Bado hujajibu swali langu. Ulichotuwekea kwenye mnakasha huu si maandishi ya van Bergen. Tuambie ni ya nani ili tuendelee na mnakasha.
Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar
Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar
- Thread starter Yericko Nyerere
- Start date
Ritz
JF-Expert Member
- Jan 1, 2011
- 51,303
- 40,190
Jasusi,
Nimeishakujibu mbona yamekuchoma sana hayo maandishi vumilia tu kama yamekukera yapuuze subiri kitabu kizima cha Bergen.
Ritz,
Hayajanichoma hata kiduchu. Nashangaa kwa van Bergen kuandika akiqoute maandishi yake mwenyewe. Haijawahi kutokea. Haya uliyotuwekea hapa yameandikwa na mtu ambaye ni Islamist. Sijui kwa nini unataka kudanganya JF lakini utaumbuka tu muda si kitambo. Afadhali ungesema ukweli ili na sisi tuchangie zaidi.
NYERERE, RELIGIOUS VALUES AND VICES
If corruption and greed did not taint Nyerere's political image, religious matters did. This is in spite of the fact that Nyerere, a Catholic, did not shy from wearing the Swahili skull cap to show his level of comfort with Islam. USAID avers that Nyerere adopted polices designed to minimize ethnic, religious and regional tensions and to foster an overarching sense of national unity. Accordingly, Nyerere was strict on the separation of church and state (See Deo Ssekitooleko). His socialist legacy promoted common secular values of unity, togetherness and social welfare geared at building a unified and uniform nation.
Ssekitooleko and Malambugi claim that Nyerere did not allow his religious beliefs to influence national policy, something that allowed Tanzania to experienced stability, outlive all forms of sectarianism and become a secular country where religion and ethnicity are private issues. This is a view that is not shared by all Nyerere critics. In fact a growing number of literature paint a conflicting picture of Nyerere's rhetoric and practice with respect to religious belief, observance and practice as will be appreciated below. It is useful at this juncture to put Nyerere's association with religion into perspective lest we fall into similar trappings as those who would not fault Nyerere elevating him to super human status.
One writer reminds us that Nyerere's sawed-off front teeth indicated his pagan tribal background. His first encounter with major world religions was when he enrolled in school at twelve years old. He would be baptized on December 23, 1943 at the age of twenty, by Father Mathias Koenen in the Roman Catholic Church just before he went off to Makerere. At Makerere he became one of the leaders of the Catholic students, organizing retreats and pilgrimages to the shrines of the Uganda Martyrs. This interest in his faith would grow when he went to Edinburgh University.
Upon his return from Makerere, Nyerere taught at Saint Mary's School, owned by the Roman Catholic Church in Tabora. Similarly, upon his return from Scotland he would again teach at St. Francis Secondary School, Pugu. This was the first territorial secondary school set up by the Roman Catholic hierarchy for Tanganyika. It was the elite Catholic Secondary School that got the selection of all the best students when they completed middle school.
Perhaps, and in view of his humble background, Nyerere felt indebted to the Church: After all, it was his friends, in some cases his mentors at the Church, who had raised the money for his scholarship to Makerere and later to Scotland. At a certain point in his life Nyerere considered becoming a priest but was dissuaded by Father Walsh who advised him to continue pursuing his interest in politics. The church and particular the Fabian movement would continue to have a deep impact and role in his political life.
Even as a politician, Nyerere practiced his Christian faith openly, attending early mass, whenever he could. His passion and interest in Christianity is evident in his scholarship where he is credited with translating some books of the Bible into Kizanaki as well as in Kiswahili. Only MacDonald suggests that Nyerere was paid for translating this work but the account of Father Wille tends to suggest that the nominal sum he got was to compensate him for his job loss at Pugu. Nyerere also translated two catechisms, two explanations of the catechism that the White Fathers had made up in Kikwaya, all the prayers for Mass and all the Scripture Readings for Mass. In 1996 he wrote poetry and spiritual songs inspired by the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, and the Acts of the Apostles in the Bible.
It is, therefore, not far fetched to assume that Nyerere's faith was central to who he is and his politics. Earlier on he is reported to have told Father Wille "I am not a Communist. I believe in God", when accused of belonging to the left. Nor was he fond of members of his cabinet who espoused communism like Abdul-Rahman Babu, Kassim Hanga and their sympathizers. Essentially, his religious values informs his strong stance against discrimination which he likens 'to eating the flesh of another human being', a biblical expression.
In due course, he may have compromised on socialism as a middle way between his religious beliefs and political convictions. An African brand of Socialism expressed in a terminology of creed believes in the equality of men and their right to dignity and respect- that all humans, regardless of their differences, are the purpose and justification for the existence of society, and all human activity in any given society. This philosophy demands that communities everywhere should enjoy and develop themselves within the context of freedom and democracy based upon good governance and social justice, policies that are not in opposition to church doctrine.
It is significant that Nyerere's religious allegiances and actions remain hotly contested. Two trends are discernible: literature condemning his actions and practices and defenses against those accusations. In my view, these trends are unhelpful in that they fail to acknowledge the struggle, personal or public, that Nyerere as a political actor went through to reconcile his beliefs with his political convictions. Moreover, they fail to provide an insight on how a public figure who is a member of a certain congregation works from that realization to infuse a more positive engagement with national issues.
Perhaps part of the dilemma before Nyerere was his perceived support of a religious institution previously associated with maintaining the status quo considering that the churches in Tanganyika, according to al-Zinjibari, rejected TANU, twice in 1958 at Sumbawanga and in 1965 at Mbulu. Instead, they were scheming hand in glove with the British colonial government which groomed Nyerere to be the first president of Tanganyika. In fact just as Nyerere is seen not to distinguish the Arab from Islam, Muslim critics cannot separate his close ties to the Church to the sustained promotion of a Christian agenda in his political and socio-economic policies.
But Nyerere's relationship with the Church is not as black and white as some critics would suggest. In fact, Nyerere grappled with the question of a new role for the church amidst a new era of political dispensation. He wanted the church to serve all people- Christians but also non-believers. Likewise, he wanted the church to serve the whole person, mentally, spiritually, and physically and therefore saw an expanded role for the church i.e. in running schools, hospitals, and income generating projects, not just proselytize.
Certainly, it could not be missed by Nyerere that at one point the Roman Catholic leadership in charge of St. Francis School at Pugu where he was teaching asked him to choose between teaching at their school and his work in politics. It is, therefore, no wonder that in his political life he would challenge the church to remember her responsibility to society calling for the church to recognize the need for a social revolution, and to play a leading role in it (Man and Development, p.98). In this vain Nyerere did not hesitate to nationalize mission schools in an attempt to secularize the institutions in order to expand educational opportunities to non- Christian students. Education would be a key strategy to realize his vision towards a unified nation.
IMPUTING THE RELIGIOUS TO NYERERE
If religion was off limits during President Nyerere's tenure, it is very much present in his life after his passing. A connection with a religious agenda is very palpable in the writings available on Nyerere by both Muslim and Christian writers. Christian (especially church-based) writers want to associate Nyerere's Christian values with his particular brand of politics whereas Muslim writers point out to such influence as blinding his worldview and preventing a more rational form of political culture from emerging. Academic writers on the other hand tend to support a move towards closer scrutiny of Nyerere's policies and deeds, possibly to better appreciate the complexity he represented as a political leader.
More interesting is the tendency to apply religious imagery or to converse in religious discourse of and about Nyerere. For instance it is telling that in one of the countless obituaries posted after his death Nyerere should be described in the following terms, "Julius Nyerere: Political messiah or false prophet?" This image of Nyerere as saviour produced a counter narrative that seeks to replace Nyerere with a Muslim Messiah in the form of Abdul Wahid Sykes emphasizing a male centric notion of leadership on the one hand and exposing entrenched yet silent religious misgivings on the other.
Throughout his life Nyerere was known to most Tanzanian's as Mwalimu (The Teacher). Upon his retirement he was granted the title of Baba wa Taifa (Father of the Nation), a concept of fatherhood probably meant to capture his status as an elder in African society. Nevertheless, it is impossible to miss the connotation the term 'Father' has in the Church. Descriptions by veteran journalists like James Mpinga who describes a ritual of Nyerere 'breaking bread' with children in his hometown every morning evokes in the minds of non-Christians the preoccupation of the Church in making Nyerere not a national figure but a Christian figure defeating his own dream of creating a unified nation not overly consumed by religious figures or preoccupations. Of course, ongoing efforts to canonize Nyerere confirm the suspicions that Nyerere was not a disinterested party in religious matters.
Accordingly, numerous publications reviewed zealously credit Nyerere with achievements purportedly forming part of a grand divine plan. Muslims, on their part, oppose the image of Nyerere as the single handed liberator of Tanganyika and question the ambivalent role of missionary educated Tanganyikans in the liberation struggle. Other allegations are less conspicuous. For example, Malambugi alleges that for the sake of religious tolerance, Nyerere helped to formulate articles guaranteeing freedom of religion in Tanzanian constitution.
Of course the above account differs from that given by al-Zinjibari who observes that the Constitution drafted by the British colonialists, which was unilaterally used by the Tanganyikan Government as the Interim Constitution of Tanzania, did not contain freedom of religion as an independent clause to the detriment of the Islamic State of Zanzibar as pointed out Professor David Westerlund:
"In such a religiously divided country, the issue of religion was a sensitive one, and in 1965 the situation was no different from 1961 in this respect. In fact, it could be argued further that it was even more sensitive after the revolution in Zanzibar in 1964, when the Arab Sultan was overthrown and the Islamic State of Zanzibar ceased to exist..."(p. 90).
Church affiliated writers also advance the idea that Nyerere's efforts to cultivate mutual relationships with and between Christians and Muslims religious leaders ensured religious tolerance in Tanzania since independence. However, authors like Fairoz, al-Zinjibari and Said Mohammed, see Nyerere as a serious bulwark against the flourishing of Islam in Tanzania. Foremost they take issue with close association between Islam and slavery in the persona of the Arab in the country's political rhetoric and condemn the elevation of the role of the missionary and its institutions in Tanganyika's liberation.
Additionally, they accuse Mwalimu for relenting to the churches wishes in decisions detrimental to Muslims in Tanzania. To back their claims they list various incidents where Muslim leaders and institutions have been singled out by Nyerere, seriously compromising Muslim progress in Tanzania. Chief among them is the expulsion of numerous Tanganyikan Muslims from the executive leadership of TANU. Also, the incarceration of Muslims political, religious and community figures at various times in Tanzania's political history evidenced an uncomfortable relationship between Nyerere and Muslims.
Nyerere clamped hard on Muslim institutions beginning by banning the All Muslim National Union of Tanzania and later the Muslim Education Union on February 25, 1965, an institution founded to train Muslims who were not allowed into the government primary schools. In 1968 he banned the EAMWS. Whereas political dissent among Muslims was stifled during Nyerere's reign, the right to free expression of the church - the Catholic Church in particular - was unhindered and constituted a formidable source of critique against government policy e.g. in publications like a Letter to my Superiors (See Sivalon; Mukandala et al.; Anderson)
Such singling out can, however, be contested as it was not just Muslims who were snubbed by Nyerere. Such a fate also befell some of his close friends like Oscar Kambona and Chief David Kidaha Makwaia, the latter a Roman Catholic. One of the most influential chiefs in East Africa, Chief Makwaia, facilitated the political rise of his long-time college friend Julius Nyerere by winning him British support as well as by securing the allegiance of Sukuma chiefs to TANU. Upon attaining uhuru Nyerere abolished the role of chiefs, and banished Chief Makwaia to the remote Tunduru District of the Southern Province for undisclosed reasons (Awam Amkpa, 2007). Kambona on his part was exile in Britain able to return to Tanzania after Nyerere resigned both the presidency and party headship.
Nevertheless, an anti-Islam agenda can still be imputed to Nyerere. He is, for instance, quoted in a book Development and Religion in Tanzania by J. P. van Bergen as saying that he established in TANU a department of political education in which he deliberately appointed a Christian minister, Reverend Mushendwa, to head it not because he was a strong politician but because of his Catholic Faith. Also, while Nyerere was well aware of disparities between Muslim and Christians in areas of education, executive appointments and social organizations he did very little to bring about structural transformation such that the disparities not only persist but 40 years after independence continued to be explained as part of the country's historical legacy.
Alhaj Aboud Jumbe, among others, the second president of Zanzibar who fell out with Nyerere in 1984 similarly criticizes Nyerere's religious policies. In his 1994 book The Partner-ship: Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union: 30 Turbulent Year, Jumbe asserts that "Muslim were deliberately under-represented in education" and provides statistics to back up his assertion. He indicates that this "could be a source of future conflict between Muslims and Christians" (p. 120). A United States Agency for International Development (USAID) sponsored Flash Points Study notes that an increasing number of Tanzanians are excluded from mainstream political and economic life, a section of (i.e. Muslims) which perceives its exclusion on the basis of its social and religious identity. Such concerns were also captured at the advent of multiparty politics in 1995 by one M.I. Marisi in a letter to the editor entitled Tusiwatete wanasiasa kwa misingi ya dini ('Let religion not dictate our affiliation to political leaders'). Surely, the voicing of such concerns indicate continued vestiges of religious divisions even after over two decades of single party dominance propounding a people centered socialist ideology.
TOWARDS THE REDEFINITION OF RACIAL AND RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE
President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, in a speech delivered at Boston University on September 25, 2006 reiterates the dominant position with regards to Mwalimu's legacy in managing religious diversity in a democratic environment. President Kikwete attributed to the remarkable foresight of Mwalimu Nyerere, specific actions taken to engender tolerance in matters of faith and manage potential cracks to Tanzania mainly through equitable policies, institutional innovations, political messages, and legal constitutional provisions. But sustained objections, raised by diverse voices, put such allegations to question. And as feelings of exclusion intensify and disparities between Muslims and Christians continue unabated, many questions are being asked about this bag puzzle (See al-Zinjibari).
It is inescapable that race and religion are inextricably linked in the minds of Tanzanians i.e. colonialism as being a Christian vestige and slavery an Islamic vestige; or Tanganyika being a missionary bastion while Zanzibar a Muslim bastion. Certainly, Tanzania's inability to overcome vestiges of racial and religious exclusion exposes the government and the ruling party's inability (or unwillingness) to address racial and religious discrimination that continues to dominate Tanzania's political culture in a forthright and objective manner. Can such reluctance be understood as promoting tolerance? More importantly, the fixation with Muslim vs. Christian in a democratic society begs the question of the status of the other Tanzanians who are neither Muslim nor Christian in this equation. Don't they also have legitimate grievances premised on their right of belief or non belief?
Nyerere's policies may have been conceived to promote national unity but undue preoccupation with conflict suppression in order to compel cooperation across ethnic, religious and racial lines may have stifled genuine coexistence and the positive acknowledgement of difference in Tanzania's multi racial and multi religious from evolving. Inherent racial and religious tensions became more pronounced since the early 1990s resulting in the sowing of seeds of discord among the people and communities given that, as argued by Chachage, it defends politics of exclusion and inclusion, privileges and denials whereby citizenship, rather than nationalism, patriotism and pan-Africanism became the real stuff.
Perhaps, then, Tanzania's current political outlook stifles the possibility of a unified nation, one that accepts difference of race, religion as well as opinion as integral to its political legacy. The challenge for future inter and intra racial and religious relations rests on the nation's ability to overcome racial and religious suspicion, as well as acknowledging residual institutional and individual biases impeding in the country's quest to forge a collective future.
BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS
If corruption and greed did not taint Nyerere's political image, religious matters did. This is in spite of the fact that Nyerere, a Catholic, did not shy from wearing the Swahili skull cap to show his level of comfort with Islam. USAID avers that Nyerere adopted polices designed to minimize ethnic, religious and regional tensions and to foster an overarching sense of national unity. Accordingly, Nyerere was strict on the separation of church and state (See Deo Ssekitooleko). His socialist legacy promoted common secular values of unity, togetherness and social welfare geared at building a unified and uniform nation.
Ssekitooleko and Malambugi claim that Nyerere did not allow his religious beliefs to influence national policy, something that allowed Tanzania to experienced stability, outlive all forms of sectarianism and become a secular country where religion and ethnicity are private issues. This is a view that is not shared by all Nyerere critics. In fact a growing number of literature paint a conflicting picture of Nyerere's rhetoric and practice with respect to religious belief, observance and practice as will be appreciated below. It is useful at this juncture to put Nyerere's association with religion into perspective lest we fall into similar trappings as those who would not fault Nyerere elevating him to super human status.
One writer reminds us that Nyerere's sawed-off front teeth indicated his pagan tribal background. His first encounter with major world religions was when he enrolled in school at twelve years old. He would be baptized on December 23, 1943 at the age of twenty, by Father Mathias Koenen in the Roman Catholic Church just before he went off to Makerere. At Makerere he became one of the leaders of the Catholic students, organizing retreats and pilgrimages to the shrines of the Uganda Martyrs. This interest in his faith would grow when he went to Edinburgh University.
Upon his return from Makerere, Nyerere taught at Saint Mary's School, owned by the Roman Catholic Church in Tabora. Similarly, upon his return from Scotland he would again teach at St. Francis Secondary School, Pugu. This was the first territorial secondary school set up by the Roman Catholic hierarchy for Tanganyika. It was the elite Catholic Secondary School that got the selection of all the best students when they completed middle school.
Perhaps, and in view of his humble background, Nyerere felt indebted to the Church: After all, it was his friends, in some cases his mentors at the Church, who had raised the money for his scholarship to Makerere and later to Scotland. At a certain point in his life Nyerere considered becoming a priest but was dissuaded by Father Walsh who advised him to continue pursuing his interest in politics. The church and particular the Fabian movement would continue to have a deep impact and role in his political life.
Even as a politician, Nyerere practiced his Christian faith openly, attending early mass, whenever he could. His passion and interest in Christianity is evident in his scholarship where he is credited with translating some books of the Bible into Kizanaki as well as in Kiswahili. Only MacDonald suggests that Nyerere was paid for translating this work but the account of Father Wille tends to suggest that the nominal sum he got was to compensate him for his job loss at Pugu. Nyerere also translated two catechisms, two explanations of the catechism that the White Fathers had made up in Kikwaya, all the prayers for Mass and all the Scripture Readings for Mass. In 1996 he wrote poetry and spiritual songs inspired by the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, and the Acts of the Apostles in the Bible.
It is, therefore, not far fetched to assume that Nyerere's faith was central to who he is and his politics. Earlier on he is reported to have told Father Wille "I am not a Communist. I believe in God", when accused of belonging to the left. Nor was he fond of members of his cabinet who espoused communism like Abdul-Rahman Babu, Kassim Hanga and their sympathizers. Essentially, his religious values informs his strong stance against discrimination which he likens 'to eating the flesh of another human being', a biblical expression.
In due course, he may have compromised on socialism as a middle way between his religious beliefs and political convictions. An African brand of Socialism expressed in a terminology of creed believes in the equality of men and their right to dignity and respect- that all humans, regardless of their differences, are the purpose and justification for the existence of society, and all human activity in any given society. This philosophy demands that communities everywhere should enjoy and develop themselves within the context of freedom and democracy based upon good governance and social justice, policies that are not in opposition to church doctrine.
It is significant that Nyerere's religious allegiances and actions remain hotly contested. Two trends are discernible: literature condemning his actions and practices and defenses against those accusations. In my view, these trends are unhelpful in that they fail to acknowledge the struggle, personal or public, that Nyerere as a political actor went through to reconcile his beliefs with his political convictions. Moreover, they fail to provide an insight on how a public figure who is a member of a certain congregation works from that realization to infuse a more positive engagement with national issues.
Perhaps part of the dilemma before Nyerere was his perceived support of a religious institution previously associated with maintaining the status quo considering that the churches in Tanganyika, according to al-Zinjibari, rejected TANU, twice in 1958 at Sumbawanga and in 1965 at Mbulu. Instead, they were scheming hand in glove with the British colonial government which groomed Nyerere to be the first president of Tanganyika. In fact just as Nyerere is seen not to distinguish the Arab from Islam, Muslim critics cannot separate his close ties to the Church to the sustained promotion of a Christian agenda in his political and socio-economic policies.
But Nyerere's relationship with the Church is not as black and white as some critics would suggest. In fact, Nyerere grappled with the question of a new role for the church amidst a new era of political dispensation. He wanted the church to serve all people- Christians but also non-believers. Likewise, he wanted the church to serve the whole person, mentally, spiritually, and physically and therefore saw an expanded role for the church i.e. in running schools, hospitals, and income generating projects, not just proselytize.
