Ukweli kuhusu waasisi wa TANU na harakati za kupigania uhuru

[Mohamed Said]

Ogah: Usipate tabu na vitu hivyo hiyo ni moja ya mbinu za uandishi kujaribu kumweleza msomaji amfahamu yule unaemueleza alikuwa vipi na mambo ya wakati ule yalikuwaje.Najaribu kuleta picha ya 1950 ya Dar es Salaam ndani ya madras ya Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir na Nyerere kaletwa kwake na Abdulwahid Sykes na Dossa Aziz. Huyu Sheikh Hassan bin Amir nguvu zake kwa Waislam wakati ule ni kama Kadinali Pengo kwa Wakatoliki hivi sasa. Nadhani umeipata picha.

Umetumia neno limenifanya nifurahi kidogo. Mhariri wa kitabu changu baada ya kumaliza kazi na kitabu kwenda mitamboni alivunja kanuni akaniletea "a hand written note" akasema, "Mohamed I have enjoyed working with you and reading your ms. You are a story teller."

 

[Ogah]

Ogah: Usipate tabu na vitu hivyo hiyo ni moja ya mbinu za uandishi kujaribu kumweleza msomaji amfahamu yule unaemueleza alikuwa vipi na mambo ya wakati ule yalikuwaje.Najaribu kuleta picha ya 1950 ya Dar es Salaam ndani ya madras ya Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir na Nyerere kaletwa kwake na Abdulwahid Sykes na Dossa Aziz. Huyu Sheikh Hassan bin Amir nguvu zake kwa Waislam wakati ule ni kama Kadinali Pengo kwa Wakatoliki hivi sasa. Nadhani umeipata picha.

Umetumia neno limenifanya nifurahi kidogo. Mhariri wa kitabu changu baada ya kumaliza kazi na kitabu kwenda mitamboni alivunja kanuni akaniletea "a hand written note" akasema, "Mohamed I have enjoyed working with you and reading your ms. You are a story teller."

Nilishakufahamu tokea awali.............may be i'm missing something here.......hebu tuambie/niambie hizo haki ambazo kuna watu..........wamezikosa au Utawala wa MWL JKN uliwanyima/uliwagandamiza..........naomba unifungue macho...............

 

[Mohamed Said]

Ogah: Ahsante sana kwa mchango wako. Mjadala huu sasa unakwenda takriban mwezi na hilo swali ulouliza limejibiwa huko nyuma. Tafadhali rudi nyuma utakuta majibu.

 

[Mohamed Said]

