be confronted with the unpleasant truth. The government knew the truth. Muslims were innocent but had to be killed to satisfy the demands of church leaders. The praise and satisfaction expressed by the highest hierarchical Catholic leader at the killings reinforced that perception. The prevention of Muslim women to reveal what they suffered in remand prison, the granting of bail to Christian suspects and denying the same to Muslims, and as Abu Aziz (1998:35) notes in his submission to the Attorney General, ‘the absence of even the minor consolation of words of sympathy from the President to the bereaved families, giving the impression of the CCM government feeling satisfied in killing innocent citizens as if they were common criminals (even criminals deserve justice)' intensified Muslim anger and resentment.[/SIZE]
[SIZE=+0]Muslims began to criticise President Mkapa's government as a government of murderers, and CCM as a political party of murderers. In addition to public utterances, a series of anonymous leaflets began to appear. The favourite theme of the leaflets was the supposed government plan to carry out a genocide of Muslims. The death of Mohamed Omari (50) in remand prison after repeatedly being denied medical treatment lent support to those stories. It was at this point that Kitwana Kondo, the Kigamboni MP intervened. In his press conference on 21 May, 1998 he strongly criticised the government for reinforcing the Muslim perception that it was anti-Muslim and wanted them to die in remand prison (Majira 22 May, 1998). Expressions of Muslim support for Kitwana Kondo echoed across the nation. Many Christians regarded him as a dangerous person who was fanning religious hatred in the country. By the end of the year tension was so high that the Muslims were cursing the government in public gatherings. A way had to be found of calming down the tension. President Mkapa managed to do this in his speech at the Idd-el-Fitr Baraza at the Diamond Jubilee Hall on 19 January, 1999. In two important ways his speech marked an important milestone in the political history of Tanzania. For the first time the government acknowledged the existence of long-standing Muslim grievances, and for the first time it set out a procedure of resolving them. The political tragedy of our country lies in the fact that the proposed mechanism was a non-starter and yet many Christians feared that it was too revolutionary.[/SIZE]
[SIZE=+0]What did the President propose? Why are his proposals unsatisfactory? We address those questions in the following chapter.[/SIZE]
Mojamed,hujamuelewa Zumbemkuu. Yeye anasema page 200+ lakini hujaweza kujibu hoja kwa mashiko na pengine matarajio ya wengi. Hajasema serikali haijibu.
Pili, hivi kwanini unasema serikali haina majibu? Huko nyuma tatizo lilikuwa ''muovu, mhalifu Nyerere'' aliyeua EAMWS na kuwakawandamiza waislam. Haikuwa serikali alikuwa Nyerere.
Hata pale tangazo la kuua EAMWS lilipotolewa na Maswanya na Kawawa akiwa waziri mkuu na makamu wa rais bado tuhuma zinamwendea Mwalimu huko alipo mbele ya haki. Sasa hizi double standard zinakujaje? kwamba kuna Nyerere na kuna serikali!
Kwanini sasa hivi isiwe Kikwete, Mkapa au Mwinyi?
Hapa hatupo kujibu kwa niaba ya serikali kama unavyosema. Kikubwa ni kuusadia umma kuona kile kilicho nyuma ya fikra zako. Hakuna chembe ya nia ya historia bali nia ya mashambulizi dhidi ya Nyerere na Wakristo.
Ni kwa mamshambulizi hayo ndipo kinatokea kitu hicho rise of religious tension.
Ni ukweli usio na kificho kuwa tension inayojengeka ni matokeo ya kazi yako kwahiyo hiyo ni faraja kwako na wala si hatari.
Watanzania wameishi kama taifa moja kwa kupendana na kuheshimiana kwa miaka mingi sana. Leo kuna mzozo wa kuchinja ng'ombe. Hilo halikuwepo kwasababu katika mitaa siku za sikukuu watu waimani nyingine kwa kuelewa imani nyingine walifanya the right thing in right way. Kuku alipelekwa kwa mwislam kuchinjwa ili wageni wote wajisikie amani na furaha.
Kupitia kazi yako ''nzuri'' ya kupandikiza chuki ambayo ni kinyume na mafundisho ya Uisla na Uislam sasa chuki imetamalaki. Haionekani kama umejifunza kuwa tatizo likitokea si wewe, mimi au awaye atakayekuwa na amani.
Hutauza DVD kwa watu wanaotafuta ukimbizi kusalimisha roho zao na wala hutakuwa na hadhira ukakaa kinarani.
Tumeyaona Somalia, Rwanda na Nigeria, Bosnia na Crotia n.k na inashangaza, kusikitisha na kutisha kuona kuwa kuna watu hawaoni yote hayo bado wakijinasibu ni wasomi, waadilifu na waumini.
Tena wanayafanya hayo wakiwa wamebeba ''label'' ya kufanya kazi ya mwenyezi mungu. Hakuna woga hata mbele ya Allah!
Labda kuthibitisha chuki za muungwana bin Samtungo, ameulizwa swali na Mwankijiji kama walivyouliza wengine na hajaweza kulijibu. Swali ni kuwa wapi na kwa ushahidi gani wa Nyerere kuwatukana, kashifu Waislam hadharani au kwa siri.
Hakuna mahali popote ambapo Nyerere amekaririwa akiushaumbilia uislam na waislam ( labda kwa ''inasemekana'')
Hii maana yake ni kuwa dhana nzima ni ya kupanda na kuchomeka na haina mahali inaposimama yenyewe.