Certainly, it could not be missed by Nyerere that at one point the Roman Catholic leadership in charge of St. Francis School at Pugu where he was teaching asked him to choose between teaching at their school and his work in politics. It is, therefore, no wonder that in his political life he would challenge the church to remember her responsibility to society calling for the church to recognize the need for a social revolution, and to play a leading role in it (Man and Development, p.98). In this vain Nyerere did not hesitate to nationalize mission schools in an attempt to secularize the institutions in order to expand educational opportunities to non- Christian students. Education would be a key strategy to realize his vision towards a unified nation.
IMPUTING THE RELIGIOUS TO NYERERE
If religion was off limits during President Nyerere's tenure, it is very much present in his life after his passing. A connection with a religious agenda is very palpable in the writings available on Nyerere by both Muslim and Christian writers. Christian (especially church-based) writers want to associate Nyerere's Christian values with his particular brand of politics whereas Muslim writers point out to such influence as blinding his worldview and preventing a more rational form of political culture from emerging. Academic writers on the other hand tend to support a move towards closer scrutiny of Nyerere's policies and deeds, possibly to better appreciate the complexity he represented as a political leader.
More interesting is the tendency to apply religious imagery or to converse in religious discourse of and about Nyerere. For instance it is telling that in one of the countless obituaries posted after his death Nyerere should be described in the following terms, "Julius Nyerere: Political messiah or false prophet?" This image of Nyerere as saviour produced a counter narrative that seeks to replace Nyerere with a Muslim Messiah in the form of Abdul Wahid Sykes emphasizing a male centric notion of leadership on the one hand and exposing entrenched yet silent religious misgivings on the other.
Throughout his life Nyerere was known to most Tanzanian's as Mwalimu (The Teacher). Upon his retirement he was granted the title of Baba wa Taifa (Father of the Nation), a concept of fatherhood probably meant to capture his status as an elder in African society. Nevertheless, it is impossible to miss the connotation the term 'Father' has in the Church. Descriptions by veteran journalists like James Mpinga who describes a ritual of Nyerere 'breaking bread' with children in his hometown every morning evokes in the minds of non-Christians the preoccupation of the Church in making Nyerere not a national figure but a Christian figure defeating his own dream of creating a unified nation not overly consumed by religious figures or preoccupations. Of course, ongoing efforts to canonize Nyerere confirm the suspicions that Nyerere was not a disinterested party in religious matters.
Accordingly, numerous publications reviewed zealously credit Nyerere with achievements purportedly forming part of a grand divine plan. Muslims, on their part, oppose the image of Nyerere as the single handed liberator of Tanganyika and question the ambivalent role of missionary educated Tanganyikans in the liberation struggle. Other allegations are less conspicuous. For example, Malambugi alleges that for the sake of religious tolerance, Nyerere helped to formulate articles guaranteeing freedom of religion in Tanzanian constitution.
Of course the above account differs from that given by al-Zinjibari who observes that the Constitution drafted by the British colonialists, which was unilaterally used by the Tanganyikan Government as the Interim Constitution of Tanzania, did not contain freedom of religion as an independent clause to the detriment of the Islamic State of Zanzibar as pointed out Professor David Westerlund:
"In such a religiously divided country, the issue of religion was a sensitive one, and in 1965 the situation was no different from 1961 in this respect. In fact, it could be argued further that it was even more sensitive after the revolution in Zanzibar in 1964, when the Arab Sultan was overthrown and the Islamic State of Zanzibar ceased to exist..."(p. 90).
Church affiliated writers also advance the idea that Nyerere's efforts to cultivate mutual relationships with and between Christians and Muslims religious leaders ensured religious tolerance in Tanzania since independence. However, authors like Fairoz, al-Zinjibari and Said Mohammed, see Nyerere as a serious bulwark against the flourishing of Islam in Tanzania. Foremost they take issue with close association between Islam and slavery in the persona of the Arab in the country's political rhetoric and condemn the elevation of the role of the missionary and its institutions in Tanganyika's liberation.
Additionally, they accuse Mwalimu for relenting to the churches wishes in decisions detrimental to Muslims in Tanzania. To back their claims they list various incidents where Muslim leaders and institutions have been singled out by Nyerere, seriously compromising Muslim progress in Tanzania. Chief among them is the expulsion of numerous Tanganyikan Muslims from the executive leadership of TANU. Also, the incarceration of Muslims political, religious and community figures at various times in Tanzania's political history evidenced an uncomfortable relationship between Nyerere and Muslims.
Nyerere clamped hard on Muslim institutions beginning by banning the All Muslim National Union of Tanzania and later the Muslim Education Union on February 25, 1965, an institution founded to train Muslims who were not allowed into the government primary schools. In 1968 he banned the EAMWS. Whereas political dissent among Muslims was stifled during Nyerere's reign, the right to free expression of the church - the Catholic Church in particular - was unhindered and constituted a formidable source of critique against government policy e.g. in publications like a Letter to my Superiors (See Sivalon; Mukandala et al.; Anderson)
Such singling out can, however, be contested as it was not just Muslims who were snubbed by Nyerere. Such a fate also befell some of his close friends like Oscar Kambona and Chief David Kidaha Makwaia, the latter a Roman Catholic. One of the most influential chiefs in East Africa, Chief Makwaia, facilitated the political rise of his long-time college friend Julius Nyerere by winning him British support as well as by securing the allegiance of Sukuma chiefs to TANU. Upon attaining uhuru Nyerere abolished the role of chiefs, and banished Chief Makwaia to the remote Tunduru District of the Southern Province for undisclosed reasons (Awam Amkpa, 2007). Kambona on his part was exile in Britain able to return to Tanzania after Nyerere resigned both the presidency and party headship.
Nevertheless, an anti-Islam agenda can still be imputed to Nyerere. He is, for instance, quoted in a book Development and Religion in Tanzania by J. P. van Bergen as saying that he established in TANU a department of political education in which he deliberately appointed a Christian minister, Reverend Mushendwa, to head it not because he was a strong politician but because of his Catholic Faith. Also, while Nyerere was well aware of disparities between Muslim and Christians in areas of education, executive appointments and social organizations he did very little to bring about structural transformation such that the disparities not only persist but 40 years after independence continued to be explained as part of the country's historical legacy.
Alhaj Aboud Jumbe, among others, the second president of Zanzibar who fell out with Nyerere in 1984 similarly criticizes Nyerere's religious policies. In his 1994 book The Partner-ship: Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union: 30 Turbulent Year, Jumbe asserts that "Muslim were deliberately under-represented in education" and provides statistics to back up his assertion. He indicates that this "could be a source of future conflict between Muslims and Christians" (p. 120). A United States Agency for International Development (USAID) sponsored Flash Points Study notes that an increasing number of Tanzanians are excluded from mainstream political and economic life, a section of (i.e. Muslims) which perceives its exclusion on the basis of its social and religious identity. Such concerns were also captured at the advent of multiparty politics in 1995 by one M.I. Marisi in a letter to the editor entitled Tusiwatete wanasiasa kwa misingi ya dini ('Let religion not dictate our affiliation to political leaders'). Surely, the voicing of such concerns indicate continued vestiges of religious divisions even after over two decades of single party dominance propounding a people centered socialist ideology.
TOWARDS THE REDEFINITION OF RACIAL AND RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE
President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, in a speech delivered at Boston University on September 25, 2006 reiterates the dominant position with regards to Mwalimu's legacy in managing religious diversity in a democratic environment. President Kikwete attributed to the remarkable foresight of Mwalimu Nyerere, specific actions taken to engender tolerance in matters of faith and manage potential cracks to Tanzania mainly through equitable policies, institutional innovations, political messages, and legal constitutional provisions. But sustained objections, raised by diverse voices, put such allegations to question. And as feelings of exclusion intensify and disparities between Muslims and Christians continue unabated, many questions are being asked about this bag puzzle (See al-Zinjibari).
It is inescapable that race and religion are inextricably linked in the minds of Tanzanians i.e. colonialism as being a Christian vestige and slavery an Islamic vestige; or Tanganyika being a missionary bastion while Zanzibar a Muslim bastion. Certainly, Tanzania's inability to overcome vestiges of racial and religious exclusion exposes the government and the ruling party's inability (or unwillingness) to address racial and religious discrimination that continues to dominate Tanzania's political culture in a forthright and objective manner. Can such reluctance be understood as promoting tolerance? More importantly, the fixation with Muslim vs. Christian in a democratic society begs the question of the status of the other Tanzanians who are neither Muslim nor Christian in this equation. Don't they also have legitimate grievances premised on their right of belief or non belief?
Nyerere's policies may have been conceived to promote national unity but undue preoccupation with conflict suppression in order to compel cooperation across ethnic, religious and racial lines may have stifled genuine coexistence and the positive acknowledgement of difference in Tanzania's multi racial and multi religious from evolving. Inherent racial and religious tensions became more pronounced since the early 1990s resulting in the sowing of seeds of discord among the people and communities given that, as argued by Chachage, it defends politics of exclusion and inclusion, privileges and denials whereby citizenship, rather than nationalism, patriotism and pan-Africanism became the real stuff.
Perhaps, then, Tanzania's current political outlook stifles the possibility of a unified nation, one that accepts difference of race, religion as well as opinion as integral to its political legacy. The challenge for future inter and intra racial and religious relations rests on the nation's ability to overcome racial and religious suspicion, as well as acknowledging residual institutional and individual biases impeding in the country's quest to forge a collective future.
BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS
Ritz
JF-Expert Member
- Jan 1, 2011
- 51,303
- 40,190
Jasusi,
Wewe na wenzako mnaomtetea Nyerere ndiyo mtaumbuka kikiwekwa hicho kitabu chote humu.
Jiulize kwa nini kiliondolewa pale Catholic Bookshop Dar es Salaam.
Jaribu kumuuliza Padre yeyote akupe habari za hiki kitabu Development and Religion in Tanzania (1981) Jan P van Bergen.
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[SIZE=-1] [/SIZE] [SIZE=+4]ISLAM AND POLITICS IN TANZANIA[/SIZE] By BROTHER MOHAMMED SAEED
Muslim Writer's Organization
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
INTRODUCTION Islam has been in existence in East Africa since the eighth century. With Islam, emerged the lingua franca, Kiswahili, spoken throughout East and Central Africa and the Swahili culture which is mostly associated with Muslims. About two-thirds of East Africa's Muslims reside in Tanzania which is the most populous of the East African countries i.e. Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. According to the 1957 population census, Muslims outnumbered Christians at a ratio of three to two. This means Tanzania is a leading Muslim nation in the region. But the 1967 census the total figures for Tanzania Mainland are 32% Christian, 30% Muslim and 37% local belief. This shows Pagans as a leading majority. The 1967 census has not been able to show the reasons for the sudden decrease of Muslim population nor the growth of Paganism. This was the last population census showing religious distribution. It is widely believed that the figures for the 1967 census were doctored for political reasons to show Muslims were trailing behind Christians in numerical strength. This paper "lnsha Allah", will try to show the reasons behind such a move and many others.
Christianity is a relatively new religion in Tanzania having introduced into the country during the 18[SUP]th[/SUP] Century by professional missionaries. Christianity was resisted by Muslims right from the beginning. In any uprising against the colonial state Muslims took that opportunity to attack missionaries and Christian establishments.[SUP]2[/SUP] Muslims perceived both missionaries and the colonial state as fellow collaborators and therefore enemies to Islam. Islamic radicalism has therefore a long history in the struggle against colonial rule and Christianity. Christianity meanwhile became a reactionary force siding with the colonial state. In the Maji Maji War of 1905 some Christians fought alongside the German army against the people to safeguard Christianity.[SUP]3[/SUP] In this war some Muslims were hanged particularly for killing missionaries and for waging a war against German rule.
The British took over Tanganyika (as Tanzania was then known) from the Germans after the First World War, by then the Germans had done more than their fair share in opening up Tanganyika for Christian influence through various Christian establishments. Tanganyika was divided among different Christian organizations originating from various European countries. The White Fathers were in Tabora, Karema, Kigoma, Mbeya, Mwanza and Bukoba; Holy Ghost Fathers - Morogoro and Kilimanjaro; Benedictine Fathers Peramiho and Ndanda; Capuchin Fathers - Dar es Salaam; Consolata Fathers - Iringa and Meru; Passionists Fathers - Dodoma; Pallotine Fathers - Mbulu; Maryknoll Fathers Musoma; and Rosmillian Fathers -lringa.[SUP]4[/SUP]
When the People started to organize themselves in political entities during the British rule through various associations, Muslims in Dar es Salaam formed the African Association in 1929 and Jamiatul lslamiyya fi Tanganyika in 1933. Missionaries sensing these African organisations as organised African resistance against the colonial state warned Christians not to get themselves involved in any movements that were challenging the government.[SUP]5[/SUP] The church and state provided education to African Christians and denied it to majority Muslims. The two worked hand in hand to mould loyal subjects out of the educated Christians alienating them from the main stream of the struggle against British rule. Resistance against British colonialism was therefore left to Muslims and the struggle for independence and nationalist politics in Tan9anyika assumed strong Muslim characteristics.
MUSLIMS AND COLONIAL POLITICS: THE POLITICS OF CONFORMITY The church gradually managed to create a special relationship between the colonial state and the educated African Christians as beneficiaries of the colonial system. Muslim suffered as a people whose faith was antagonistic to the state religion[SIZE=-2] [/SIZE]the Church of England. Muslims suffered also as a colonised subject singled out for discrimination by being denied education curtailing any chances for self-advancement. The survival of Muslims as a people and Islam as a religion therefore lay in the total overthrow of the colonial state.
The first uprising against the British occurred in predominant Muslim areas of Tanga and Dar es Salaam in 1939. Strikes occurred in the ports of Tanga and Dar es Salaam followed by a violent general strike a few years later in Dar es Salaam port in 1947. Muslim predominance in port employment to a large extent helped to create the solidarity which ignited the working class movement responsible for the strikes. In the 1947 general strike Muslim symbols were used effectively showing for the first time the influence and extent of Islamic radicalism in resisting colonial oppression. The strike was very successful as it spread through Tanganyika lasting for almost a month and paralysing the colonial economic machinery.[SUP]6[/SUP] This strike created the necessary conditions to force the colonial state to pass appropriate legislation allowing the formation and eventual registration of the Dock Workers Union. It is interesting to note that the leader of this movement Abdulwahid Sykes was the first ever general secretary of a trade union in Tanganyika in 1948. Abdulwahid was later to be elected secretary of Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika and went on to found the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) -[SIZE=-2] [/SIZE]the first open political party in colonial Tanganyika.
The British, in their tactics of divide and rule, isolated Muslims for oppression and elevated Christians to a higher status by giving them educational opportunities. In this way religion was used as a colonial weapon to stratify the people, creating out of African Christian a special class of colonised subjects. The church meanwhile maintained the doctrine: "Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's." (Mathew xxii:21). Muslims, however, were able to distinguish between British Christian colonialism which was the immediate enemy and the African Christians an appendage of the colonial system.
When TANU was formed out of the African Association in 1954 as a nationalist party to prepare the people of Tanganyika towards achieving independence, the strategy adopted for the struggle right from the start, was to form a united front of all Tanganyikans irrespective of religious identity or ethnic affiliations. Most scholars who have written on Tanzania's political history have focused on Julius Nyerere as a founding leader of TANU. This is a fallacy yet to be rectified. This approach obscures a very important part of Islamic radicalism and Muslim personalities who had, before Nyerere, been working for the formation of the Party. Consequently a most important part of colonial history which laid the formation for resistance against colonial history which laid the formation for resistance against the British is eroded.[SUP]7[/SUP] It is beyond the scope of this paper to trace the origins of party system in Tanzania, but for the purpose of setting the record straight it should be noted that the desire to initiate a political movement can be traced from the African Association, but it was the Political Sub-Committee formed in 1905 within the Tanganyika African Association which actually formed TANU. Members of the TAA Political Sub-Committee were: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Hamza Kibwana Mwapachu, Said Chaurembo, Vedast Kyaruzi, John Rupia and Stephen Mhando. It is also interesting to note that a group of Muslim TAA members in Tabora had passed a resolution in 1953 to transform the association into an open political party. Suffice to state that two members of the Political Sub-Committee, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir and Abdulwahid Sykes were executive members of Da'wat AI-Islamia and Jamiatul lslamiyya respectively providing the link between the new party and Islam.
Roman Catholic Julius Nyerere was elected TANU president. A faction within the Party against Christian leadership emerged. Because of their superior education the few Christians who dared to venture into TANU were immediately offered leadership positions[SUP]8[/SUP]. The main reason advanced for this opposition was the history of the Church as a guardian of the African Christians. Some Muslims in the Party had no confidence in the mission-educated Christians. Christians were perceived as too close to the colonial state to take up a leading role in the struggle against the colonial state. This Islamic ideology did not get support of Muslims although Muslims enjoyed preponderance over Christians in the Party. Muslims wanted to build in TANU a party of national unity national aspirations overrode immediate Muslim interests.
In 1955 TANU still in the formative stage called a meeting to clarify the status of Christianity in the Party and to establish a nationalist-secularist ideology as a way of preserving national unity.[SUP]9[/SUP] Where as the colonial state, had over the years of its rule used religion to stratify the people and create divisions among them, the Muslims leadership In TANU through the Elders Council suppressed the long standing Islamic radicalism to forge unity between the people. Christians however, for seasons already stated, did not play any significant role in the early years of TANU until 1958 when TANU contested its first election. This period is important in the political history of colonial Tanganyika because the outcome of TANU's decision to contest the election on those conditions came to adversely affect the future role of Islamic radicalism in the post independence politics.
This was the first election in which TANU took part since its formation in 1954. The colonial government of Governor Edward Twining had put very discriminatory conditions to the African electorate which required each constituency to vote for a European, an Asian and an African. Other conditions of eligibility for voting required the prospective voter to have an annual income of £200, Standard XII education and be employed in a specific post. These were stiff conditions for TANU to accept. Muslims who were active in politics could notmeet those conditions and could not therefore vote nor could they stand as candidates. The British, in alliance with missionaries, had denied Muslims education - the very condition which it put to deny them participation in shaping the future of the country. TANU had, therefore, to look outside its own rank and file for qualified Christian candidates to contest the election. This was to be the beginning of a Christians hegemony over the Party leadership.
Some Muslims within the Party rose to challenge this new development. Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Chairman of TANU Elders Council, and all Muslim body wanted the Party to discuss this problem. There were fears that the emerging Christian leadership in TANU which would obviously go into the Legislative Council would also go on to form the first independence government. It was feared that these would use Church influence to suppress Islam as a political force. This conflict threatened to split the Party. 1958 was very crucial time for TANU. For over thirty years Africans had been working towards having democratic principles established in Tanganyika. TANU in 1958 was on the verge of knocking the doors of the Legislative Council but for the problem of Christianity which was again cropping up for the second time in the Party. The majority of Muslims in TANU did not see the African Christians as posing any threat to Islam in free Tanganyika. Many saw the Christian influx into the Party's leadership positions as a catalyst for accelerating the thrust of the struggle - a consolidation of its own strength vis-a-vis the conspiracies of the colonial state. No one saw this rapid changing pattern of Party leadership as a neutralising agent against Muslim influence in TANU. The Takadir faction which was calling for equal representation between Muslims and Christians in the party leadership and in the independence government was seen as a divisive element. Sheikh Takadir was relieved of his post in TANU, suspended and later expelled from the Party for raising the sensitive issue, which it was feared, would divide the party along religious lines and consequently slow down the tempo of the struggle.[SUP]10[/SUP] TANU, therefore, selected the following to contest the 1958 election: Julius Nyerere, John Keto, Nesmo Eliufoo, John Mwakangale and Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira.[SUP]11[/SUP]
Failing to pursue Islam as a mobilizational ideology in TAN U, a group of Muslims crossed over from the Party and formed the All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT). AMNUT could not also get support from the Muslim majority in Tanganyika. No political party had emerged in Tanganyika on the basis of religious or ethnic rivalry. Having dominated the political Muslims were already de-tribalised by Islam. This diminished the chances of ethnicity over~1ing religious identity while at the same time consolidating Islam as an ideology of resistance and a unifying force of all Tanganyikans. The TANU Elders Council initiated a campaign against AMNUT. 43 prominent Muslim scholars in Dar es Salaam together with 80 of their counterparts in Tanga signed a declaration opposing AMNUT and what it stood for and reaffirming their loyalty and support to TANU.[SUP]12[/SUP] Many believed AMNUT was a reactionary party which had to be fought and eliminated for the sake of national unity. It was believed that after independence there would be appropriate forums to discuss such[SIZE=-1] [/SIZE]issues of national importance.