FM: Ahsante kwa fikra na maoni yako. Kleist si ndugu wa Abdulwahid Sykes ni mwanae wa pili. Mtoto wa kwanza wa marehemu Abdu Sykes ni Daisy Aisha Sykes. Yeye aliandika "The Townsman: Kleist Sykes" katika kitabu "Modern Tanzanians" kilichohaririwa na John Iliffe. Kleist na ndugu zao wote ni uzawa wangu. Tumezaliwa wakati mmoja na tumeishi pamoja toka utoto hadi leo. Wazee wetu walikuwa marafiki wakubwa kuanzia babu, bibi hadi kizazi hiki chetu. Hili nimelieleza huko nyuma. Daisy ni katika wasichana wa mwanzo Dar es Salaam kupata elimu ya Chuo Kikuu katika miaka ya mwisho ya 1960. Mimi, Daisy na Kleist tumezungumza sana habari hizi za historia na kila mmoja wetu anajua fika fikra za mwenzake. Kleist ni muhitimu wa Carlton University, Canada. Hoja ya kuwa mimi niko karibu kiasi gani kwa hawa, jibu ni kuwa ni ndugu zangu wala sikulazimisha huo udugu. Mwenyezi Mungu ndivyo alivyojaalia iwe hivyo tumejikuta sisi tumetoka kwa wazee waliokuwa jamaa. Hii ndiyo sababu mimi unaona nimepata mengi kuhusu harakati za siasa za Tanganyika kwa kuwa hizi habari licha ya kuwa ndiyo historia ya nchi yetu, vilevile ni historia zetu wenyewe sisi watoto kwa kuwa kuna tuliyoyaona kwa macho yetu wenyewe na kuna yale tuliohadithiwa. Usihadaike na kauli ya Kleist katika mahojiano na Deus Gunze katika Radio Butiama. Hao ndiyo wanasiasa walivyo wenyewe wana kitu kinaitwa towing the party line. Kleist hawezi kuikana historia ya somo yake Kleist Sykes (babu yake) wala historia ya baba yake - Abdulwahid Kleist Sykes. Akifanya hivyo watu wote wa Dar es Salaam wanaowajua watamshangaa. Itoshe tu kueleza kuwa Daisy alitaka kuandika maisha ya baba yake mwaka 1969 lakini John Iliffe aliyekuwa mwalimu wake pale Dar es Salaam University alimkataza akamwambia somo hilo la baba yake lisubiri kwanza linataka muda. Hii nimeeleza katika kitabu na ni katika mambo yaliyomkera sana John Iliffe alipofanya pitio la kitabu changu akanitaka kabla sijasema nilosema ningelizungumza na yeye kwanza. Kilichomsukuma Daisy kutaka kuandika maisha ya baba yake ni kuwa alichukizwa historia ya baba yake na TANU ilivyokuwa imepotoshwa hasa baada ya kifo cha cha baba yake. Hili nimelieleza kwa kirefu sana katika kitabu. Taazia moja tu iliandikwa katika kifo cha Abdu Sykes na iliandikwa na Muingereza Brendon Grimshaw aliekuwa mhariri wa Tanganyika Standard ambae alimfahamu vyema marehemu Abdu. Magazeti ya TANU yote yalimwandika Abdu kama habari hawakuthubutu hata kusema kuwa alikuwa miongoni mwa wale wazalendo 17 walioasisi TANU. Taazia ya Grimshaw ilisema mengi kufikia kueleza kuwa historia ya kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika imefungamana na historia ya ukoo wa Sykes na Nyerere kuja kuwa kiongozi wa TANU inatokana na juhudi za Abdulwahid Sykes. Tafuteni gazeti hili katika library ya Daily News mtakuta taazia hii.

 

[Webabu]