[SIZE=+1]MUSLIMS AND POST-COLONIAL POLITICS:[/SIZE] [SIZE=+1]THE POLITICS OF ANTAGONISM[/SIZE] After independence had been achieved in 1961 Muslims looked forward to the future with confidence. In 1962 a pan-territorial congress of all Muslim organisations was called in Dar es Salaam to discuss the future role of Islam in then free Tanganyika. The following organizations attended the East African Muslims Welfare Society, Da' wat Al Islamia Jamiatul lslamiyya fi Tanganyika, Jamiatil lslamiyya fi Tanganyika "A" and the Muslim Education Union. The congress agreed among other things of importance to establish a department of education under the auspices of the EAMWS. Muslims did not wait for the independence government to start fulfilling its pre-independence promise of redressing educational disparity between them and Christians. Muslims initiated their own plans to compliment government efforts. Plans were put on drawing board to build schools throughout Tanganyika and eventually build the first Islamic University in East Africa. The congress elected Tewa Said Tewa a Cabinet Minister, a veteran politician of the TAA and TANU founder member as Chairman of Territorial Council of the EAMWS. This was to be the beginning of antagonism between Muslims and the Christian dominated central government. Politics of conformity practiced during the struggle for independence now started to give way to politics of antagonism as Muslims started to initiate plans to change the colonial status quo.
The predominantly Christian government and the Christian establishment felt threatened by these nation wide Muslim mobilisation efforts for development. The EAMWS leadership and its executive committee was now in the hands of Muslim party bureaucrats. The government saw this mobilization as Muslims bracing up for a second struggle to take over the country from Christian leadership. Without warning the state found itself in direct confrontation with a strong Muslim organisation in which every Muslim of Tanganyika was virtually a member and within its ranks were opponents of TANU as well as committed party members. At the same time the all-Muslim TANU Elders Council in its advisory role to the Party started to exert pressure to the government which the government perceived as smacking of Islamism. The Elders Council had overtime transformed itself from a vanguard committee to a Muslims pressure group within the Party.
Events started to move in rapid succession. In January 1963 some trade unionists were detained along with prominent Muslim Sheikhs. Rumours making the rounds in Dar es Salaam was that the Sheikhs were planning a coup against the government. Soon after, a prominent Muslim scholar Sherif Hussein Badawiy and his young brother Mwinyibaba who had established in Dar es Salaam a well patronised madras were declared prohibited immigrants and had to leave the country. In March, the TANU National Executive voted to dissolve the eleven-men working committee of Dar es Salaam Elders Council now under the Chairmanship of Mzee Iddi Tulio. The reason given by the Party for this action was that the Elders Council was mixing politics with religion[SUP]13[/SUP]. This was to be the beginning of a campaign of de-Islamisation of TANU and its history and the end of Muslim predominance in the post colonial party politics. Since achieving independence the Muslim card which was played against the British was seen by the government in power as a card which had outlived its usefulness. The dissolution of the Elders Council was the last hold of Muslim influence in the Party. The Church which had kept its distance during the struggle now surfaced to challenge Muslims leadership in TANU. In an unprecedented move by the Church, the Roman Catholic Church in Bukoba supported its own Christian candidates against Muslim candidates put forward by TANU in the local government elections. The church argued that it preferred its own candidates to TANU's because the Party's candidates were of very limited educational background.[SUP]14[/SUP] A similar campaign by the Church against Muslim candidates was also effected in Kigoma.[SUP]15[/SUP] There are no records existing which show that the government or the Party took any action against the Church for mixing religion with politics.
When the Second Muslim Congress was convened in Dar es Salaam later that year these serious issues were put forward for discussion. The Congress established beyond any reasonable doubt that there was a silent purge going on in the Party against Muslims and that there was nationwide anti Muslims campaign against leaders of the EAMWS. President Nyerere was invited to the closing ceremony and the congress registered its regrets to him. Nyerere talked at length on the problem and somehow managed to cool the situation. But there was no doubt in the minds of the EAMWS leadership that there was organised Church resistance against Islam and Muslims using the Christian leadership in the Party and government to effect its influence and decisions. The Christian leadership in state institutions was now using state power against Islam to have the Church control the government in independent Tanganyika.
In January1964 an army mutiny occurred in the Tanganyika Rifles. The government took this opportunity to detain trade unionists and some Muslims who were prominent in the post independence Muslims politics agitating against the government. When the case went on trial at the High Court there was no evidence tendered which showed that the mutiny was Muslims inspired or had any connection whatsoever with any Muslim organisation. In April a strong delegation of the EAMWS comprising of Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Sheikh Said Omar Abdallah, Tewa Said Tewa, EAMWS Secretary Aziz Khaki and a TANU elder Sheikh Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, left for a tour of Islamic countries to solicit financial support for the proposed Islamic University and to establish relations with the Muslim world. The government of the United Arab Republic of Egypt responded positively to the proposed Islamic University. An agreement was signed in Cairo between Tewa Said on behalf of the EAMWS and Vice President Sharbasy on behalf of the Egyptian government. The government of Egypt promised to build and Islamic University for the Muslims of Tanganyika to be owned and managed by the EAMWS. Capital expenditure of the project was estimated at 55 million sterling pounds to be contributed by the United Arab Republic of Egypt. From Egypt the delegation visited Jordan, Kuwait, Iraq and Lebanon. This was a significant step in the history of Islam in Tanganyika. Tanganyika has been open only to European countries and their various missionary organisations. For the first time in 1964 the country was being opened up for contact with other Islamic countries.
Soon after the delegation had returned from the Islamic countries, President Nyerere made a cabinet reshuffle. Tewa Said Tewa, Chairman of Territorial Council of the EAMWS was dropped from the government and appointed ambassador to the People's Republic of China. This it was believed was not unconnected with Tewa's efforts of mobilising Muslims and his efforts to unite them under one organization.
Bibi Titi Mohammed was elected Vice President to run the Organisation in the absence of the President Mr. Tewa Said Tewa. This was in January, 1965.
It is from this point that we can now start tracing and analysing how the government finally moved to subvert Muslim unity through a campaign of intrigue, sabortage, bribery and misinformation against the EAMWS leadership which it perceived as a threat to its own political domination over Muslim majority. The government was now literally in Christian hands. Apart from Zanzibaris in the union government: A.M. Maalim Minister of Commerce and Industry, Aboud Jumbe Minister of State, A.M. Babu Minister of Lands, Settlement and Water development and Hasnu Makame Minister of Information and Tourism, the only Muslim minister from the Mainland in the 15 men cabinet was Said Ali Maswanya, Minister of Home Affairs.
The main objective of the EAMWS was according to its1957 constitution was "to propagate Islam in East Africa".[SUP]16[/SUP] The society was multi-racial in membership and leadership composition. During its 21 years of existence it abstained from partisan politics. The society strictly confined itself to protecting and promoting Islam in East Africa. Since the mass detention of Muslims in 1964 after the army mutiny the EAMWS seemed to have lost its zeal and purpose. Some of its offices in the regions were closed out of fear of silent government hostility and for lack of strong leadership. Many Muslims hesitated to man those offices as they were of the opinion that such offices would be taken as centres of Muslim opposition against the government. For more than three years since the congress of 1963, the EAMWS did not meet. When at last it held its annual conference at Arusha in 1966 a separatist group emerged from Tanzania calling for the split of the society into three different autonomous entities. The separatist element from Tanzania also called for the "indigenization" of the constitution of the EAMWS.[SUP]17[/SUP] This meant constitutional changes had to be effected by the leadership to enable Tanzania become an independent body within the EAMWS. Independent minded delegates from Tanzania and the entire conference delegation from Kenya and Uganda were against such changes arguing that, such a move would isolate Tanzanian Muslims from the rest of the East African "umma". This, it was observed, would weaken not only Tanzania Muslims, but the Muslim community in East Africa. Kenya and Uganda delegates were aware of the fact that there was pressure from the Tanzanian government to split the society, and that the Tanzania delegation was working under heavy political pressure. It was an open secret that some Muslim leadership of EAMWS in Tanzania was facing silent intimidation from the government. But the conference did not address itself to these issues because such issues were taken as internal matter of the country concerned. However in the spirit of Islam delegates showed their sympathy privately to the situation which Tanzanian Muslims were facing. As delegates left for their respective countries it was clear enough that the state was encroaching into the affairs of the EAMWS making it extremely difficult to organise Muslims and to pass important decisions. To make matters worse and to drive the point home, Tanzanian State intelligence officers were very much in evidence during the whole period of the conference in Arusha.
It soon became clear that the government was working towards disbanding the EAMWS using few hand picked Muslims, the end result which was to form a new body which the state could have some control over its activities. This was to be done in order to contain Muslims as a political force. It is now from this point that we can start analysing the so-called ‘crisis' of the EAMWS which characterised the last three months of 1968. In order to understand the whole episode it is important to trace out the nature of the ‘crisis' and the integrity of the characters who played major roles in that ‘crisis'. Lastly, it is important to analyse the role of the government, the party and state institutions in the ‘crisis' in order to see if it is true that there was an actual ‘crisis' in the EAMWS, or if the ‘crisis' was fomented by some Interested parties within the party and government and within the very Muslim fabric in order to weaken Muslims as a potential political force.
In 1967 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere announced the Arusha Declaration embarking Tanzania on a socialist path. The new economic policy was met with mass enthusiasm. An unknown Muslim school teacher by the name of Adam Nasibu who was the EAMWS Regional Secretary inBukoba seized the occasion and participated in a mass demonstration to TANU Regional headquarters in support of Mwalimu Nyerere's new economic policy. Adam Nasibu was also quoted to have said that socialism was compatible tothe teachings of the Holy Quran. Adam Nasibu went further and issued "guidelines to all Islamic religious leaders in Bukoba providing for a basic explanation on theArusha Decleration".[SUP]18[/SUP] Non-Muslims saw Adam Nasibu as very progressive Muslim, and he being an executive of the EAMWS his support tothe new political development was perceived as an official recognition by the society to the Arusha Declaration. But before this incident, no one knew the schoolteacher as a politician, let alone being anintellectual. Under normal political climates, the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters in Dar es Salaam would have frown at such an open demonstration of partisanship. But there are no records which show that the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters did warn its Bukoba Secretary of such seemingly unbecoming behaviour. Probably the headquarters thought to do that would have been unpatriotic taking into consideration the enthusiasm shown by the people in the Arusha Declaration. After all Muslims have always provided the lead in the politics of the country. The headquarters of the EAMWS thought better of it and let the incident pass.
Adam Nasibu received some publicity in the news media because of that behaviour, particularly on his statement that socialism was compatible to the teachings of the Holy Quran. Some Muslims by observing the contemporary political climate as it affected Muslims which was at that moment not conducive to any Islamic influence to the politics for the country, saw in Adam Nasibu a person seeking cheap publicity by courting the government. All this notwithstanding the action by the Bukoba Secretary had very adverse effect on the entire society and its leadership. Adam Nasibu was seen as the champion of the people and a progressive Muslim leader who the government could depend upon. The leadership at the headquarters was seen as probably standing aloof, not being in touch with sufferings of the people and out of touch with the government policy. But still EAMWS as a religious organisation could not have come forward and support the Arusha Declaration because to do so would have been incompatible with the government policy. But still EAMWS as a religious organisation could not have come forward and support the Arusha Declaration because to do so would have been incompatible with the government hitherto unwritten law of not mixing religion and politics. Remaining uncommitted to the Arusha Declaration also was perceived as unpatriotic giving an indication that the society was unconcerned with the welfare and development of the people of Tanzania. To complicate the issue further the president of EAMWS, Tewa Saidi and his vice-president Bibi Titi Mohamed were former cabinet ministers who had lost power in previous general elections. It was therefore perceived by the government and party that being at the top hierarchy of the EAMWS the two were trying to build a new political base out of Muslims. Adam Nasibu had managed a coup against the president of the EAMWS, he had by his open overzealous patriotism proved to the government that he could be a better servant to the state than the seemingly decadent leadership at the Dare Salaam headquarters.
On 17[SUP]th[/SUP] October 1968 Adam Nasibu was again on the limelight but this time he was no longer a stranger to the people. People now knew him as the partisan Bukoba EAMWS Secretary who had supported the Arusha Declaration and issued directives to other Muslim leaders explaining the salient features of the document. Adam Nasibu made an announcement through the state radio and the party press that his region was splitting from the EAMWS.[SUP]19[/SUP] Overnight Adam Nasibu became a household name as the mass-media of the party and government started to build up his image and publicized what came to be known as the Muslim' crisis'. The Party dailies had a field day:
"The state radio and the Party press gave very wide publicity to the defection. News headlines and front page photographs depicting Mr. Nasibu busy with Pressmen donned the Party dailies".[SUP] 20[/SUP]
It was after this announcement and the publicity by the mass-media that Muslims in Tanzania came to realise for the first time that they had a Muslim national "crisis" in their hands. Five days later on 22[SUP]nd[/SUP] October, Sheikh Juma Jambia member of the Central Committee of the EAMWS Tanga Region made a similar announcement of withdrawing from the society.[SUP]21[/SUP] Soon after, Iringa also announced its withdrawal from the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters in Dar es Salaam. The leadership of the EAMWS at the headquarters reacted immediately to these withdrawals by calling a meeting of the executive to discuss the new development in the society. The mass-media facilities which were at the disposal of the separatist group i.e., the Party newspapers and the state-controlled radio were denied to the EAMWS leadership. It was therefore clear from outset that the government was taking sides on the "crisis" and the state radio and Party newspapers were being used by the government to subvert Muslims and the EAMWS. Having known what opposition was against them the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters became engulfed with the atmosphere of insecurity and uncertainty, the EAMWS executive turned to Muslims for support.
The dissident group gave many reasons necessitating the split from the EAMWS but the main ones were as follows:
(i) The constitution of the society snot fit compared with the country's leadership
(ii) The constitution should be Tanzanian
(iii) The Aga Khan should not be a patron
(iv) The Secretary General of the society should be an African Muslim
(v) No one knows the money given as aid from outside countries for the advancement of Muslims, not even the sources.[SUP]22[/SUP]
Islam has own basic principles and laws which guides Muslims in their every day life. The grievances given by the dissident group could never constitute a crisis of that magnitude, because some of those grievances could be solved through sheer common sense and goodwill. Others were undebatable because the basic teachings of Islam had provided guidelines. The issue of the constitution and aid were issues which could be discussed and resolved in the appropriate meetings. But questioning the multi-racial composition of Muslim organisation was to deny the universal message of Islam which cut across nationalities. This is against the teachings of the Holy Quran.
It was clear that the splinter group being learned Muslims were all aware of these teachings, and since they were persisting on splitting from the society it was obvious the over-zealous patriotism had a special mission with the backing of the government to fragment the unity of Muslims and hence weaken them politically. However on 14[SUP]th[/SUP] November 1968 the Tanzania Council of the EAMWS called a conference in Dar es Salaam to discuss the "crisis". The conference formed a seven-men commission of inquiry to probe into the "crisis"
and come out with a report. Mussa Kwikima, a lawyer by profession, was elected secretary to the commission. By then nine regions had withdrawn from the EAMWS and the Party dailies had elevated the "crisis" into a nation-wide public debate. The Party dailies were diverging and publishing information of the society with impunity inflaming an already volatile situation.
In order for the commission to work without prejudice it was necessary to ask the government to stop immediately the state controlled radio and the Party dailies from being used by the dissident group as its propaganda forum. The commission met the Minister of Information and Broadcasting to discuss the issue in his office on 20[SUP]th[/SUP] November, 1968.[SUP]23[/SUP] This did not help matters. The propaganda machinery against the EAMWS leadership 6everabated. The dissident group with Adam Nasibu as the main spokesman continued on ironically, transcending the political ideals, of the the government and the party by exerting political demands at times banking on racism insisting on breaking the EAMWS. Adam Nasibu was quoted by the Party daily "The Nationalist" to have said that:
"Muslims must know why the East African Muslims Welfare Society should have a constitution which was in line with the country's policy. We do not know the role of the Aga Khan in our society and that is why we reject him."[SUP]24[/SUP]
But most suprising was the government unprecedented silence on statements by the splinter group that it wanted Muslims to align themselves with politics of the country since it was clear and open to every Tanzanian that politics should be divorced from religion. All this notwithstanding what was unique and unprecedented was the introduction of racism into Tanzanian's polity. It was strange that the Party dailies were quoting and giving publicity to a group of Muslim dissidents blaming Ismailis for not being Africans. A decade ago the people of Tanganyika, the very Muslims who formed the core of TANU had fought tooth and nail against racist policies of African National Congress of Zuberi Mtemvu. Mtemvu was defeated and the end result was that the independence government of Tanganyika was a multi-racial government governing over a multi-racial society free from any racial tension. These new developments were not consistent with the government policy.
At this juncture the President of the EAMWS Tewa Saidi Tewa and his Vice President Titi Mohamed decided to put the problem before Mwalimu Julius Nyerere the President of Tanzania and the Chairman of the ruling party. Kiwanuka has described this meeting very well:
"…the two Islamic leaders told Mwalimu how unhappy they were about the manner in which the state radio and the Party Press had publicised the Islamic crisis. They argued that TANU was mixing politics with religion. Alerting him to this so-called press were no people other than Mr. Tewa and Bibi Titi, old and reliable comrades. Reliable in the sense that were it not Bibi Titi, and who stood for Mwalimu during the early TANU days, when Suleiman Takadir [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]one of the first TANU days, elders insinuated that TANU was Christians as Mwalimu and Rupia, President and Vice-President respectively then were Christians. Herself, a devout Muslim, successfully won the day by proving that Tanzania, or Tanganyika as it then was, came first and Islam later. And now, there she was [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]talking about the fuss she had ably thwarted in the 195s."
The reply the two got from Mwalimu was thrilling. My informant told me that it was straightforward. "You decided to wage a war against me, so be prepared".[SUP] 25[/SUP]
Here was Mwalimu Nyerere himself telling Tewa Saidi and Bibi Titi straight on their face to be prepared for what was obvious, a crusade against Muslim unity. Sheikh Suleiman Takadir had contemplated such a situation and had proposed to TANU way back in 1958 to have assurance that the Christian leadership that was being brought into power at the expense of Muslims would not act as a deterrent force against Muslims in their efforts to share power with Christians in post-independence Tanganyika. Tewa Saidi, a former executive member of TANU, a founding member of TANU, a minister in the first independence cabinet, a former member of parliament, a former ambassador to the People's Republic of China and the President of the Muslim Council of Tanzania EAMWS, together with Bibi Titi Mohammed, the woman who mobilized all women of Tanganyika behind Mwalimu Nyerere and TANU, were being scolded by him like naughty school children simply because they had come to ask the President of a serious breach of principle which required his urgent attention and immediate decision.
In October, the crisis took a dramatic turn when the Vice-President of Tanzania Abeid Amani Karume attacked the EAMWS as an organisation of exploitation.[SUP]26[/SUP] From here Karume made a series of attacks and allegations on the society, at time attempting to analyse the relationship between the EAMWS and Muslim community from a Marxian philosophy arguing that the society "was an instrument of the big bourgeoisie which was being controlled by the capitalists who are exploiting he common people.[SUP]27[/SUP] As the "crisis" escalated the attacks shifted from the EAMWS to the basic teachings of the Holy Quran. In a public rally in Zanzibar Karume challenged any Muslim to come out openly and fearlessly to oppose his two statements that:
"There is no difference between Islam and Christianity", and "Fasting in Islam is not obligatory."[SUP]28 [/SUP]1968 was a very trying period for Muslims.