Kwanza nasema hizi video clips zimewekwa kishamba sana kiasi kwamba watumiaji wa baadhi ya mitandao ya internet isiyo na kasi nzuri na kompyuter kama za internet cafe inakuwa taabu ku navigate.Mi nahisi hii ni juhudi ya moderators kuuwekea mguu huu mjadala.Ama baada ya hapo.
MOHAMMED SAID
Huyu bwana mimi namfahamu,yeye yawezekana hanijui.Huyu ni yeye halisi na jina lake ni hilo hilo.Ni nadra sana watu kuingia hapa jukwaani na majina na sura zao.Hii inampa heshima kubwa ya kuaminika kwa hiki anachozungumzia
Katika masomo ya kiislamu kuna somo la fani ya hadithi linaitwa mustwalaahul hadith.Inahusika na uchambuzi wa hadithi za bwana Mtume Muhammad swalla llaahu alayhi wassallam.Ni ili kuzijua ni zipi hadithi sahihi na daraja zao katika kuzitumia kuchambua mambo ya kifiqhi.
Mpokezi wa hadithi anayeitwa thiqqa hadithi zake ndio za mwanzo kutumika hata kama zipo nyengine zenye maneno mazuri.Mpokezi anayeitwa maj huul huyu hadithi zake mara zote hutupwa mpaka pakosekane chochote cha kuangaliwa ndipo hujaribiwa alichokisema kwa tahadhari,huenda kuna ujumbe kulingana na muda.
Katika mjadala huu Mohammed Said anaweza kuwa ndiye thiqqa. Omar Mapuri aliyekuwa waziri wa elimu Zanzibar kwa msukumo wa kisiasa na chuki aliandika kitabu cha historia ya Zanzibar kutoka akilini mwake alichotaka kisomeshwe mashuleni.Wazanzibari wakafanya sherehe ya kukichoma moto,kilikuwa hakina mtiririko wa matukio ya kweli.
Kwa upande mwengine kuna kitabu kinaitwa Zanzibar-Kinyan'anyiro na Utumwa kilichoandikwa na Issa bin Nasser Al ismaily.Huyu yeye alikuwa ni mmoja ya waajiriwa wakati wa ukoloni na mwenye asili ya kiarabu.Ana majina ya wahusika wakuu wa kisiasa na tarehe zao.Alichoandika kinaaminika zaidi hata kama kuna sehemu atatia chumvi kidogo ni rahisi kugundua.
Huu ni mpango wa Mungu Allah (s.w) kuifanya haki iwe juu na ili sifa yake ya kuwa mwenye huruma itimie
Ukiangalia Ukristo utagundua kuwa umedhurika sana kwa kutiwa mikono ya watu wajanja wengi.Vita vya Iraq,Afghanistan na kwengineko Mungu amewatowa watu wa kueleza ukweli ndani ya safu zao wenyewe,karibuni hivi tumepata Wikileaks.
FUNDI MCHUNDO
Katika huu mjadala kajikaza sana tofauti na mijadala mingine ambayo hubwagwa mapema.Hata hivyo kwa anayemuangalia kwa ndani anamuona kwamba ameakubali kuwa hatoweza kuendelea huko mbele,ndio maana anauliza "Sasa ikiwa ni hivyo nini kifanyike basi".
Huyu ni mjanja sana na fanatic wa kikristo.Hata pale anaposhindwa kihoja hayuko tayari kukiri,badala yake huchomoa na kuvuta muda kwa kuuliza uliza maswali hata ambayo yeye hastahiki kujibebesha kutoa jibu.Alibeza kwamba Nyerere alipelekwa UN na jumuiya za kikristo,akauliza ni jumuiya gani za kiislamu zilizofanya hivyo,jibu lilipokuja akaanza na historia za makabila.Hivyo hivyo kwa ujenzi wa shule na miradi ya kielimu,hapa anachambua madhehebu ya kiislamu
Akitaja sensa ya mwaka 1955 anachukua takwimu za makabila tu na wahamiaji hataji asilimia ya waislamu na wakristo ilikuwaje.Kwa kifupi hayuko tayari kutoa point kwa waislamu.
Fundi anapenda sana ionekane huu mjadala umemalizika kwa kukubaliana kuwa waislamu wako nyuma saana kielimu bila kujadili sababu na kuwajuwa wahusika.Wakitajwa wakatoliki na ushahidi kutolewa anazunguka mbali kubeza kila kitu,kwamba hizo takwimu hazijitoshelezi.Sasa lete wa kwako basi kinyume na huo.Usipuuze kazi za wenzako tu.
Hata hivyo hizo tofauti za usomi si kweli kuwa ndizo zinazotumiwa kutoa madaraka.Na inapokuja suala la usomi basi wasomi wa kiislamu wanaonekana kuwa juu zaidi na walioepukana na matukio ya kilfisadi,sasa kwa nini hawapati hizo nafasi,na wakizipata mbona akina Fundi wanawaandama?.
Hata katika uchaguzi wa mwaka huu mbona wasomi wa kiislamu ndio walioko nafasi za juu za ugombea,mbona inaonekana juhudi zinafanyika kuwaponda.
MKANDARA
Huyu ndiye mpuuzi kabisa katika michango yake.Yeye anaonekana ana wazazi waislamu,na anajiita muislamu.Hataki kuudhi upande wowote kati ya hizo.
Usomi wake wote,kama alivyo Fundi Mchundo hataki Nyerere abebeshwe lawama za madhambi yake.Vile vile madhambi ya Christian lobyy anataka lazima lawama zake ziwaendee waislamu.
Akina Mwinyi,Kawawa na viongozi wengine waislamu walikuwa wakitumiwa na kushinikizwa,yale waliyoyafanya leo yanawatukanisha na kututukanishwa sote waislamu.Haya ni moja ya mafanikio ya wakristo kwa waislamu Tanzania,kuwafanya wasijiamini.Hata wakipewa nafasi huona ni fadhila tu,hivyo lazima wafanye kama wanavyoambiwa
Wakati huo huo leo akitokea kiongozi serikalini akitaka kitu cha halali kifanyike chenye mwelekeo wa kiislamu,basi huzushiwa mengi na kurudiwa katiba ili kishindikane kufanyika.Akiondoka tuambiwe kwa mfano "Nini kilimfanya Kikwete na Shein wote waislamu washindwe kuanzisha hiyo mahakama ya kadhi na kujiunga na OIC"
Hapo watasifiwa kuwa ni kwa vile wao ni wazalendo na walijuwa hivi vitu ni vya kibaguzi!.