By the first week of December with 9 out of 17 regions out of the EAMWS, the splinter group formed a committee and in collaboration with the Maulid Committee of Dar es Salaam which was under the chairmanship of Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo, convened a meeting of all Muslims at the Arnautoglo Hall on 3[SUP]rd[/SUP] December 1968. Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo was once a student of Sheikh Hassan bin Amir and was under his tutorial until 1961 when there arose a conflict between the Sheikh and Sheikh Chaurembo on issues of politics of Tanganyika. Because of that conflict Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo cut short his studies under Sheikh Hassan bin Amir and became very much involved in TANU politics to the extent that he was consequently elected to the TANU National Executive Committee. As long as Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was in Dar es Salaam it was not possible for anyone to assume national Muslim leadership in Tanzania less so Sheikh Chaurembo. Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was therefore arrested and deported to Zanzibar to pave way for pro-government Muslim leadership. The splinter group committee was a fusion of the government backed Adam Nasibu (who was the secretary of the committee) and party bureaucrats like Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo and Juma Suedi from Bukoba TANU Branch and others who although not in the committee were highly influenced by the anti Muslim politics of the state. This committee announced a conference which was to be known as Islamic National Conference. The conference was o be held in Iringa from l2th-lSth December 1968. The main agenda of the conference was to discuss a constitution for a new Muslim organisation.
Meanwhile Muslim bureaucrats in the government completely refused to assist the Kwikima Commission in any way arguing that to do so was mixing religion and politics. The splinter group also refused to meet with Commission. Muslim scholars who could have intervened in the crisis could not do so because most of them were convinced that the splinter group had a backing of the government and were under instructions to wreck the EAMWS. The splinter group, it turned out, was not interested in any compromise short of forming another pro-government organisation.[SUP]29[/SUP] More over there were rumours also that "anyone who would take part in the activities of society would be detained".[SUP]30[/SUP] Members of the Commission and other Muslims could not easily ignore such threats.
The Commission of Inquiry knew that the dissident group on its own did not have the power nor the mandate to break the EAMWS. Following the announcement by the splinter committee of the Iringa conference, the Commission made public its report on 11[SUP]th[/SUP] December [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]a day before the Iringa Conference was scheduled to begin. The report addressed to all Muslims of Tanzania called for a general conference of the EAMWS in February the following year to discuss and make a final ruling on the "crisis".[SUP]31[/SUP]. The meeting was later re-scheduled for January due to the urgency of the "crisis" at hand. The Party English daily "The Nationalist" after studying the report of the commission decided to pick on the financial report of the EAMWS and label it as "incorrect".[SUP]32[/SUP] This was a calculated move meant to portray the Muslim leadership of the society as dishonesty. That very same week the Aga Kahn who had been a point of attack by the splinter group resigned his post in Paris as patron of the society.[SUP]33[/SUP]
While the Commission was waiting for the response of its report from the Muslim community the dissident group now with open backing of the government and party assembled in Iringa for the Islamic National Conference on 13[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968. The government working behind the scene went out of its way to make the conference a success. It financed the conference, gave it publicity and provided security for the delegates. The conference was attended by Muslim Party and government bureaucrats, Muslim Area and Regional Commissioners and Muslim Areas and Party Chairmen. All Muslim notables were invited including Party Chairmen. All Muslim notables were invited including Party National Executive Committee members and some delegates from Zanzibar. It was literally a conference of Muslim politicians. The most significant thing about the conference was that first it was dominated by very controversial Muslim personalities. Under normal circumstances such an important congregation of Muslims from Zanzibar and Mainland would have seen in its midst renowned Muslims scholars who have a history of commitment, sincerity and devotion to Islam. None of these personalities was there with the exception of Sheikh Mohamed Ramiya of Bagamoyo. The conference was opened and closed by the First Vice-President Karume and Second Vice President Kawawa respectively. The conference passed a new constitution which was a replica of the constitution of the ruling party TANU, and a new Muslim organisation [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]the National Muslim Council of Tanzania (BAKWATA) was formed.
The new Muslim organisation elected Salehe Masasi as the National Chairman, Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo - Deputy National Chairman and Adam Nasibu - Secretary General. All the top executive of the National Muslim Council expected came from the dissident group. This leadership asked the government, TANU and Afro Shiraz Party "to keep a keen eye and make serious investigation on all territorial leaders of EAMWS especially the President, his Vice President, their Secretary and some Regional and District leaders who bore ill will to the new body".[SUP]34[/SUP] The leadership of the new Muslims organisation at their hour of triumph did not extend a hand of conciliation to fellow Muslims in the EAMWS according to Islamic spirit, instead it asked the Party and the government to persecute them, particularly the top leadership. After the formation of the National Muslim Council, in order to clear the air and instill confidence to the Muslim community the secretary of the commission Mussa Kwikima issued a statement saying: "no one could threaten the existence of the EAMWS except its members, the law and the government, but not individuals even if all 17 regions would not automatically mean that the society was legally dead since its existence was not determined by the number of regions affiliated to it but by the number of its members, the Muslims."[SUP]35[/SUP] At this point the new organisation was not yet registered by the Registrar of Societies, and on a legal point there was no way that the dissident group could form a new organization when it had objectives similar to those of another society in existence. For about three days the two Muslim organisations existed together side by side. For a time it seemed as if the EAMWS was going to wither the storm. Then on 19[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 the government as if jolted by Kwikima's statement issued a Certificafe of Exemption to the new organisation and banned the EAMWS.[SUP]36[/SUP] The government issued a short statement:
"The Minister for Home Affairs has by command of the President declared the Tanzania Branch of the East African Muslim Welfare Society and Tanzania Council of the East African Muslim Welfare Society to be unlawful societies under the provisions of section 6(1) of the Societies Ordinance ".[SUP]37[/SUP]
Muslims were by that declaration of the President of Tanzania denied the chance to discuss and make a final ruling on the crisis which so to speak was a conflict among Muslims. To ensure that Muslims complied with the ban order the government put armed policemen outside the offices of the society. It was in that manner that the curtain of the EAMWS saga was lowered. A saga which began with a simple school teacher marching in a mass demonstration in the streets of Bukoba in support of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere's Arusha Declaration and ended with him holding a responsible post in a weak and controversial Muslim organisation. The school teacher now General Secretary of the newly formed National Council of Tanzania started his new job in style. In a statement he made to the press on 19[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 he said his organisation was similar to the Christian Council of Tanzania.[SUP]38[/SUP] Since Muslims did not hold their meeting to deliberate on the "crisis" we can only speculate the outcome of that meeting had it been allowed to convene. The Muslims of Bukoba who were reported to have demonstrated behind the school teacher in support of Arusha Declaration did not voice support nor did they organise a mass demonstration in support of the new organization. In Dar es Salaam and in many places in Tanzania, the National Muslim Council widely know by its Swahili acronym Bakwata (Baraza Kuu Ia Waislamu Tanzania) is a word of insult. To refer to a Muslim as a Bakwata member is like calling a Christian [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]a disciple of Judas Iscariot who sold Jesus for 30 pieces of silver.
Of the Commission of Inquiry one member of that Commission deserve special mention - Mussa Kwikima. Mussa was a young judge appointed by the President. He was to very large extent because of his expertise the force behind the commission. When he offered his services to the EAMWS he was warned of the risk exposing to himself and his career. Mussa Kwikima replied that the threat facing Muslim unity was above his personal interest. After the formation of Bakwata and hence the end of the "crisis" Kwikima was transferred from Dar es Salaam to Mwanza as a Senior Resident Magistrate and his name was dropped from the list of Judges appointed by the President.[SUP]39[/SUP]
What remained after the demise of the EAMWS was to try to establish Bakwata in the regions as an organisation representative of all Muslims of Tanzania Mainland. The most part of 1969 Adam Nasibu and his four-men committee toured the regions campaigning for Bakwata's acceptance by Muslims. The committee offered personal financial assistance to any Regional Secretary of the now defunct EAMWS who would cooperate with the Bakwata headquarters in establishing the new organisation in his region. Muslim did not show any enthusiasm towards Bakwata. In Tabora a region which did not withdraw from the EAMWS, the committee was permitted by the government to hold a public meeting. But before Adam Nasibu could speak Maulidi Kivuruga [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]a veteran of the African Association, a founder member of TANU in Tabora and now a respectable elder politician took the floor and on behalf of the Muslims of Tabora put up a condition that Muslims were not ready to listen to the dissident group unless Waikela, one of the members of the Commission of Inquiry from Tabora was also allowed to address the meeting. This was unacceptable condition to the committee.
Few days later Waikela was summoned by the Director of Criminal Investigation for interrogation about his political activities and about his opposition to Bakwata. In a room at Tabora Hotel, Sawaya, the Director of C.I.D. interrogated Waikela as to why he was not ready to cooperate with the government in establishing Bakwata in Tabora, at times threatening him. Waikela was drilled for four hours and asked to sign some papers which he did. Waikela was never to hear from the government again. Despite the silent resistance Bakwata has been established in Tabora and in all regions of Tanzania.
Kiwanuka's thesis since published in 1987 has stood as a conclusive authority to the Muslim "crisis". Kiwanuka is of the opinion that the government was right to do what it did to protect national unity. Kiwanuka supports the government stand that religion and politics should not be mixed. The two should be separated. Like many works on political history of Tanganyika the thesis fails to link the role of Muslims in forging national unity in the struggle for independence and hence fail to show the pre-independence aspirations of Muslims of Tanganyika. The work does not analyse how the present Christian leadership rose to power and from what background did it build its political base. Kiwanuka simply introduces Muslims in confrontation with the government and does not clearly show the role of the state on the whole confrontation. If he had researched on the political history of Tanganyika he would have found the reasons for the confrontation between Muslims and the Christian dominated government of independent Tanganyika. Further still he would have known the reasons why the government wanted in earnest to have a Muslim organisation which it could control just as it was controlling other mass organisations like the trade unions. If Muslims did not desire the unity of the country they would have supported Sheikh Takadir in 1958 and AMNUT in 1959. What Muslims had asked after independence was equal representation in government coupled with equal educational opportunities, this is not mixing religion and politics.
Christian teachers supported by the Roman Catholic Church challenged TANU Muslim candidates in local government election in Bukoba in 1963 and the Muslim candidates were defeated. No records exist which show that the government took any action against the Church as an institution or against individual Christian candidates. But Muslims were detained obviously for resisting Christian hegemony over the Party. The Party National Executive Committee purged the Muslim dominated Dar es Salaam Elders Council from TANU for mixing religion with politics.
The Roman Catholic Church in Bukoba lacked tactics and exposed itself. The new forces against Islam used subtle means and were able to subvert the EAMWS and imposed its own organisation on Muslims. How can one explain the fact that a government which had always been against racial discrimination and worked for national unity allow a group of not more than five people to use the state mass media to propagate disunity and racism. How can one explain the fact that such an important body like the National Muslims Council could be formed by and its top leadership be in the hands of people considered controversial in the Muslim Community. How possible can Muslims initiate a body to propagate Islam without having the support of Muslims themselves or without having a single respectable Muslim scholar on its entire leadership. Bakwata was not formed with the interest of Muslims in mind. Bakwata was imposed upon Muslims to subdue them as a political force. The new leadership in the party and government feared to face the future with Muslims organising themselves independent of the central authority.
As the independence government showed no intention of giving equal opportunity to Muslims on education persisting to maintain the colonial status quo, it was obvious that a second struggle would be launched against the Christian dominated government as Muslims did against the British Christian administration. And there were indications that Muslims were bracing themselves for the second struggle and that struggle was not through TANU because already a purge against them was underway. The second struggle was to be through the unity of all Muslims. This created a state of fear and the government kept itself on perpetual guard against such eventuality. Out of fear the government pounced on any Muslim which it felt was a threat to its authority. It is out of fear that even the history of the country Is being erased. This is one of the ways the government thinks it could stop evoking past Muslim sentiments.
At the time when the splinter group with state backing was rejecting the Aga Khan from the EAMWS for being an Ismaili Muslim no one pointed a finger to the Christian establishments and administration in Tanzania which are dominated and financed by different foreign powers. No one pointed an accusing finger to the Roman Catholic Church which has diplomatic accreditation of the Pope in the country. If the Aga Khan was a threat to the security of the state then there was no serious threat than the threat posed by all the Christian establishments in the country. The Catholic Church demands total allegiance from all its adherents, the Church moving its members in important positions in the Cabinet, the Party and in the Civil Service, could have posed and caused government instability. By weakening Muslims through the divide and rule tactics Christians were being made stronger.
By 1970 the furore of the Muslim "crisis" had died down. In that year Mwalimu Nyerere attended a seminar for religions and organised political leaders in Tabora conveniently organised by the Tanzania Episcopal Conference. In that seminar for the first time Mwalimu publicly addressed himself to the issue of TAN U's religious identity. Mwalimu said: "Our Party, the TANU, has no religion. It is just a political party and there are no arrangements or agreements with a particular religion".[SUP]40[/SUP] This statement can only mean one thing that is, TANU had over the years lost its Muslim identity; because TANU since 1954 had an identity and the political history of the Party testifies to this. If in 1970 the party had lost its Muslim identity it means that the Muslim influence and identity has been successfully wiped out. This fact is confirmed by Mwalimu's own statement when he said:
"I have established in TANU a department of political education and I have put a Lutheran Minister in charge. He was not a great politician, but I selected him because of his balance, his gentleness and his strong solid faith..."[SUP]41[/SUP] Mwalimu has proved that it is one's faith which determines politics in Tanzania and TANU could not be a party with no religion. Religious sentiments and convictions are important since they determine thoughts and actions which go a long way in the administration of a country. Muslims have to wake up to these realities and recapture their lost political power.
[SIZE=+1]THE AFTERMATH[/SIZE] The Party is weak, it no longer commands respect, dignity and enthusiasm it did in the days of yore. The Party has alienated itself from its founders. The de-Islamisation of the Party has gone full circle and its Muslim history has been erased. Bakwata has sided with the government thus failing to uphold Muslim values and principles. As a reaction to this Muslims have started to organise themselves independent of the central authority. Tanzania Mainland has more than 100 Muslim youth organisations scattered throughout the country. Few of these are registered with the Registrar of Societies as required by law, a majority operate without registration. Few of them operate underground for effectiveness. The government is reluctant to register Muslims organisations because to do so is to erode the power of Bakwata.
We cannot talk of any Muslim development because the colonial status quo still persists. The ratio of Muslim joining higher institutions of learning trails behind Christians 1:10. In desperation Muslims have opened up their own schools but all of them are poorly organised and equipped. The state look at these school as centres of Muslim militancy and agitation against the established system and are therefore frustrated in many ways to discourage their opening. Muslim organisations from outside the country who want to help Muslims in Tanzania are met with all kinds of hostility from other state institutions to drive home to them that their presence in the country is undesirable. These anti Muslim campaigns have of late become so pronounced to the extent that even the most liberal among Muslims have become radicalised, so to speak and are joining the movements. Muslim issues which few years were unheard are now being discussed in camera in the Party and state institutions. These are fruits of underground movements which have conscientised the few Muslims in positions of power and authority. National salvation lies in justice to be done to all. What has happened in other countries can easily happen in Tanzania. There is still time to avoid such a situation. All is well that ends well.
[SIZE=+1]REFERENCE[/SIZE] 1. August H Nimtz Jr Islam and Politics in East Africa, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1980, p. 11 [SIZE=-2]. [/SIZE]Also see Jan Pvan Bergen, Development and Religion in Tanzania, Madras, 1981 p.23.
2. See P. Gerold Rupper, OSB, Pugu Hadi Peramiho: Miaka 100 Ya Wamisionari Wabenediktini Katika Tanzania, Benedictine Publications, Ndanda [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]Peramiho, 1980, pp. 31-42.
3. See Yusuf Halimoja, Historia ya Masasi, East African Literature Bureau, Nairobi, 1977, pp. 163-175. For the linkage between Islam and Mali Maji War see Nimtz op. cit., pp. 12-13.
4. See "Kiongozi' No. 6, June 1950. For more information on missionary penetration in East Africa see M. Langley & T. Kiggins:
A Serving People, Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 1974, p. 19.
5. See Daisy Sykes Buruku "The Townsman: Kleist Sykes' in Iliffe (ed.). Modern Tanzanians, East African Publishing House 1973, p. 1.06.
6. For a detailed account of the strike see John Iliffe, "History of Dockworkers of Dar es Salaam" in Tanzania Notes and Records (Dar es Salaam) 71: (1970).
7. The author has published two articles on the subject See "Africa Events' (London) March/April, 1988 and September 1988.
8. Tanganyika, "Membership of Political Associations. Tanganyika Government Circular No. 5 (1 August 1953) Dar es Salaam, 1953. The Circular barred African civil servants from politics.
Christians being the most, educated were employed in the civil service. This prevented them from active politics.
9. See "UHURU" 3[SUP]rd[/SUP] July, 1974 article by Rajab Diwani member of TANU National Executive ommittee: "TANU Ilipambana na Misukusuko Mingi'.
10. "Mwafrika' 11[SUP]th[/SUP] October, 1958.
11. See Historia ya Chama cha TANU, kivukoni Ideological College, 1981, p. 56.
12. "Mwafrika" 3[SUP]rd[/SUP] October, 195g.
13. "Tanganyika Standard' 12[SUP]th[/SUP] March, 1963.
14. See K. Mayanja Kiwanuka, "The Politics of Islam in Bukoba District" B.A. Thesis, University of Dar es Salaam, pp. 57-58.
15. See H. Mapunda, Historia ya Mapambano ya Mtanzania. Tanzania Publishing House, Dar es Salaam, 1979, p. 172.
16. Constitution, Rules and Regulation of the EAMWS/ Sheria za EAMWS (Chama cha Kustawisha Uislam Katika Afrika ya Mashariki). Dar es Salaam Printers Ltd., Reprint 1960.
17. See Kiwanuka op. cit., p. 75.
18. Ibid.
19. "Taarifa ya Kamati ya Utendaji EAMWS Mkoa wa Tanga"
23[SUP]rd[/SUP] October, 1968 Ripoti ya Sheikh A.J. Jambia.
20. Kiwanuka, op. cit., p. 2.
21. See Kwikima Report in "The Standard' 12[SUP]th[/SUP] December,
1968. Also "The Nationalist' 24[SUP]th[/SUP] October, 1968.
22. See Kwikima Report.
23. Barua ya Mwenyekiti Halmashauri ya Uchunguzi Migogoro ya Waislamu kwa Waziri wa Habari na Utangazaji 21[SUP]st[/SUP] November, 1968.
24. "The Nationalist' quoted in Kiwanuka p.81.
25. Kiwanuka, pp. 2-3.
26. lbid., p.81.
27. "The Standard' 9[SUP]th[/SUP] November,1968 quoted in Kiwanuka p. 81. Also see "The Standard' 20[SUP]th[/SUP] November, 1968.
28. "The Standard' 31[SUP]st[/SUP] December, 1968.
29. See Kwikima Report.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.
32. "The Nationalist" 15[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
33. "Baraza' (Nairobi) 12[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
34. See Kiwanuka p. 85. Also Proceedings of the Iringa Conference 12[SUP]th[/SUP] -15[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 in Bakwata File Maktaba ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi Dodoma. Also "The Standard" 17[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
35. "The Standard' 18[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
36. "The Standard" 20[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Kiwanuka p. 86. Other information from Bilali Rehani Waikela
40. See Bergen, p. 238.
41. lbid., p.335.
[TD="bgcolor: #CCCCCC"][/TD]
[TD="bgcolor: #33CCFF"][/TD]
Muslim Writer's Organization
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
INTRODUCTION Islam has been in existence in East Africa since the eighth century. With Islam, emerged the lingua franca, Kiswahili, spoken throughout East and Central Africa and the Swahili culture which is mostly associated with Muslims. About two-thirds of East Africa's Muslims reside in Tanzania which is the most populous of the East African countries i.e. Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. According to the 1957 population census, Muslims outnumbered Christians at a ratio of three to two. This means Tanzania is a leading Muslim nation in the region. But the 1967 census the total figures for Tanzania Mainland are 32% Christian, 30% Muslim and 37% local belief. This shows Pagans as a leading majority. The 1967 census has not been able to show the reasons for the sudden decrease of Muslim population nor the growth of Paganism. This was the last population census showing religious distribution. It is widely believed that the figures for the 1967 census were doctored for political reasons to show Muslims were trailing behind Christians in numerical strength. This paper "lnsha Allah", will try to show the reasons behind such a move and many others.
Christianity is a relatively new religion in Tanzania having introduced into the country during the 18[SUP]th[/SUP] Century by professional missionaries. Christianity was resisted by Muslims right from the beginning. In any uprising against the colonial state Muslims took that opportunity to attack missionaries and Christian establishments.[SUP]2[/SUP] Muslims perceived both missionaries and the colonial state as fellow collaborators and therefore enemies to Islam. Islamic radicalism has therefore a long history in the struggle against colonial rule and Christianity. Christianity meanwhile became a reactionary force siding with the colonial state. In the Maji Maji War of 1905 some Christians fought alongside the German army against the people to safeguard Christianity.[SUP]3[/SUP] In this war some Muslims were hanged particularly for killing missionaries and for waging a war against German rule.
The British took over Tanganyika (as Tanzania was then known) from the Germans after the First World War, by then the Germans had done more than their fair share in opening up Tanganyika for Christian influence through various Christian establishments. Tanganyika was divided among different Christian organizations originating from various European countries. The White Fathers were in Tabora, Karema, Kigoma, Mbeya, Mwanza and Bukoba; Holy Ghost Fathers - Morogoro and Kilimanjaro; Benedictine Fathers Peramiho and Ndanda; Capuchin Fathers - Dar es Salaam; Consolata Fathers - Iringa and Meru; Passionists Fathers - Dodoma; Pallotine Fathers - Mbulu; Maryknoll Fathers Musoma; and Rosmillian Fathers -lringa.[SUP]4[/SUP]
When the People started to organize themselves in political entities during the British rule through various associations, Muslims in Dar es Salaam formed the African Association in 1929 and Jamiatul lslamiyya fi Tanganyika in 1933. Missionaries sensing these African organisations as organised African resistance against the colonial state warned Christians not to get themselves involved in any movements that were challenging the government.[SUP]5[/SUP] The church and state provided education to African Christians and denied it to majority Muslims. The two worked hand in hand to mould loyal subjects out of the educated Christians alienating them from the main stream of the struggle against British rule. Resistance against British colonialism was therefore left to Muslims and the struggle for independence and nationalist politics in Tan9anyika assumed strong Muslim characteristics.
The first uprising against the British occurred in predominant Muslim areas of Tanga and Dar es Salaam in 1939. Strikes occurred in the ports of Tanga and Dar es Salaam followed by a violent general strike a few years later in Dar es Salaam port in 1947. Muslim predominance in port employment to a large extent helped to create the solidarity which ignited the working class movement responsible for the strikes. In the 1947 general strike Muslim symbols were used effectively showing for the first time the influence and extent of Islamic radicalism in resisting colonial oppression. The strike was very successful as it spread through Tanganyika lasting for almost a month and paralysing the colonial economic machinery.[SUP]6[/SUP] This strike created the necessary conditions to force the colonial state to pass appropriate legislation allowing the formation and eventual registration of the Dock Workers Union. It is interesting to note that the leader of this movement Abdulwahid Sykes was the first ever general secretary of a trade union in Tanganyika in 1948. Abdulwahid was later to be elected secretary of Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika and went on to found the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) -[SIZE=-2] [/SIZE]the first open political party in colonial Tanganyika.
The British, in their tactics of divide and rule, isolated Muslims for oppression and elevated Christians to a higher status by giving them educational opportunities. In this way religion was used as a colonial weapon to stratify the people, creating out of African Christian a special class of colonised subjects. The church meanwhile maintained the doctrine: "Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's." (Mathew xxii:21). Muslims, however, were able to distinguish between British Christian colonialism which was the immediate enemy and the African Christians an appendage of the colonial system.
When TANU was formed out of the African Association in 1954 as a nationalist party to prepare the people of Tanganyika towards achieving independence, the strategy adopted for the struggle right from the start, was to form a united front of all Tanganyikans irrespective of religious identity or ethnic affiliations. Most scholars who have written on Tanzania's political history have focused on Julius Nyerere as a founding leader of TANU. This is a fallacy yet to be rectified. This approach obscures a very important part of Islamic radicalism and Muslim personalities who had, before Nyerere, been working for the formation of the Party. Consequently a most important part of colonial history which laid the formation for resistance against colonial history which laid the formation for resistance against the British is eroded.[SUP]7[/SUP] It is beyond the scope of this paper to trace the origins of party system in Tanzania, but for the purpose of setting the record straight it should be noted that the desire to initiate a political movement can be traced from the African Association, but it was the Political Sub-Committee formed in 1905 within the Tanganyika African Association which actually formed TANU. Members of the TAA Political Sub-Committee were: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Hamza Kibwana Mwapachu, Said Chaurembo, Vedast Kyaruzi, John Rupia and Stephen Mhando. It is also interesting to note that a group of Muslim TAA members in Tabora had passed a resolution in 1953 to transform the association into an open political party. Suffice to state that two members of the Political Sub-Committee, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir and Abdulwahid Sykes were executive members of Da'wat AI-Islamia and Jamiatul lslamiyya respectively providing the link between the new party and Islam.
Roman Catholic Julius Nyerere was elected TANU president. A faction within the Party against Christian leadership emerged. Because of their superior education the few Christians who dared to venture into TANU were immediately offered leadership positions[SUP]8[/SUP]. The main reason advanced for this opposition was the history of the Church as a guardian of the African Christians. Some Muslims in the Party had no confidence in the mission-educated Christians. Christians were perceived as too close to the colonial state to take up a leading role in the struggle against the colonial state. This Islamic ideology did not get support of Muslims although Muslims enjoyed preponderance over Christians in the Party. Muslims wanted to build in TANU a party of national unity national aspirations overrode immediate Muslim interests.
In 1955 TANU still in the formative stage called a meeting to clarify the status of Christianity in the Party and to establish a nationalist-secularist ideology as a way of preserving national unity.[SUP]9[/SUP] Where as the colonial state, had over the years of its rule used religion to stratify the people and create divisions among them, the Muslims leadership In TANU through the Elders Council suppressed the long standing Islamic radicalism to forge unity between the people. Christians however, for seasons already stated, did not play any significant role in the early years of TANU until 1958 when TANU contested its first election. This period is important in the political history of colonial Tanganyika because the outcome of TANU's decision to contest the election on those conditions came to adversely affect the future role of Islamic radicalism in the post independence politics.
This was the first election in which TANU took part since its formation in 1954. The colonial government of Governor Edward Twining had put very discriminatory conditions to the African electorate which required each constituency to vote for a European, an Asian and an African. Other conditions of eligibility for voting required the prospective voter to have an annual income of £200, Standard XII education and be employed in a specific post. These were stiff conditions for TANU to accept. Muslims who were active in politics could notmeet those conditions and could not therefore vote nor could they stand as candidates. The British, in alliance with missionaries, had denied Muslims education - the very condition which it put to deny them participation in shaping the future of the country. TANU had, therefore, to look outside its own rank and file for qualified Christian candidates to contest the election. This was to be the beginning of a Christians hegemony over the Party leadership.
Some Muslims within the Party rose to challenge this new development. Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Chairman of TANU Elders Council, and all Muslim body wanted the Party to discuss this problem. There were fears that the emerging Christian leadership in TANU which would obviously go into the Legislative Council would also go on to form the first independence government. It was feared that these would use Church influence to suppress Islam as a political force. This conflict threatened to split the Party. 1958 was very crucial time for TANU. For over thirty years Africans had been working towards having democratic principles established in Tanganyika. TANU in 1958 was on the verge of knocking the doors of the Legislative Council but for the problem of Christianity which was again cropping up for the second time in the Party. The majority of Muslims in TANU did not see the African Christians as posing any threat to Islam in free Tanganyika. Many saw the Christian influx into the Party's leadership positions as a catalyst for accelerating the thrust of the struggle - a consolidation of its own strength vis-a-vis the conspiracies of the colonial state. No one saw this rapid changing pattern of Party leadership as a neutralising agent against Muslim influence in TANU. The Takadir faction which was calling for equal representation between Muslims and Christians in the party leadership and in the independence government was seen as a divisive element. Sheikh Takadir was relieved of his post in TANU, suspended and later expelled from the Party for raising the sensitive issue, which it was feared, would divide the party along religious lines and consequently slow down the tempo of the struggle.[SUP]10[/SUP] TANU, therefore, selected the following to contest the 1958 election: Julius Nyerere, John Keto, Nesmo Eliufoo, John Mwakangale and Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira.[SUP]11[/SUP]
Failing to pursue Islam as a mobilizational ideology in TAN U, a group of Muslims crossed over from the Party and formed the All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT). AMNUT could not also get support from the Muslim majority in Tanganyika. No political party had emerged in Tanganyika on the basis of religious or ethnic rivalry. Having dominated the political Muslims were already de-tribalised by Islam. This diminished the chances of ethnicity over~1ing religious identity while at the same time consolidating Islam as an ideology of resistance and a unifying force of all Tanganyikans. The TANU Elders Council initiated a campaign against AMNUT. 43 prominent Muslim scholars in Dar es Salaam together with 80 of their counterparts in Tanga signed a declaration opposing AMNUT and what it stood for and reaffirming their loyalty and support to TANU.[SUP]12[/SUP] Many believed AMNUT was a reactionary party which had to be fought and eliminated for the sake of national unity. It was believed that after independence there would be appropriate forums to discuss such[SIZE=-1] [/SIZE]issues of national importance.
The predominantly Christian government and the Christian establishment felt threatened by these nation wide Muslim mobilisation efforts for development. The EAMWS leadership and its executive committee was now in the hands of Muslim party bureaucrats. The government saw this mobilization as Muslims bracing up for a second struggle to take over the country from Christian leadership. Without warning the state found itself in direct confrontation with a strong Muslim organisation in which every Muslim of Tanganyika was virtually a member and within its ranks were opponents of TANU as well as committed party members. At the same time the all-Muslim TANU Elders Council in its advisory role to the Party started to exert pressure to the government which the government perceived as smacking of Islamism. The Elders Council had overtime transformed itself from a vanguard committee to a Muslims pressure group within the Party.
Events started to move in rapid succession. In January 1963 some trade unionists were detained along with prominent Muslim Sheikhs. Rumours making the rounds in Dar es Salaam was that the Sheikhs were planning a coup against the government. Soon after, a prominent Muslim scholar Sherif Hussein Badawiy and his young brother Mwinyibaba who had established in Dar es Salaam a well patronised madras were declared prohibited immigrants and had to leave the country. In March, the TANU National Executive voted to dissolve the eleven-men working committee of Dar es Salaam Elders Council now under the Chairmanship of Mzee Iddi Tulio. The reason given by the Party for this action was that the Elders Council was mixing politics with religion[SUP]13[/SUP]. This was to be the beginning of a campaign of de-Islamisation of TANU and its history and the end of Muslim predominance in the post colonial party politics. Since achieving independence the Muslim card which was played against the British was seen by the government in power as a card which had outlived its usefulness. The dissolution of the Elders Council was the last hold of Muslim influence in the Party. The Church which had kept its distance during the struggle now surfaced to challenge Muslims leadership in TANU. In an unprecedented move by the Church, the Roman Catholic Church in Bukoba supported its own Christian candidates against Muslim candidates put forward by TANU in the local government elections. The church argued that it preferred its own candidates to TANU's because the Party's candidates were of very limited educational background.[SUP]14[/SUP] A similar campaign by the Church against Muslim candidates was also effected in Kigoma.[SUP]15[/SUP] There are no records existing which show that the government or the Party took any action against the Church for mixing religion with politics.
When the Second Muslim Congress was convened in Dar es Salaam later that year these serious issues were put forward for discussion. The Congress established beyond any reasonable doubt that there was a silent purge going on in the Party against Muslims and that there was nationwide anti Muslims campaign against leaders of the EAMWS. President Nyerere was invited to the closing ceremony and the congress registered its regrets to him. Nyerere talked at length on the problem and somehow managed to cool the situation. But there was no doubt in the minds of the EAMWS leadership that there was organised Church resistance against Islam and Muslims using the Christian leadership in the Party and government to effect its influence and decisions. The Christian leadership in state institutions was now using state power against Islam to have the Church control the government in independent Tanganyika.
In January1964 an army mutiny occurred in the Tanganyika Rifles. The government took this opportunity to detain trade unionists and some Muslims who were prominent in the post independence Muslims politics agitating against the government. When the case went on trial at the High Court there was no evidence tendered which showed that the mutiny was Muslims inspired or had any connection whatsoever with any Muslim organisation. In April a strong delegation of the EAMWS comprising of Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Sheikh Said Omar Abdallah, Tewa Said Tewa, EAMWS Secretary Aziz Khaki and a TANU elder Sheikh Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, left for a tour of Islamic countries to solicit financial support for the proposed Islamic University and to establish relations with the Muslim world. The government of the United Arab Republic of Egypt responded positively to the proposed Islamic University. An agreement was signed in Cairo between Tewa Said on behalf of the EAMWS and Vice President Sharbasy on behalf of the Egyptian government. The government of Egypt promised to build and Islamic University for the Muslims of Tanganyika to be owned and managed by the EAMWS. Capital expenditure of the project was estimated at 55 million sterling pounds to be contributed by the United Arab Republic of Egypt. From Egypt the delegation visited Jordan, Kuwait, Iraq and Lebanon. This was a significant step in the history of Islam in Tanganyika. Tanganyika has been open only to European countries and their various missionary organisations. For the first time in 1964 the country was being opened up for contact with other Islamic countries.
Soon after the delegation had returned from the Islamic countries, President Nyerere made a cabinet reshuffle. Tewa Said Tewa, Chairman of Territorial Council of the EAMWS was dropped from the government and appointed ambassador to the People's Republic of China. This it was believed was not unconnected with Tewa's efforts of mobilising Muslims and his efforts to unite them under one organization.
Bibi Titi Mohammed was elected Vice President to run the Organisation in the absence of the President Mr. Tewa Said Tewa. This was in January, 1965.
It is from this point that we can now start tracing and analysing how the government finally moved to subvert Muslim unity through a campaign of intrigue, sabortage, bribery and misinformation against the EAMWS leadership which it perceived as a threat to its own political domination over Muslim majority. The government was now literally in Christian hands. Apart from Zanzibaris in the union government: A.M. Maalim Minister of Commerce and Industry, Aboud Jumbe Minister of State, A.M. Babu Minister of Lands, Settlement and Water development and Hasnu Makame Minister of Information and Tourism, the only Muslim minister from the Mainland in the 15 men cabinet was Said Ali Maswanya, Minister of Home Affairs.
The main objective of the EAMWS was according to its1957 constitution was "to propagate Islam in East Africa".[SUP]16[/SUP] The society was multi-racial in membership and leadership composition. During its 21 years of existence it abstained from partisan politics. The society strictly confined itself to protecting and promoting Islam in East Africa. Since the mass detention of Muslims in 1964 after the army mutiny the EAMWS seemed to have lost its zeal and purpose. Some of its offices in the regions were closed out of fear of silent government hostility and for lack of strong leadership. Many Muslims hesitated to man those offices as they were of the opinion that such offices would be taken as centres of Muslim opposition against the government. For more than three years since the congress of 1963, the EAMWS did not meet. When at last it held its annual conference at Arusha in 1966 a separatist group emerged from Tanzania calling for the split of the society into three different autonomous entities. The separatist element from Tanzania also called for the "indigenization" of the constitution of the EAMWS.[SUP]17[/SUP] This meant constitutional changes had to be effected by the leadership to enable Tanzania become an independent body within the EAMWS. Independent minded delegates from Tanzania and the entire conference delegation from Kenya and Uganda were against such changes arguing that, such a move would isolate Tanzanian Muslims from the rest of the East African "umma". This, it was observed, would weaken not only Tanzania Muslims, but the Muslim community in East Africa. Kenya and Uganda delegates were aware of the fact that there was pressure from the Tanzanian government to split the society, and that the Tanzania delegation was working under heavy political pressure. It was an open secret that some Muslim leadership of EAMWS in Tanzania was facing silent intimidation from the government. But the conference did not address itself to these issues because such issues were taken as internal matter of the country concerned. However in the spirit of Islam delegates showed their sympathy privately to the situation which Tanzanian Muslims were facing. As delegates left for their respective countries it was clear enough that the state was encroaching into the affairs of the EAMWS making it extremely difficult to organise Muslims and to pass important decisions. To make matters worse and to drive the point home, Tanzanian State intelligence officers were very much in evidence during the whole period of the conference in Arusha.
It soon became clear that the government was working towards disbanding the EAMWS using few hand picked Muslims, the end result which was to form a new body which the state could have some control over its activities. This was to be done in order to contain Muslims as a political force. It is now from this point that we can start analysing the so-called ‘crisis' of the EAMWS which characterised the last three months of 1968. In order to understand the whole episode it is important to trace out the nature of the ‘crisis' and the integrity of the characters who played major roles in that ‘crisis'. Lastly, it is important to analyse the role of the government, the party and state institutions in the ‘crisis' in order to see if it is true that there was an actual ‘crisis' in the EAMWS, or if the ‘crisis' was fomented by some Interested parties within the party and government and within the very Muslim fabric in order to weaken Muslims as a potential political force.
In 1967 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere announced the Arusha Declaration embarking Tanzania on a socialist path. The new economic policy was met with mass enthusiasm. An unknown Muslim school teacher by the name of Adam Nasibu who was the EAMWS Regional Secretary inBukoba seized the occasion and participated in a mass demonstration to TANU Regional headquarters in support of Mwalimu Nyerere's new economic policy. Adam Nasibu was also quoted to have said that socialism was compatible tothe teachings of the Holy Quran. Adam Nasibu went further and issued "guidelines to all Islamic religious leaders in Bukoba providing for a basic explanation on theArusha Decleration".[SUP]18[/SUP] Non-Muslims saw Adam Nasibu as very progressive Muslim, and he being an executive of the EAMWS his support tothe new political development was perceived as an official recognition by the society to the Arusha Declaration. But before this incident, no one knew the schoolteacher as a politician, let alone being anintellectual. Under normal political climates, the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters in Dar es Salaam would have frown at such an open demonstration of partisanship. But there are no records which show that the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters did warn its Bukoba Secretary of such seemingly unbecoming behaviour. Probably the headquarters thought to do that would have been unpatriotic taking into consideration the enthusiasm shown by the people in the Arusha Declaration. After all Muslims have always provided the lead in the politics of the country. The headquarters of the EAMWS thought better of it and let the incident pass.
Adam Nasibu received some publicity in the news media because of that behaviour, particularly on his statement that socialism was compatible to the teachings of the Holy Quran. Some Muslims by observing the contemporary political climate as it affected Muslims which was at that moment not conducive to any Islamic influence to the politics for the country, saw in Adam Nasibu a person seeking cheap publicity by courting the government. All this notwithstanding the action by the Bukoba Secretary had very adverse effect on the entire society and its leadership. Adam Nasibu was seen as the champion of the people and a progressive Muslim leader who the government could depend upon. The leadership at the headquarters was seen as probably standing aloof, not being in touch with sufferings of the people and out of touch with the government policy. But still EAMWS as a religious organisation could not have come forward and support the Arusha Declaration because to do so would have been incompatible with the government policy. But still EAMWS as a religious organisation could not have come forward and support the Arusha Declaration because to do so would have been incompatible with the government hitherto unwritten law of not mixing religion and politics. Remaining uncommitted to the Arusha Declaration also was perceived as unpatriotic giving an indication that the society was unconcerned with the welfare and development of the people of Tanzania. To complicate the issue further the president of EAMWS, Tewa Saidi and his vice-president Bibi Titi Mohamed were former cabinet ministers who had lost power in previous general elections. It was therefore perceived by the government and party that being at the top hierarchy of the EAMWS the two were trying to build a new political base out of Muslims. Adam Nasibu had managed a coup against the president of the EAMWS, he had by his open overzealous patriotism proved to the government that he could be a better servant to the state than the seemingly decadent leadership at the Dare Salaam headquarters.
On 17[SUP]th[/SUP] October 1968 Adam Nasibu was again on the limelight but this time he was no longer a stranger to the people. People now knew him as the partisan Bukoba EAMWS Secretary who had supported the Arusha Declaration and issued directives to other Muslim leaders explaining the salient features of the document. Adam Nasibu made an announcement through the state radio and the party press that his region was splitting from the EAMWS.[SUP]19[/SUP] Overnight Adam Nasibu became a household name as the mass-media of the party and government started to build up his image and publicized what came to be known as the Muslim' crisis'. The Party dailies had a field day:
"The state radio and the Party press gave very wide publicity to the defection. News headlines and front page photographs depicting Mr. Nasibu busy with Pressmen donned the Party dailies".[SUP] 20[/SUP]
It was after this announcement and the publicity by the mass-media that Muslims in Tanzania came to realise for the first time that they had a Muslim national "crisis" in their hands. Five days later on 22[SUP]nd[/SUP] October, Sheikh Juma Jambia member of the Central Committee of the EAMWS Tanga Region made a similar announcement of withdrawing from the society.[SUP]21[/SUP] Soon after, Iringa also announced its withdrawal from the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters in Dar es Salaam. The leadership of the EAMWS at the headquarters reacted immediately to these withdrawals by calling a meeting of the executive to discuss the new development in the society. The mass-media facilities which were at the disposal of the separatist group i.e., the Party newspapers and the state-controlled radio were denied to the EAMWS leadership. It was therefore clear from outset that the government was taking sides on the "crisis" and the state radio and Party newspapers were being used by the government to subvert Muslims and the EAMWS. Having known what opposition was against them the EAMWS leadership at the headquarters became engulfed with the atmosphere of insecurity and uncertainty, the EAMWS executive turned to Muslims for support.