Mkandara namfananisha sana na wanasiasa uchwara kama Richard Tambwe Hizza,Salim Msabah na Shaib Akwilombwe.Ni mjuzi sana wa kuuchonga lakini anaweza kupanda jukwaani na kusema lolote la kuudhuru upande mwengine.Uchongaji wake wa maneno una uwezo mkubwa wa kuwazuga watu.

Baba yake aliwahi kumpisha kitanda Nyerere apumzike katika juhudi za kuthamini uhuru sijui kwamba na yeye katajwa popote katika historia.Simlazimishi Mkandara kufikiri kama mimi,lakini nashangaa sana kutokuona ubaya wa historia ya TANU kuandikwa bila kutajwa waasisi wake,na jinsi gani asivyoona kuwa huo ni mkono wa Nyerere na wakristo wenzake.Ikiwa hili lina mjadala zaidi basi hakuna sababu ya kujadili chochote cha kihistoria.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Yaya: Ahsante sana. Naogopa kusherehesha. Ningependa wewe au mtu mwingine afanye huo uchambuzi.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Ami: Ahsante sana kwa uchambuzi wako. Mungu atakulipa Insha Allah.

 

[Fundi Mchundo]

Kwa wale ambao wanadai kuwa kulikuwa na bado iko conspiracy ya wakristu hususan wakatoliki kuwanyima elimu waislamu watueleze huko walikosoma, darasani mwao, ni waislamu wangapi wenye uwezo walioachwa wakachaguliwa wakristu. Kama conspiracy hiyo ipo, basi wengi wetu tungekuwa na experience ya kuona waislamu wenye uwezo wanaachwa wakati wakristu wasio na uwezo wanachaguliwa! Kuna mtu anaweza kutuambia sehemu ambako kitu kama hiki ikilikuwa ni kawaida? Si mwaka wake tu aliofanya mtihani bali kila mwaka!

Amandla........

 

[Fundi Mchundo]