The dissident group gave many reasons necessitating the split from the EAMWS but the main ones were as follows:
(i) The constitution of the society snot fit compared with the country's leadership
(ii) The constitution should be Tanzanian
(iii) The Aga Khan should not be a patron
(iv) The Secretary General of the society should be an African Muslim
(v) No one knows the money given as aid from outside countries for the advancement of Muslims, not even the sources.[SUP]22[/SUP]
Islam has own basic principles and laws which guides Muslims in their every day life. The grievances given by the dissident group could never constitute a crisis of that magnitude, because some of those grievances could be solved through sheer common sense and goodwill. Others were undebatable because the basic teachings of Islam had provided guidelines. The issue of the constitution and aid were issues which could be discussed and resolved in the appropriate meetings. But questioning the multi-racial composition of Muslim organisation was to deny the universal message of Islam which cut across nationalities. This is against the teachings of the Holy Quran.
It was clear that the splinter group being learned Muslims were all aware of these teachings, and since they were persisting on splitting from the society it was obvious the over-zealous patriotism had a special mission with the backing of the government to fragment the unity of Muslims and hence weaken them politically. However on 14[SUP]th[/SUP] November 1968 the Tanzania Council of the EAMWS called a conference in Dar es Salaam to discuss the "crisis". The conference formed a seven-men commission of inquiry to probe into the "crisis"
and come out with a report. Mussa Kwikima, a lawyer by profession, was elected secretary to the commission. By then nine regions had withdrawn from the EAMWS and the Party dailies had elevated the "crisis" into a nation-wide public debate. The Party dailies were diverging and publishing information of the society with impunity inflaming an already volatile situation.
In order for the commission to work without prejudice it was necessary to ask the government to stop immediately the state controlled radio and the Party dailies from being used by the dissident group as its propaganda forum. The commission met the Minister of Information and Broadcasting to discuss the issue in his office on 20[SUP]th[/SUP] November, 1968.[SUP]23[/SUP] This did not help matters. The propaganda machinery against the EAMWS leadership 6everabated. The dissident group with Adam Nasibu as the main spokesman continued on ironically, transcending the political ideals, of the the government and the party by exerting political demands at times banking on racism insisting on breaking the EAMWS. Adam Nasibu was quoted by the Party daily "The Nationalist" to have said that:
"Muslims must know why the East African Muslims Welfare Society should have a constitution which was in line with the country's policy. We do not know the role of the Aga Khan in our society and that is why we reject him."[SUP]24[/SUP]
But most suprising was the government unprecedented silence on statements by the splinter group that it wanted Muslims to align themselves with politics of the country since it was clear and open to every Tanzanian that politics should be divorced from religion. All this notwithstanding what was unique and unprecedented was the introduction of racism into Tanzanian's polity. It was strange that the Party dailies were quoting and giving publicity to a group of Muslim dissidents blaming Ismailis for not being Africans. A decade ago the people of Tanganyika, the very Muslims who formed the core of TANU had fought tooth and nail against racist policies of African National Congress of Zuberi Mtemvu. Mtemvu was defeated and the end result was that the independence government of Tanganyika was a multi-racial government governing over a multi-racial society free from any racial tension. These new developments were not consistent with the government policy.
At this juncture the President of the EAMWS Tewa Saidi Tewa and his Vice President Titi Mohamed decided to put the problem before Mwalimu Julius Nyerere the President of Tanzania and the Chairman of the ruling party. Kiwanuka has described this meeting very well:
"…the two Islamic leaders told Mwalimu how unhappy they were about the manner in which the state radio and the Party Press had publicised the Islamic crisis. They argued that TANU was mixing politics with religion. Alerting him to this so-called press were no people other than Mr. Tewa and Bibi Titi, old and reliable comrades. Reliable in the sense that were it not Bibi Titi, and who stood for Mwalimu during the early TANU days, when Suleiman Takadir [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]one of the first TANU days, elders insinuated that TANU was Christians as Mwalimu and Rupia, President and Vice-President respectively then were Christians. Herself, a devout Muslim, successfully won the day by proving that Tanzania, or Tanganyika as it then was, came first and Islam later. And now, there she was [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]talking about the fuss she had ably thwarted in the 195s."
The reply the two got from Mwalimu was thrilling. My informant told me that it was straightforward. "You decided to wage a war against me, so be prepared".[SUP] 25[/SUP]
Here was Mwalimu Nyerere himself telling Tewa Saidi and Bibi Titi straight on their face to be prepared for what was obvious, a crusade against Muslim unity. Sheikh Suleiman Takadir had contemplated such a situation and had proposed to TANU way back in 1958 to have assurance that the Christian leadership that was being brought into power at the expense of Muslims would not act as a deterrent force against Muslims in their efforts to share power with Christians in post-independence Tanganyika. Tewa Saidi, a former executive member of TANU, a founding member of TANU, a minister in the first independence cabinet, a former member of parliament, a former ambassador to the People's Republic of China and the President of the Muslim Council of Tanzania EAMWS, together with Bibi Titi Mohammed, the woman who mobilized all women of Tanganyika behind Mwalimu Nyerere and TANU, were being scolded by him like naughty school children simply because they had come to ask the President of a serious breach of principle which required his urgent attention and immediate decision.
In October, the crisis took a dramatic turn when the Vice-President of Tanzania Abeid Amani Karume attacked the EAMWS as an organisation of exploitation.[SUP]26[/SUP] From here Karume made a series of attacks and allegations on the society, at time attempting to analyse the relationship between the EAMWS and Muslim community from a Marxian philosophy arguing that the society "was an instrument of the big bourgeoisie which was being controlled by the capitalists who are exploiting he common people.[SUP]27[/SUP] As the "crisis" escalated the attacks shifted from the EAMWS to the basic teachings of the Holy Quran. In a public rally in Zanzibar Karume challenged any Muslim to come out openly and fearlessly to oppose his two statements that:
"There is no difference between Islam and Christianity", and "Fasting in Islam is not obligatory."[SUP]28 [/SUP]1968 was a very trying period for Muslims.
By the first week of December with 9 out of 17 regions out of the EAMWS, the splinter group formed a committee and in collaboration with the Maulid Committee of Dar es Salaam which was under the chairmanship of Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo, convened a meeting of all Muslims at the Arnautoglo Hall on 3[SUP]rd[/SUP] December 1968. Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo was once a student of Sheikh Hassan bin Amir and was under his tutorial until 1961 when there arose a conflict between the Sheikh and Sheikh Chaurembo on issues of politics of Tanganyika. Because of that conflict Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo cut short his studies under Sheikh Hassan bin Amir and became very much involved in TANU politics to the extent that he was consequently elected to the TANU National Executive Committee. As long as Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was in Dar es Salaam it was not possible for anyone to assume national Muslim leadership in Tanzania less so Sheikh Chaurembo. Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was therefore arrested and deported to Zanzibar to pave way for pro-government Muslim leadership. The splinter group committee was a fusion of the government backed Adam Nasibu (who was the secretary of the committee) and party bureaucrats like Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo and Juma Suedi from Bukoba TANU Branch and others who although not in the committee were highly influenced by the anti Muslim politics of the state. This committee announced a conference which was to be known as Islamic National Conference. The conference was o be held in Iringa from l2th-lSth December 1968. The main agenda of the conference was to discuss a constitution for a new Muslim organisation.
Meanwhile Muslim bureaucrats in the government completely refused to assist the Kwikima Commission in any way arguing that to do so was mixing religion and politics. The splinter group also refused to meet with Commission. Muslim scholars who could have intervened in the crisis could not do so because most of them were convinced that the splinter group had a backing of the government and were under instructions to wreck the EAMWS. The splinter group, it turned out, was not interested in any compromise short of forming another pro-government organisation.[SUP]29[/SUP] More over there were rumours also that "anyone who would take part in the activities of society would be detained".[SUP]30[/SUP] Members of the Commission and other Muslims could not easily ignore such threats.
The Commission of Inquiry knew that the dissident group on its own did not have the power nor the mandate to break the EAMWS. Following the announcement by the splinter committee of the Iringa conference, the Commission made public its report on 11[SUP]th[/SUP] December [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]a day before the Iringa Conference was scheduled to begin. The report addressed to all Muslims of Tanzania called for a general conference of the EAMWS in February the following year to discuss and make a final ruling on the "crisis".[SUP]31[/SUP]. The meeting was later re-scheduled for January due to the urgency of the "crisis" at hand. The Party English daily "The Nationalist" after studying the report of the commission decided to pick on the financial report of the EAMWS and label it as "incorrect".[SUP]32[/SUP] This was a calculated move meant to portray the Muslim leadership of the society as dishonesty. That very same week the Aga Kahn who had been a point of attack by the splinter group resigned his post in Paris as patron of the society.[SUP]33[/SUP]
While the Commission was waiting for the response of its report from the Muslim community the dissident group now with open backing of the government and party assembled in Iringa for the Islamic National Conference on 13[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968. The government working behind the scene went out of its way to make the conference a success. It financed the conference, gave it publicity and provided security for the delegates. The conference was attended by Muslim Party and government bureaucrats, Muslim Area and Regional Commissioners and Muslim Areas and Party Chairmen. All Muslim notables were invited including Party Chairmen. All Muslim notables were invited including Party National Executive Committee members and some delegates from Zanzibar. It was literally a conference of Muslim politicians. The most significant thing about the conference was that first it was dominated by very controversial Muslim personalities. Under normal circumstances such an important congregation of Muslims from Zanzibar and Mainland would have seen in its midst renowned Muslims scholars who have a history of commitment, sincerity and devotion to Islam. None of these personalities was there with the exception of Sheikh Mohamed Ramiya of Bagamoyo. The conference was opened and closed by the First Vice-President Karume and Second Vice President Kawawa respectively. The conference passed a new constitution which was a replica of the constitution of the ruling party TANU, and a new Muslim organisation [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]the National Muslim Council of Tanzania (BAKWATA) was formed.
The new Muslim organisation elected Salehe Masasi as the National Chairman, Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo - Deputy National Chairman and Adam Nasibu - Secretary General. All the top executive of the National Muslim Council expected came from the dissident group. This leadership asked the government, TANU and Afro Shiraz Party "to keep a keen eye and make serious investigation on all territorial leaders of EAMWS especially the President, his Vice President, their Secretary and some Regional and District leaders who bore ill will to the new body".[SUP]34[/SUP] The leadership of the new Muslims organisation at their hour of triumph did not extend a hand of conciliation to fellow Muslims in the EAMWS according to Islamic spirit, instead it asked the Party and the government to persecute them, particularly the top leadership. After the formation of the National Muslim Council, in order to clear the air and instill confidence to the Muslim community the secretary of the commission Mussa Kwikima issued a statement saying: "no one could threaten the existence of the EAMWS except its members, the law and the government, but not individuals even if all 17 regions would not automatically mean that the society was legally dead since its existence was not determined by the number of regions affiliated to it but by the number of its members, the Muslims."[SUP]35[/SUP] At this point the new organisation was not yet registered by the Registrar of Societies, and on a legal point there was no way that the dissident group could form a new organization when it had objectives similar to those of another society in existence. For about three days the two Muslim organisations existed together side by side. For a time it seemed as if the EAMWS was going to wither the storm. Then on 19[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 the government as if jolted by Kwikima's statement issued a Certificafe of Exemption to the new organisation and banned the EAMWS.[SUP]36[/SUP] The government issued a short statement:
"The Minister for Home Affairs has by command of the President declared the Tanzania Branch of the East African Muslim Welfare Society and Tanzania Council of the East African Muslim Welfare Society to be unlawful societies under the provisions of section 6(1) of the Societies Ordinance ".[SUP]37[/SUP]
Muslims were by that declaration of the President of Tanzania denied the chance to discuss and make a final ruling on the crisis which so to speak was a conflict among Muslims. To ensure that Muslims complied with the ban order the government put armed policemen outside the offices of the society. It was in that manner that the curtain of the EAMWS saga was lowered. A saga which began with a simple school teacher marching in a mass demonstration in the streets of Bukoba in support of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere's Arusha Declaration and ended with him holding a responsible post in a weak and controversial Muslim organisation. The school teacher now General Secretary of the newly formed National Council of Tanzania started his new job in style. In a statement he made to the press on 19[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 he said his organisation was similar to the Christian Council of Tanzania.[SUP]38[/SUP] Since Muslims did not hold their meeting to deliberate on the "crisis" we can only speculate the outcome of that meeting had it been allowed to convene. The Muslims of Bukoba who were reported to have demonstrated behind the school teacher in support of Arusha Declaration did not voice support nor did they organise a mass demonstration in support of the new organization. In Dar es Salaam and in many places in Tanzania, the National Muslim Council widely know by its Swahili acronym Bakwata (Baraza Kuu Ia Waislamu Tanzania) is a word of insult. To refer to a Muslim as a Bakwata member is like calling a Christian [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]a disciple of Judas Iscariot who sold Jesus for 30 pieces of silver.
Of the Commission of Inquiry one member of that Commission deserve special mention - Mussa Kwikima. Mussa was a young judge appointed by the President. He was to very large extent because of his expertise the force behind the commission. When he offered his services to the EAMWS he was warned of the risk exposing to himself and his career. Mussa Kwikima replied that the threat facing Muslim unity was above his personal interest. After the formation of Bakwata and hence the end of the "crisis" Kwikima was transferred from Dar es Salaam to Mwanza as a Senior Resident Magistrate and his name was dropped from the list of Judges appointed by the President.[SUP]39[/SUP]
What remained after the demise of the EAMWS was to try to establish Bakwata in the regions as an organisation representative of all Muslims of Tanzania Mainland. The most part of 1969 Adam Nasibu and his four-men committee toured the regions campaigning for Bakwata's acceptance by Muslims. The committee offered personal financial assistance to any Regional Secretary of the now defunct EAMWS who would cooperate with the Bakwata headquarters in establishing the new organisation in his region. Muslim did not show any enthusiasm towards Bakwata. In Tabora a region which did not withdraw from the EAMWS, the committee was permitted by the government to hold a public meeting. But before Adam Nasibu could speak Maulidi Kivuruga [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]a veteran of the African Association, a founder member of TANU in Tabora and now a respectable elder politician took the floor and on behalf of the Muslims of Tabora put up a condition that Muslims were not ready to listen to the dissident group unless Waikela, one of the members of the Commission of Inquiry from Tabora was also allowed to address the meeting. This was unacceptable condition to the committee.
Few days later Waikela was summoned by the Director of Criminal Investigation for interrogation about his political activities and about his opposition to Bakwata. In a room at Tabora Hotel, Sawaya, the Director of C.I.D. interrogated Waikela as to why he was not ready to cooperate with the government in establishing Bakwata in Tabora, at times threatening him. Waikela was drilled for four hours and asked to sign some papers which he did. Waikela was never to hear from the government again. Despite the silent resistance Bakwata has been established in Tabora and in all regions of Tanzania.
Kiwanuka's thesis since published in 1987 has stood as a conclusive authority to the Muslim "crisis". Kiwanuka is of the opinion that the government was right to do what it did to protect national unity. Kiwanuka supports the government stand that religion and politics should not be mixed. The two should be separated. Like many works on political history of Tanganyika the thesis fails to link the role of Muslims in forging national unity in the struggle for independence and hence fail to show the pre-independence aspirations of Muslims of Tanganyika. The work does not analyse how the present Christian leadership rose to power and from what background did it build its political base. Kiwanuka simply introduces Muslims in confrontation with the government and does not clearly show the role of the state on the whole confrontation. If he had researched on the political history of Tanganyika he would have found the reasons for the confrontation between Muslims and the Christian dominated government of independent Tanganyika. Further still he would have known the reasons why the government wanted in earnest to have a Muslim organisation which it could control just as it was controlling other mass organisations like the trade unions. If Muslims did not desire the unity of the country they would have supported Sheikh Takadir in 1958 and AMNUT in 1959. What Muslims had asked after independence was equal representation in government coupled with equal educational opportunities, this is not mixing religion and politics.
Christian teachers supported by the Roman Catholic Church challenged TANU Muslim candidates in local government election in Bukoba in 1963 and the Muslim candidates were defeated. No records exist which show that the government took any action against the Church as an institution or against individual Christian candidates. But Muslims were detained obviously for resisting Christian hegemony over the Party. The Party National Executive Committee purged the Muslim dominated Dar es Salaam Elders Council from TANU for mixing religion with politics.
The Roman Catholic Church in Bukoba lacked tactics and exposed itself. The new forces against Islam used subtle means and were able to subvert the EAMWS and imposed its own organisation on Muslims. How can one explain the fact that a government which had always been against racial discrimination and worked for national unity allow a group of not more than five people to use the state mass media to propagate disunity and racism. How can one explain the fact that such an important body like the National Muslims Council could be formed by and its top leadership be in the hands of people considered controversial in the Muslim Community. How possible can Muslims initiate a body to propagate Islam without having the support of Muslims themselves or without having a single respectable Muslim scholar on its entire leadership. Bakwata was not formed with the interest of Muslims in mind. Bakwata was imposed upon Muslims to subdue them as a political force. The new leadership in the party and government feared to face the future with Muslims organising themselves independent of the central authority.
As the independence government showed no intention of giving equal opportunity to Muslims on education persisting to maintain the colonial status quo, it was obvious that a second struggle would be launched against the Christian dominated government as Muslims did against the British Christian administration. And there were indications that Muslims were bracing themselves for the second struggle and that struggle was not through TANU because already a purge against them was underway. The second struggle was to be through the unity of all Muslims. This created a state of fear and the government kept itself on perpetual guard against such eventuality. Out of fear the government pounced on any Muslim which it felt was a threat to its authority. It is out of fear that even the history of the country Is being erased. This is one of the ways the government thinks it could stop evoking past Muslim sentiments.
At the time when the splinter group with state backing was rejecting the Aga Khan from the EAMWS for being an Ismaili Muslim no one pointed a finger to the Christian establishments and administration in Tanzania which are dominated and financed by different foreign powers. No one pointed an accusing finger to the Roman Catholic Church which has diplomatic accreditation of the Pope in the country. If the Aga Khan was a threat to the security of the state then there was no serious threat than the threat posed by all the Christian establishments in the country. The Catholic Church demands total allegiance from all its adherents, the Church moving its members in important positions in the Cabinet, the Party and in the Civil Service, could have posed and caused government instability. By weakening Muslims through the divide and rule tactics Christians were being made stronger.
By 1970 the furore of the Muslim "crisis" had died down. In that year Mwalimu Nyerere attended a seminar for religions and organised political leaders in Tabora conveniently organised by the Tanzania Episcopal Conference. In that seminar for the first time Mwalimu publicly addressed himself to the issue of TAN U's religious identity. Mwalimu said: "Our Party, the TANU, has no religion. It is just a political party and there are no arrangements or agreements with a particular religion".[SUP]40[/SUP] This statement can only mean one thing that is, TANU had over the years lost its Muslim identity; because TANU since 1954 had an identity and the political history of the Party testifies to this. If in 1970 the party had lost its Muslim identity it means that the Muslim influence and identity has been successfully wiped out. This fact is confirmed by Mwalimu's own statement when he said:
"I have established in TANU a department of political education and I have put a Lutheran Minister in charge. He was not a great politician, but I selected him because of his balance, his gentleness and his strong solid faith..."[SUP]41[/SUP] Mwalimu has proved that it is one's faith which determines politics in Tanzania and TANU could not be a party with no religion. Religious sentiments and convictions are important since they determine thoughts and actions which go a long way in the administration of a country. Muslims have to wake up to these realities and recapture their lost political power.
We cannot talk of any Muslim development because the colonial status quo still persists. The ratio of Muslim joining higher institutions of learning trails behind Christians 1:10. In desperation Muslims have opened up their own schools but all of them are poorly organised and equipped. The state look at these school as centres of Muslim militancy and agitation against the established system and are therefore frustrated in many ways to discourage their opening. Muslim organisations from outside the country who want to help Muslims in Tanzania are met with all kinds of hostility from other state institutions to drive home to them that their presence in the country is undesirable. These anti Muslim campaigns have of late become so pronounced to the extent that even the most liberal among Muslims have become radicalised, so to speak and are joining the movements. Muslim issues which few years were unheard are now being discussed in camera in the Party and state institutions. These are fruits of underground movements which have conscientised the few Muslims in positions of power and authority. National salvation lies in justice to be done to all. What has happened in other countries can easily happen in Tanzania. There is still time to avoid such a situation. All is well that ends well.
[SIZE=+1]REFERENCE[/SIZE] 1. August H Nimtz Jr Islam and Politics in East Africa, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1980, p. 11 [SIZE=-2]. [/SIZE]Also see Jan Pvan Bergen, Development and Religion in Tanzania, Madras, 1981 p.23.
2. See P. Gerold Rupper, OSB, Pugu Hadi Peramiho: Miaka 100 Ya Wamisionari Wabenediktini Katika Tanzania, Benedictine Publications, Ndanda [SIZE=-2]- [/SIZE]Peramiho, 1980, pp. 31-42.
3. See Yusuf Halimoja, Historia ya Masasi, East African Literature Bureau, Nairobi, 1977, pp. 163-175. For the linkage between Islam and Mali Maji War see Nimtz op. cit., pp. 12-13.
4. See "Kiongozi' No. 6, June 1950. For more information on missionary penetration in East Africa see M. Langley & T. Kiggins:
A Serving People, Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 1974, p. 19.
5. See Daisy Sykes Buruku "The Townsman: Kleist Sykes' in Iliffe (ed.). Modern Tanzanians, East African Publishing House 1973, p. 1.06.
6. For a detailed account of the strike see John Iliffe, "History of Dockworkers of Dar es Salaam" in Tanzania Notes and Records (Dar es Salaam) 71: (1970).
7. The author has published two articles on the subject See "Africa Events' (London) March/April, 1988 and September 1988.
8. Tanganyika, "Membership of Political Associations. Tanganyika Government Circular No. 5 (1 August 1953) Dar es Salaam, 1953. The Circular barred African civil servants from politics.
Christians being the most, educated were employed in the civil service. This prevented them from active politics.
9. See "UHURU" 3[SUP]rd[/SUP] July, 1974 article by Rajab Diwani member of TANU National Executive ommittee: "TANU Ilipambana na Misukusuko Mingi'.
10. "Mwafrika' 11[SUP]th[/SUP] October, 1958.
11. See Historia ya Chama cha TANU, kivukoni Ideological College, 1981, p. 56.
12. "Mwafrika" 3[SUP]rd[/SUP] October, 195g.
13. "Tanganyika Standard' 12[SUP]th[/SUP] March, 1963.
14. See K. Mayanja Kiwanuka, "The Politics of Islam in Bukoba District" B.A. Thesis, University of Dar es Salaam, pp. 57-58.
15. See H. Mapunda, Historia ya Mapambano ya Mtanzania. Tanzania Publishing House, Dar es Salaam, 1979, p. 172.
16. Constitution, Rules and Regulation of the EAMWS/ Sheria za EAMWS (Chama cha Kustawisha Uislam Katika Afrika ya Mashariki). Dar es Salaam Printers Ltd., Reprint 1960.
17. See Kiwanuka op. cit., p. 75.
18. Ibid.
19. "Taarifa ya Kamati ya Utendaji EAMWS Mkoa wa Tanga"
23[SUP]rd[/SUP] October, 1968 Ripoti ya Sheikh A.J. Jambia.
20. Kiwanuka, op. cit., p. 2.
21. See Kwikima Report in "The Standard' 12[SUP]th[/SUP] December,
1968. Also "The Nationalist' 24[SUP]th[/SUP] October, 1968.
22. See Kwikima Report.
23. Barua ya Mwenyekiti Halmashauri ya Uchunguzi Migogoro ya Waislamu kwa Waziri wa Habari na Utangazaji 21[SUP]st[/SUP] November, 1968.
24. "The Nationalist' quoted in Kiwanuka p.81.
25. Kiwanuka, pp. 2-3.
26. lbid., p.81.
27. "The Standard' 9[SUP]th[/SUP] November,1968 quoted in Kiwanuka p. 81. Also see "The Standard' 20[SUP]th[/SUP] November, 1968.
28. "The Standard' 31[SUP]st[/SUP] December, 1968.
29. See Kwikima Report.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.
32. "The Nationalist" 15[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
33. "Baraza' (Nairobi) 12[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
34. See Kiwanuka p. 85. Also Proceedings of the Iringa Conference 12[SUP]th[/SUP] -15[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 in Bakwata File Maktaba ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi Dodoma. Also "The Standard" 17[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
35. "The Standard' 18[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
36. "The Standard" 20[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Kiwanuka p. 86. Other information from Bilali Rehani Waikela
40. See Bergen, p. 238.
41. lbid., p.335.
Kitabu hakikuondolewa. Kiliisha. Out of stock. Mbona kichwa chako kigumu kuelewa vitu rahisi? Tutakipata hicho kitabu na tutakuumbua na uwongo wako.
[h=1]Tanzanian Affairs[/h]
[h=2]RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN TANZANIA[/h] July 1, 1983 at 12:48 am · Filed under Issue 17, Religion
Introduction
The integrative influence of religion in society varies considerably depending on the historical context and the situation in which individual members find themselves. The importance of religions in society and the role they play cannot be ignored, given what is happening in Northern Ireland, Iran and the Middle East. The need to examine the relationship between ideology (political) and the religious belief systems is called for.
Theories on the integrative aspect of religious life show that (Parson 1951) where there are social and economic problems there is a tendency to legitimise values for the purpose of solving those problems. Such values may be manifest in group form, or among individuals. For example, where the ideology of the country emphasises the collective nature of socio-economic development, religious institutions are also likely to support communal undertakings for the benefit of all the people rather than encourage individuals to work in isolation. In a more individualist society, like in the West, where individual economic and political entrepreneurship are highly valued, religious institutions are likely to emphasise the individual relationship between man and the supernatural being, while societal progress is looked at as a reward of such a relationship. Such explanations go back to Weberian theory on the relationship between religion and economic development (Weber 1930). This states, among others, that an individual's belief system helps to shape his actions and relationships in society.
It is easy to have such a situation where we have one predominant religion. But in a society like Tanzania, where we have more than one major religion, to delineate the aspects of these religions and show how each individual carries his belief system beyond the institution is rather an interesting exercise. Tanzania claims to have a harmonious relation among her religious groups, while these religions groups as well as individual members are contributing to the socio-economic development of society. From the beginning of Tanzanian independence, political parties based on religious group factions were discouraged. This was in a bid to curb divisions which might have disrupted the political unity and integration which Nyerere was aiming at. He guided his political party in a secular manner, which allowed individuals to participate fully regardless of their background. The party was inter-religious, inter-ethnic and inter-racial in its nature.
Although religion is not the basis for political participation in Tanzania, individual belief systems shape the individual's contribution to the socio-economic development of the country. Individuals meet at political rallies, economic organisations, social gatherings to discuss matters of mutual interest with their religious background. In this way some kind of influence on the directions and relationship among the different religions may be dictated by this background. In some parts of the world such religious backgrounds have led to conflicts among the various religions existing in society. The Tanzanian scene gives a rather interesting picture of a harmonious relationship between various religions in spite of the fact that these have different and opposed belief systems. The aim of this short paper is to look into the extent different religious groups live and participate harmoniously in the socio-economic development of the country. The paper carries a sociological interpretation in its presentation.
The Religious Scene
Tanzania is a secular state. She does not uphold any of the existing religions in the country as a state religion. Yet Tanzania respects religions very much. Individual citizens who interact among themselves in their daily lives are members of various religious groups, as it will be presented in this paper. The Tanzanian position and attitude towards religions is embodied in both Party and Government official documents. For example, the National Anthem starts by evoking God to bless Africa and Tanzania in particular. The National Assembly (Par1iament) starts its sessions with prayers and the Party constitution guarantees religious freedom (Omari 1976).
There are no accurate statistics on religious groups in the country. Since 1967, when the national census had questions on religion, the religious question has been played down purposely in other information-seeking documents. We have, however, some est1mates which can give us a rough picture of the religious situation in the country. The official reports on the distribution of religions in Tanzania show that the three major religions, Christianity, Islam and Traditional Religions make up 30% each. The remaining 10% belong to other religions like Hindu, Shinto and other minority groups. Such statistics can be disputed, for they have been given for convenience sake. On the other hand, we have David Parrett in the World Christian Encyclopaedia, who estimates that there are 44% Christians; 33% Muslims and 23% Traditional Religions.
Perhaps it is correct to say that statistics among Christians are more correct, for these are used to keep up the records of their memberships accurately, than it is for other religious groups where it remains an estimate only. As it can be noted below in Table 1, only the figures for 1967 can give us some indication with regard to religious distribution accurately, for in the 1978 census the religious question was removed from the questionnaire for reasons known to those concerned. At that time (1967) in mainland Tanzania, out of 12 million people, the majority were Traditional. However in the urban centres, the Muslims were in the majority, (a phenomenon which shows religious geography in the country).
Table I: Head of Household Religious Inclination 1967 (%)
Region Christians Muslims Traditional Others Total
Arusha 21 11 67 1 569,229
Coast 10 86 3 1 500,697
Dodoma 24 27 47 2 677,296
Iringa 54 4 41 1 654,364
Kigoma 23 15 61 1 447,429
Kilimanjaro 66 15 18 1 619,741
Mara 46 6 45 3 523,319
Mbeya 43 2 53 2 946,143
Morogoro 45 42 12 1 639,723
Mtwara 16 82 2 – 989,673
Mwanza 23 4 72 1 1,009,678
Ruvuma 57 39 3 1 385,789
Shinyanga 11 3 84 2 893,889
Singida 19 34 46 1 452,304
Tabora 24 28 47 1 529,826
Tanga 25 71 3 1 702,579
West lake 62 9 28 1 635,001
Mainland rural 32 28 39 1 11,177,315
Mainland urban 32 63 1 4 585,600
Mainland total 32 30 37 1 11,762,915
Zanzibar total 3 96 – 1 349,943
Source: 1967 Population Census Vol. 3
The religious groups geographical distribution in Tanzania can be said to be spread all over the country. However, some differences exist. For example, the majority of Muslims are found around the coast areas, Zanzibar and the slave trade corridor, which includes Bagamoyo, Tabora and Kigoma – Uvinza. As it can be noted in the above Table I, Regions like Coast (including Dar es Salaam), Mtwara and Tanga are predominantly Muslim while in Regions like Kagera (West Lake), Kilimanjaro and Ruvuma, Christians are in the majority.
The figures for the Muslims also can be questioned, for there is a tendency among many Tanzanians of having Muslim names without being Muslim. Among the coastal people for example, you will hear someone called Mohamed who hardly knows where the mosque is! With the coming of secularism into Tanzanian society, such a tendency is getting into Christians as well. For the traditionlists, since they vary from one ethnic group to another, the way to identify them is by elimination. If someone does not belong to the major religions and lives in rural areas, he very definitely belongs to Traditional Religion.
Religions and socio-economic development resume
Researchers and scholars like Barrett (1072), van Bergen (1981) and Westerlund (1980) have made
studies
of the religious scene in Tanzania, especially in relation to social development and have been at pains to produce some interesting statistics on the religious groups. It is very interesting to note that although the statistics are not that reliable, the contribution of religious groups to socio-economic development of the country is significant and is acknowledged fully by both the Party and the Government. The contribution of religious groups towards socio-economic development in the country is a positive response to President Nyerere's call for all religious and non-government agencies to contribute towards the process of building a just and equitable Tanzanian society. Ever since Tanzania decided to follow the Ujamaa-socialism path of socio-economic development in 1967, it has been a chal1enee to various religious groups to come out with various contributions and support in the endeavour to build that kind of society. Both Van Bergen and Westerlund in their studies have shown that from the beginning almost all organised religious groups accepted the national ideology, though in some parts with some reservations. Their reservation is centred around ujamaa being equated with communism, an ideology which has had some conflict with religion in other parts of the world.
As far as I can see, their fear is rooted in two basic points: one, the historical development of socialism in many of the Western and Eastern countries in relation to religion has been very antagonistic. Such experiences are known among the Christians through their friends and other Christians who are living in those countries where such experiences are happening. Two, some of the politicians, especially right after the Arusha Declaration in 1967 and in the early seventies did speak against some religious groups like Christians. Their opposition to Christianity was based on the historical relation which exists between Christianity and Western capitalist ideology.
On many occasions, Nyerere himself a Christian had to explain to the Church leaders and the general masses the position of the Party and Government in general with regard to the role of religion in Tanzania. Today we can say that many religious groups in Tanzania are in the forefront of the social development process in Tanzania. As it can be noted in Table II below, the example of the Christian Council of Tanzania in mobilising resources for community development is magnificent. A lot of money has been spent on projects like water, health and other activities which enhance people's level of social development. I am sure, if deep studies were made in other religious groups, we could find out their contributions like the one through the Christian Council. My quick observation is that organisations like the Tanzania Episcopal Conference for the Homan Catholics and Bakwata ta for the Muslims have mobilised a lot of resources for socio-economic development in Tanzanian society regardless of the differences in the belief systems of the recipients. When all religious groups have realised their potentiality and utilised it fully, Tanzania will have taken heed of the call of President Nyerere to become partners in social development and the concept of "play your part" will have become more pragmatic and concrete.
Table II: Money channelled through the Christian Council of Tanzania for selected socio-economic undertakings. (in Tshs.)
Type of undertaking Year 1981 Year 1982
Agriculture related projects 1,057,768.15 80,740.00
Community Development (General) 8,145,754.75 3,278,730.35
Education related projects 393,232.10 1,713,283.05
Health related projects 331,864.15 3,809,135.90
Water related projects 9,180,967.65 2,241,247.70
Source: Christian Council of Tanzania 1983.
The Christian Council of Tanzania, which represents almost all non-Roman Catholic Christians in the country, mobilises resources both externally and internally for the approved projects. Basically, the projects must be community-oriented with the marginalised and poor groups as the beneficiaries. As such, most of the projects supported by the Christian Council are rural-oriented ones where the majority of the population live.
Table II above reveals other factors as well which I would like to mention. Since the Christian Council acts as a clearing house and a mobilising group for only those projects passed through its office, there is no effort made to trace other resources mobilised by other religious groups for the same purposes. It serves, however, as a good example of how a religious group can work as a pressure group as well as mobilising force for community development. The figures above are only for two years and for the selected projects only.
Not only various religious groups participate in socio-economic development through mobilisation of resources and services, but individuals participate fully in various socio-economic activities in their different roles. This is very important, for some of the civil servants and politicians exemplify their different belief systems through their deeds even though they are in a secular state. There are common ethical elements which are generally found in all religions. Tanzanian national ethics as embodied in the national ideology has taken into consideration the major teachings of various religions as related to the secular state. In this way, one can say that the Tanzanian way of handling religious beliefs in socio-economic development is through incorporation and integration rather than identification and isolation. All individual religious groups as well as individual citizens are called upon to participate fully in the national socio-economic process itself regardless of their religious background. Thus candidacy in local and national political posts and participation is based primarily on a national and individual ability rather than religious affiliation.
One could argue, then, that Weberian theory of religions and society could help us to understand Tanzanian political development in relation to the individual beliefs in the society. Among other points, this states that belief systems which individuals hold helps to shape and generate principles which assist socio-economic development. In Tanzania, it could be argued that individual members come out to participate in socio-economic development of the country having party ideology as a unifying factor while at the same time holding to the personal faith without necessarily compromising it.
Table III: Composition of the high office in Tanzania according to religious background as at 1976.
CCM Central Committee Members – Muslims 16, Christians 11, Others -, Total 27
Members of Parliament – Muslims 63, Christians 70, Others 39, Total 172
Ministers – Muslims 11, Christians 20, Others 2, Total 33
With a quick glance at Table III above one gets an interesting picture. Up to 1975, when I made a general
survey
of the religious background of the various selected individual members holding high offices, almost all major religions were represented. These individuals came to these offices not by virtue of their religious background but by virtue of their ability. The parliamentarians are elected by the people at local level and usually the election manifesto is based on party ideology rather than religious faith. Of course, where one religious group is predominant, like Zanzibar, one expects Muslims to be the majority in any election. In this case, out of 172 Members of Parliament during that year, 35 were from Zanzibar and all were Muslims. The high number of Christian Ministers and the low number of Christians in the Central Committee is a reflection of educational background as related to the aspirations and interests of individuals rather than the religious variable per se. Many more Christians have been educated and trained in various technical and leadership posts than their counterparts the Muslims. This is an historical phenomenon rather than any deliberate policy (Omari 1976, van Bergen 1981, Westerlund 1980). On the other hand, Muslims found the political posts as the chance for them to balance the uneven participation in the political development of Tanzania. Thus many Party functionaries at district and local level are generally with low level of educational background and have been Muslims instead of Christians while the administrative and bureaucratic offices have been filled mainly by Christians.
In spite of these marked differences of educational background among the members of different religious groups at the high echelon, the harmonious relationship that exists between different members of Tanzanian society is very high. People tend to think of Tanzania first in ethnic terms rather than in terms of religion in their participation in socio-political matters. This does not mean, as I argued above, that individual faith is ignored. It is treated as a private matter which can contribute to the well-being of all the people on the principles of justice and equality for all. Religious faith is thus subordinated to the common social objectives as described in the Party ideology of Ujamaa and self-reliance. This aspect of the religious contribution to the Tanzania Socio-political life is enhanced by the fact that the President of the Republic and his Vice-President are people of religious conviction who participate in both political and religious life. Their lives have been a shining example to the public.
Towards Civil Religion – Conclusion.
Above I mentioned about the National Anthem as having a religious context. It is also interesting to note that at the beginning of every sitting of Parliament, there is a general prayer. Some few people, within the Party and outside, especially those who profess not to belong to any of the organised religions, privately have been raising some questions with regard to such procedures. Yet as I see it, Tanzanian society as it stands today, with its democratic system, their views will not change the present procedure both in Parliament sittings and in the National anthem. At Party meetings, however, it is the Party ideology which is the guiding and driving force; hence some phrases are said at the beginning of the meeting, sometimes rhetorically.
It can then be said that Tanzania is one of the countries of the World which has decided not to have a state religion, yet recognises and utilises religions for the social development process. In this way both the Party and Government depend very much on the individual contribution to the social development of the country. On their part, the Party and Government have ensured the freedom of working for all citizens. It is part and parcel of the human right and has been enshrined in Government law and constitution.
In conclusion, this paper has been an attempt to present briefly the religious scenery and its contribution to Tanzanian society. The role of religion in society has been presented with Weberian theoretical background. Individual members of different religious groups as well as organised religions like Christianity and Islam have been looked at more closely than the traditional religion. This has been done purposely for the sake of brevity.
C.K.Omari.
References
Barrett, D.B. Frontier situations for Evangelisation in Africa 1972: A Survey Report. Nairobi. 1972.
Omari, C.K.(ed) Essays on Church and Society in Tanzania. Soni 1976 Parsons, ‘P. The Social System. Illinois Free Press. 1951
van Bergen, J. Development and Religion in Tanzania: Madras/Leiden 1981
Weber, M. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism: (trans. T. Persons). London: Allen and Unwin 1930.
Westerlund, D. Ujamaa na Dini. Stockholm 1980.
[h=2]RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN TANZANIA[/h] July 1, 1983 at 12:48 am · Filed under Issue 17, Religion
Introduction
The integrative influence of religion in society varies considerably depending on the historical context and the situation in which individual members find themselves. The importance of religions in society and the role they play cannot be ignored, given what is happening in Northern Ireland, Iran and the Middle East. The need to examine the relationship between ideology (political) and the religious belief systems is called for.