FM: Ahsante kwa fikra na maoni yako. Kleist si ndugu wa Abdulwahid Sykes ni mwanae wa pili. Mtoto wa kwanza wa marehemu Abdu Sykes ni Daisy Aisha Sykes. Yeye aliandika "The Townsman: Kleist Sykes" katika kitabu "Modern Tanzanians" kilichohaririwa na John Iliffe. Kleist na ndugu zao wote ni uzawa wangu. Tumezaliwa wakati mmoja na tumeishi pamoja toka utoto hadi leo. Wazee wetu walikuwa marafiki wakubwa kuanzia babu, bibi hadi kizazi hiki chetu. Hili nimelieleza huko nyuma. Daisy ni katika wasichana wa mwanzo Dar es Salaam kupata elimu ya Chuo Kikuu katika miaka ya mwisho ya 1960. Mimi, Daisy na Kleist tumezungumza sana habari hizi za historia na kila mmoja wetu anajua fika fikra za mwenzake. Kleist ni muhitimu wa Carlton University, Canada. Hoja ya kuwa mimi niko karibu kiasi gani kwa hawa, jibu ni kuwa ni ndugu zangu wala sikulazimisha huo udugu. Mwenyezi Mungu ndivyo alivyojaalia iwe hivyo tumejikuta sisi tumetoka kwa wazee waliokuwa jamaa. Hii ndiyo sababu mimi unaona nimepata mengi kuhusu harakati za siasa za Tanganyika kwa kuwa hizi habari licha ya kuwa ndiyo historia ya nchi yetu, vilevile ni historia zetu wenyewe sisi watoto kwa kuwa kuna tuliyoyaona kwa macho yetu wenyewe na kuna yale tuliohadithiwa. Usihadaike na kauli ya Kleist katika mahojiano na Deus Gunze katika Radio Butiama. Hao ndiyo wanasiasa walivyo wenyewe wana kitu kinaitwa towing the party line. Kleist hawezi kuikana historia ya somo yake Kleist Sykes (babu yake) wala historia ya baba yake - Abdulwahid Kleist Sykes. Akifanya hivyo watu wote wa Dar es Salaam wanaowajua watamshangaa. Itoshe tu kueleza kuwa Daisy alitaka kuandika maisha ya baba yake mwaka 1969 lakini John Iliffe aliyekuwa mwalimu wake pale Dar es Salaam University alimkataza akamwambia somo hilo la baba yake lisubiri kwanza linataka muda. Hii nimeeleza katika kitabu na ni katika mambo yaliyomkera sana John Iliffe alipofanya pitio la kitabu changu akanitaka kabla sijasema nilosema ningelizungumza na yeye kwanza. Kilichomsukuma Daisy kutaka kuandika maisha ya baba yake ni kuwa alichukizwa historia ya baba yake na TANU ilivyokuwa imepotoshwa hasa baada ya kifo cha cha baba yake. Hili nimelieleza kwa kirefu sana katika kitabu. Taazia moja tu iliandikwa katika kifo cha Abdu Sykes na iliandikwa na Muingereza Grimshaw aliekuwa mhariri wa Tanganyika Standard ambae alimfahamu vyema marehemu Abdu. Magazeti ya TANU yote yalimwandika Abdu kama habari hawakuthubutu hata kusema kuwa alikuwa miongoni mwa wale wazalendo 17 walioasisi TANU. Taazia ya Grimshaw ilisema mengi kufikia kueleza kuwa historia ya kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika imefungamana na historia ya ukoo wa Sykes na Nyerere kuja kuwa kiongozi wa TANU inatokana na juhudi za Abdulwahid Sykes. Tafuteni gazeti hili katika library ya Daily News mtakuta taazia hii.

Mimi wakina Sykes siwajui zaidi ya ninayosoma kwenye historia. Kwa hiyo unataka kutuambia Kleist, mwanae wa Abdulwahid ni mnafik? Kwa vile tu hakubaliani na interpretation yako ya maisha ya baba yake! Kwamba Abdulwahid alimfanyia kampeni Nyerere hakumaanishi kuwa yeye ndiye alimpa uongozi na kuwa yeye alikuwa bora kuliko Nyerere. Alimfanyia kampeni kwa sababu aliona uwezo wake na alijua kuwa angeweza kufanya yale ambayo yeye asingeweza!

Amandla.......