Theories on the integrative aspect of religious life show that (Parson 1951) where there are social and economic problems there is a tendency to legitimise values for the purpose of solving those problems. Such values may be manifest in group form, or among individuals. For example, where the ideology of the country emphasises the collective nature of socio-economic development, religious institutions are also likely to support communal undertakings for the benefit of all the people rather than encourage individuals to work in isolation. In a more individualist society, like in the West, where individual economic and political entrepreneurship are highly valued, religious institutions are likely to emphasise the individual relationship between man and the supernatural being, while societal progress is looked at as a reward of such a relationship. Such explanations go back to Weberian theory on the relationship between religion and economic development (Weber 1930). This states, among others, that an individual's belief system helps to shape his actions and relationships in society.
It is easy to have such a situation where we have one predominant religion. But in a society like Tanzania, where we have more than one major religion, to delineate the aspects of these religions and show how each individual carries his belief system beyond the institution is rather an interesting exercise. Tanzania claims to have a harmonious relation among her religious groups, while these religions groups as well as individual members are contributing to the socio-economic development of society. From the beginning of Tanzanian independence, political parties based on religious group factions were discouraged. This was in a bid to curb divisions which might have disrupted the political unity and integration which Nyerere was aiming at. He guided his political party in a secular manner, which allowed individuals to participate fully regardless of their background. The party was inter-religious, inter-ethnic and inter-racial in its nature.
Although religion is not the basis for political participation in Tanzania, individual belief systems shape the individual's contribution to the socio-economic development of the country. Individuals meet at political rallies, economic organisations, social gatherings to discuss matters of mutual interest with their religious background. In this way some kind of influence on the directions and relationship among the different religions may be dictated by this background. In some parts of the world such religious backgrounds have led to conflicts among the various religions existing in society. The Tanzanian scene gives a rather interesting picture of a harmonious relationship between various religions in spite of the fact that these have different and opposed belief systems. The aim of this short paper is to look into the extent different religious groups live and participate harmoniously in the socio-economic development of the country. The paper carries a sociological interpretation in its presentation.
The Religious Scene
Tanzania is a secular state. She does not uphold any of the existing religions in the country as a state religion. Yet Tanzania respects religions very much. Individual citizens who interact among themselves in their daily lives are members of various religious groups, as it will be presented in this paper. The Tanzanian position and attitude towards religions is embodied in both Party and Government official documents. For example, the National Anthem starts by evoking God to bless Africa and Tanzania in particular. The National Assembly (Par1iament) starts its sessions with prayers and the Party constitution guarantees religious freedom (Omari 1976).
There are no accurate statistics on religious groups in the country. Since 1967, when the national census had questions on religion, the religious question has been played down purposely in other information-seeking documents. We have, however, some est1mates which can give us a rough picture of the religious situation in the country. The official reports on the distribution of religions in Tanzania show that the three major religions, Christianity, Islam and Traditional Religions make up 30% each. The remaining 10% belong to other religions like Hindu, Shinto and other minority groups. Such statistics can be disputed, for they have been given for convenience sake. On the other hand, we have David Parrett in the World Christian Encyclopaedia, who estimates that there are 44% Christians; 33% Muslims and 23% Traditional Religions.
Perhaps it is correct to say that statistics among Christians are more correct, for these are used to keep up the records of their memberships accurately, than it is for other religious groups where it remains an estimate only. As it can be noted below in Table 1, only the figures for 1967 can give us some indication with regard to religious distribution accurately, for in the 1978 census the religious question was removed from the questionnaire for reasons known to those concerned. At that time (1967) in mainland Tanzania, out of 12 million people, the majority were Traditional. However in the urban centres, the Muslims were in the majority, (a phenomenon which shows religious geography in the country).
Table I: Head of Household Religious Inclination 1967 (%)
Region Christians Muslims Traditional Others Total
Arusha 21 11 67 1 569,229
Coast 10 86 3 1 500,697
Dodoma 24 27 47 2 677,296
Iringa 54 4 41 1 654,364
Kigoma 23 15 61 1 447,429
Kilimanjaro 66 15 18 1 619,741
Mara 46 6 45 3 523,319
Mbeya 43 2 53 2 946,143
Morogoro 45 42 12 1 639,723
Mtwara 16 82 2 – 989,673
Mwanza 23 4 72 1 1,009,678
Ruvuma 57 39 3 1 385,789
Shinyanga 11 3 84 2 893,889
Singida 19 34 46 1 452,304
Tabora 24 28 47 1 529,826
Tanga 25 71 3 1 702,579
West lake 62 9 28 1 635,001
Mainland rural 32 28 39 1 11,177,315
Mainland urban 32 63 1 4 585,600
Mainland total 32 30 37 1 11,762,915
Zanzibar total 3 96 – 1 349,943
Source: 1967 Population Census Vol. 3
The religious groups geographical distribution in Tanzania can be said to be spread all over the country. However, some differences exist. For example, the majority of Muslims are found around the coast areas, Zanzibar and the slave trade corridor, which includes Bagamoyo, Tabora and Kigoma – Uvinza. As it can be noted in the above Table I, Regions like Coast (including Dar es Salaam), Mtwara and Tanga are predominantly Muslim while in Regions like Kagera (West Lake), Kilimanjaro and Ruvuma, Christians are in the majority.
The figures for the Muslims also can be questioned, for there is a tendency among many Tanzanians of having Muslim names without being Muslim. Among the coastal people for example, you will hear someone called Mohamed who hardly knows where the mosque is! With the coming of secularism into Tanzanian society, such a tendency is getting into Christians as well. For the traditionlists, since they vary from one ethnic group to another, the way to identify them is by elimination. If someone does not belong to the major religions and lives in rural areas, he very definitely belongs to Traditional Religion.
Religions and socio-economic development resume
Researchers and scholars like Barrett (1072), van Bergen (1981) and Westerlund (1980) have made
studies
of the religious scene in Tanzania, especially in relation to social development and have been at pains to produce some interesting statistics on the religious groups. It is very interesting to note that although the statistics are not that reliable, the contribution of religious groups to socio-economic development of the country is significant and is acknowledged fully by both the Party and the Government. The contribution of religious groups towards socio-economic development in the country is a positive response to President Nyerere's call for all religious and non-government agencies to contribute towards the process of building a just and equitable Tanzanian society. Ever since Tanzania decided to follow the Ujamaa-socialism path of socio-economic development in 1967, it has been a chal1enee to various religious groups to come out with various contributions and support in the endeavour to build that kind of society. Both Van Bergen and Westerlund in their studies have shown that from the beginning almost all organised religious groups accepted the national ideology, though in some parts with some reservations. Their reservation is centred around ujamaa being equated with communism, an ideology which has had some conflict with religion in other parts of the world.
As far as I can see, their fear is rooted in two basic points: one, the historical development of socialism in many of the Western and Eastern countries in relation to religion has been very antagonistic. Such experiences are known among the Christians through their friends and other Christians who are living in those countries where such experiences are happening. Two, some of the politicians, especially right after the Arusha Declaration in 1967 and in the early seventies did speak against some religious groups like Christians. Their opposition to Christianity was based on the historical relation which exists between Christianity and Western capitalist ideology.
On many occasions, Nyerere himself a Christian had to explain to the Church leaders and the general masses the position of the Party and Government in general with regard to the role of religion in Tanzania. Today we can say that many religious groups in Tanzania are in the forefront of the social development process in Tanzania. As it can be noted in Table II below, the example of the Christian Council of Tanzania in mobilising resources for community development is magnificent. A lot of money has been spent on projects like water, health and other activities which enhance people's level of social development. I am sure, if deep studies were made in other religious groups, we could find out their contributions like the one through the Christian Council. My quick observation is that organisations like the Tanzania Episcopal Conference for the Homan Catholics and Bakwata ta for the Muslims have mobilised a lot of resources for socio-economic development in Tanzanian society regardless of the differences in the belief systems of the recipients. When all religious groups have realised their potentiality and utilised it fully, Tanzania will have taken heed of the call of President Nyerere to become partners in social development and the concept of "play your part" will have become more pragmatic and concrete.
Table II: Money channelled through the Christian Council of Tanzania for selected socio-economic undertakings. (in Tshs.)
Type of undertaking Year 1981 Year 1982
Agriculture related projects 1,057,768.15 80,740.00
Community Development (General) 8,145,754.75 3,278,730.35
Education related projects 393,232.10 1,713,283.05
Health related projects 331,864.15 3,809,135.90
Water related projects 9,180,967.65 2,241,247.70
Source: Christian Council of Tanzania 1983.
The Christian Council of Tanzania, which represents almost all non-Roman Catholic Christians in the country, mobilises resources both externally and internally for the approved projects. Basically, the projects must be community-oriented with the marginalised and poor groups as the beneficiaries. As such, most of the projects supported by the Christian Council are rural-oriented ones where the majority of the population live.
Table II above reveals other factors as well which I would like to mention. Since the Christian Council acts as a clearing house and a mobilising group for only those projects passed through its office, there is no effort made to trace other resources mobilised by other religious groups for the same purposes. It serves, however, as a good example of how a religious group can work as a pressure group as well as mobilising force for community development. The figures above are only for two years and for the selected projects only.
Not only various religious groups participate in socio-economic development through mobilisation of resources and services, but individuals participate fully in various socio-economic activities in their different roles. This is very important, for some of the civil servants and politicians exemplify their different belief systems through their deeds even though they are in a secular state. There are common ethical elements which are generally found in all religions. Tanzanian national ethics as embodied in the national ideology has taken into consideration the major teachings of various religions as related to the secular state. In this way, one can say that the Tanzanian way of handling religious beliefs in socio-economic development is through incorporation and integration rather than identification and isolation. All individual religious groups as well as individual citizens are called upon to participate fully in the national socio-economic process itself regardless of their religious background. Thus candidacy in local and national political posts and participation is based primarily on a national and individual ability rather than religious affiliation.
One could argue, then, that Weberian theory of religions and society could help us to understand Tanzanian political development in relation to the individual beliefs in the society. Among other points, this states that belief systems which individuals hold helps to shape and generate principles which assist socio-economic development. In Tanzania, it could be argued that individual members come out to participate in socio-economic development of the country having party ideology as a unifying factor while at the same time holding to the personal faith without necessarily compromising it.
Table III: Composition of the high office in Tanzania according to religious background as at 1976.
CCM Central Committee Members – Muslims 16, Christians 11, Others -, Total 27
Members of Parliament – Muslims 63, Christians 70, Others 39, Total 172
Ministers – Muslims 11, Christians 20, Others 2, Total 33
With a quick glance at Table III above one gets an interesting picture. Up to 1975, when I made a general
survey
of the religious background of the various selected individual members holding high offices, almost all major religions were represented. These individuals came to these offices not by virtue of their religious background but by virtue of their ability. The parliamentarians are elected by the people at local level and usually the election manifesto is based on party ideology rather than religious faith. Of course, where one religious group is predominant, like Zanzibar, one expects Muslims to be the majority in any election. In this case, out of 172 Members of Parliament during that year, 35 were from Zanzibar and all were Muslims. The high number of Christian Ministers and the low number of Christians in the Central Committee is a reflection of educational background as related to the aspirations and interests of individuals rather than the religious variable per se. Many more Christians have been educated and trained in various technical and leadership posts than their counterparts the Muslims. This is an historical phenomenon rather than any deliberate policy (Omari 1976, van Bergen 1981, Westerlund 1980). On the other hand, Muslims found the political posts as the chance for them to balance the uneven participation in the political development of Tanzania. Thus many Party functionaries at district and local level are generally with low level of educational background and have been Muslims instead of Christians while the administrative and bureaucratic offices have been filled mainly by Christians.
In spite of these marked differences of educational background among the members of different religious groups at the high echelon, the harmonious relationship that exists between different members of Tanzanian society is very high. People tend to think of Tanzania first in ethnic terms rather than in terms of religion in their participation in socio-political matters. This does not mean, as I argued above, that individual faith is ignored. It is treated as a private matter which can contribute to the well-being of all the people on the principles of justice and equality for all. Religious faith is thus subordinated to the common social objectives as described in the Party ideology of Ujamaa and self-reliance. This aspect of the religious contribution to the Tanzania Socio-political life is enhanced by the fact that the President of the Republic and his Vice-President are people of religious conviction who participate in both political and religious life. Their lives have been a shining example to the public.
Towards Civil Religion – Conclusion.
Above I mentioned about the National Anthem as having a religious context. It is also interesting to note that at the beginning of every sitting of Parliament, there is a general prayer. Some few people, within the Party and outside, especially those who profess not to belong to any of the organised religions, privately have been raising some questions with regard to such procedures. Yet as I see it, Tanzanian society as it stands today, with its democratic system, their views will not change the present procedure both in Parliament sittings and in the National anthem. At Party meetings, however, it is the Party ideology which is the guiding and driving force; hence some phrases are said at the beginning of the meeting, sometimes rhetorically.
It can then be said that Tanzania is one of the countries of the World which has decided not to have a state religion, yet recognises and utilises religions for the social development process. In this way both the Party and Government depend very much on the individual contribution to the social development of the country. On their part, the Party and Government have ensured the freedom of working for all citizens. It is part and parcel of the human right and has been enshrined in Government law and constitution.
In conclusion, this paper has been an attempt to present briefly the religious scenery and its contribution to Tanzanian society. The role of religion in society has been presented with Weberian theoretical background. Individual members of different religious groups as well as organised religions like Christianity and Islam have been looked at more closely than the traditional religion. This has been done purposely for the sake of brevity.
C.K.Omari.
References
Barrett, D.B. Frontier situations for Evangelisation in Africa 1972: A Survey Report. Nairobi. 1972.
Omari, C.K.(ed) Essays on Church and Society in Tanzania. Soni 1976 Parsons, ‘P. The Social System. Illinois Free Press. 1951
van Bergen, J. Development and Religion in Tanzania: Madras/Leiden 1981
Weber, M. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism: (trans. T. Persons). London: Allen and Unwin 1930.
Westerlund, D. Ujamaa na Dini. Stockholm 1980.
Candid Scope
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Debate hii haina mvuto kwangu, naiona kama ni ushindani wa kidini uliojivika shuka ya kisiasa.
Ritz
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Acha uongo kiliisha lini?
Ritz
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Hakuna aliyekuita majukwaa yapo mengi.
Ana haki ya kusema kilichomo moyoni mwake. Ili mradi hajavunja sheria yoyote ya JF.
Nguruvi3
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Katika hoja zangu nimejibu hoja kwa hoja. Nadhani ni busara hoja hizo zikajibiwa kama zilivyo.
Na wewe Ritz umetumbukia katika mtego huu uliokusudia kunasa paa sasa unakamata kenge.
Huwezi kufelisha mtoto asiyefanya mtihani! Mtoto kakimbia shule darsa la pili unampata wapi darsa la saba?
Huwezi kumfelisha shule mtoto aliyekimbia sekondari kama Kilwa halafu utegemee kupata form six wa kuingia chuo kikuu.
Kwa mantiki hiyo huwezi kuwa na wanafunzi wa chuo kikuu wasiokuwepo kuanzia primary. Na utafiti utakaoanzia chuo kikuu bila kutueleza hali ikoje huko chini si utafiti ni upuuzi
Please, appreciate the problem first.
Hapa ndipo unaingiza mjadala wa matokeo yaliyotoka. Tunayapaitia na mwisho wa siku itakuwa aibu tupu maana kila jambo linajidhihiri. Huwezi kuwa na wanafunzi 7 wa shule halafu wawili wafanye mtihani na 5 wakimbie (absent) halafu ulete takwim za kuonewa.
Niambie ni nani mwenye Diploma, degree au PhD aliyewahi kuajiriwa kama dereva.
Kama hakuna then ujinga huo wa mwandishi utawanasa matutusa wanasoma na sio wanaosoma na kuelewa.
Acheni ujinga wenu. Mtaendelea kuwa mbumbumbu hadi lini?
Hivi mtu kama Rais Obama kwa mfano, mafanikio yake yametokana na mchango wa watu wengi sana waliowezesha kampeni zake. Unataka hao wote nao waitwe Marais wa Marekani just because wamesaidia kumweka Obama madarakani.
Ikiwa hivyo hata wananchi walompigia kura nao watataka waenziwe na kuwekwa kwenye kumbukumbu sawa na yeye.
Kwenye harakati siku zote lazima kuwe na wale wanaoongoza harakati hizo na wengine huwa ni wasaidizi. Huwezi kuwapa wote uzito sawa.
Yawezekana hao waislamu wenu wamechangia kupigania uhuru wa nchi hii. Lakini si kwa kiwango mnachotaka kuwakweza.
Ukweli ndio huo, taka msitake.
THE BIG SHOW
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Mama yangu nakumbuka wakati nipo shule ya msingi,alikua ananihusia mara kwa mara,Dullah hakikisha unaisoma vema na kujitahid kuihifadhi na kuilewa vyema Qur an kwani ndio msingi wa maisha yako na chakula cha ubongo wako,hata siku moja usizembee kwenda madrasa kujifunza,huku akiwa ananisimamia katika masomo yangu ya shule ya msingi kimasikini katika hizi ST KANUMBA,,shule zetu hizi walalahoi,,
Alikua ananiambia jitahid pia huko shule kuzingatia masomo kwani ukishindwa hapo mimi sina uwezo wa kukupeleka Private school,na alikua ananiambia Dawa ya hiyo hali yako ni kupiga shule na kuchimba maradufu ya wenzako,niliyafanyia kazi kweli kweli,nakumbuka Mtihani wa kumaliza Darasa la saba,hesabu nilipiga 50/50,lugha nikapiga 48/50,Maarifa ya jamii nikapiga 46/50 na nikachaguliwa kwenda Mzumbe high school(Special schoool),,
Kazi sasa ilikua mara baada ya kufika mzumbe high school enzi hizo kile chuo kikuu cha mzumbe kikitambuliwa kwa jina la IDM-MZUMBE,,
Bahati pale mzumbe high school kuna msikit uliojengwa karibu na shule na upo maeneo ya shule,nilishangazwa sana kipindi tunafika pale,ile ni shule ya serikali lakini idadi ya waislam ilikua ni ya kuhesabika,katika wanafunzi tulioripoti form one kwa idadi ya 105 waislam tulikua hatufiki hata 20,na ukiangalia kwa undani hata hao wakristo tulioripoti nao si kwamba walikua imara kias cha kusema walistahiki sana kuwepo pale,
Tulichokawa tunafanya sisi ni kuvaa vipedo kama wanavosema na kupiga kitabu kwa kwenda mbele,tuliwaprove wrong hasa katika National results,tukaambiana jaman mnajua hawa siku zote wanatusemanga ya kwamba sisi si chochote si lolote,kwaiyo tunawathibitishie,
National results zikija ni mwendo wa Div one tuh za single digit,div1 point 7,point 8,poit 9 na vipedo vyetu,
Hadi kuna kipindi wakristo wakaanza zengwe ya kwamba ooooh waislam wanashinda sana msikitini,hawafanyi kazi za shule,hawaudhurii roll call etc,mkuu wa shule Mzee R.J Mwasha akawaambia as long as hao jamaa wananipa matokeo mazuri mimi sion umuhim wa allegations zenu,ikawa kila mwaka ukifika tunaambukizana ile hali na hadi leo tumeuacha utamaduni huo katika shule kama ile,,
Sio kweli kwamba waislam hawazingatii shule,yapo mengi sana watu tunafanyiwa na tumefanyiwa,tunazungumza tunazungumza kwa mantiki ya kukemea na kujenga tanzania bora kwa kizazi kijacho,sasa kama watu hawataki ukweli usemwe ni juu yao..
Ukweli utasemwa tuh..
THE BIG SHOW
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zomba
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Ritz
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Nguruvi3,
Kuna siku nilikuambia usichanganye tamaduni za watu na Uislam huwezi kuelezea matatizo ya watu wa Kilwa, Mtwara, watoto hawataki kwenda shule ndiyo matatizo ya Waislam wa Tanzania unakosea sana katika hao ambao hawaendi shule na Wakirsto wapo wengi usitake kuwasingizia Waislam.
Hebu nenda mikoa kama Mwanza, Bukoba, Shinyanga, kaangalie jamii ya Kiislam inafanana na jamii ya Mtwara na Lindi.
Matatizo ya Mtwara na Lindi yanajulikana mpaka watu wanakosa msukumo wa elimu siyo Uislam wao kutokana na siasa mikoa ivyo kutupwa na serikali toka ukoloni.
Nguruvi3, matokeo ya darasa la saba kwenda kidato cha kwanza alama za kufahulu uwa zinapatikana wapi.
zomba
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Kwa hiyo tafsiri ya mzee ni muislamu.