 

[Fundi Mchundo]

Ogah: Usipate tabu na vitu hivyo hiyo ni moja ya mbinu za uandishi kujaribu kumweleza msomaji amfahamu yule unaemueleza alikuwa vipi na mambo ya wakati ule yalikuwaje.Najaribu kuleta picha ya 1950 ya Dar es Salaam ndani ya madras ya Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir na Nyerere kaletwa kwake na Abdulwahid Sykes na Dossa Aziz. Huyu Sheikh Hassan bin Amir nguvu zake kwa Waislam wakati ule ni kama Kadinali Pengo kwa Wakatoliki hivi sasa. Nadhani umeipata picha.

Umetumia neno limenifanya nifurahi kidogo. Mhariri wa kitabu changu baada ya kumaliza kazi na kitabu kwenda mitamboni alivunja kanuni akaniletea "a hand written note" akasema, "Mohamed I have enjoyed working with you and reading your ms. You are a story teller."

Hakuna kiongozi wa dhehebu la wasunni anayeweza kuwa na nguvu sawa na kadinali kwa wakatoliki. Hakuna shehe au imam yeyote anayeweza kumnyang'anya uislamu muislamu wakati Pengo akiamua kuwa haustahili kujiita mkatoliki basi uwezekano mkubwa ni kuwa utatengwa na kanisa lake. Hapa ndipo unapokosea, structure ya wakatoliki ni tofauti kabisa na structure ya waislamu. Askofu Mkuu wa wakatoliki wakati ule alikuwa na nguvu juu ya wakatoliki wote nchini (na padiri yeyote, kokote alikokuwa aliwajibika kwake)lakini siamini kuwa Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir alikuwa na uwezo wa kumuamrisha shehe wa kamsikiti Ujiji!

Amandla.....

 

[Mohamed Said]

FM: Katika udogo wangu mchezo maarufu ulikuwa mpira. Ikifika alasiri utawaona watoto wanaelekea katika viwanja kwenda kucheza "practise." Jumamosi na Jumapili ilikuwa siku za mechi tukishindana timu zetu za mitaani. Nilikuwa mmoja wa wachezaji wazuri. Katika mbinu za kucheza nilijifunza kitu kimoja na kikinisaidia sana nacho ni kubadilisha "pattern" ya chenga hasa kama anaekukaba ni mchezaji ambae ushachezanae sana na hivyo anazijua mbinu zako. Kulikuwa hakuna kitu kinaudhi mabeki kama kumtia tobo yaani kuupitisha mpira katika ya miguu yake; au kumvisha kanzu yaani kuunyanyua mpira juu ya kichwa chake. Haya yote nilikuwa naweza kufanya lakini utayafanya haya kwa uhakika mara moja tu. Kama utaweza kurudia tena na tena kwa mtu huyo huyo basi huyo ni mchezaji mzembe na hiyo itamgharimu. Hatopangwa tena. Mimi katika mambo haya niliyokuwa nikifanya katika viwanja vya Mnazi Mmoja, Kidongo Chekundu na Jangwani hutumia hata katika mijadala. Kama ni mpira huwezi kunikaba nitakuwa mimi na wenzangu kila saa tunacheza ndani ya box lenu na matokeo ni nyie kufungwa.

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

Kwanza nasema hizi video clips zimewekwa kishamba sana kiasi kwamba watumiaji wa baadhi ya mitandao ya internet isiyo na kasi nzuri na kompyuter kama za internet cafe inakuwa taabu ku navigate.Mi nahisi hii ni juhudi ya moderators kuuwekea mguu huu mjadala.Ama baada ya hapo.
MOHAMMED SAID
Huyu bwana mimi namfahamu,yeye yawezekana hanijui.Huyu ni yeye halisi na jina lake ni hilo hilo.Ni nadra sana watu kuingia hapa jukwaani na majina na sura zao.Hii inampa heshima kubwa ya kuaminika kwa hiki anachozungumzia
Katika masomo ya kiislamu kuna somo la fani ya hadithi linaitwa mustwalaahul hadith.Inahusika na uchambuzi wa hadithi za bwana Mtume Muhammad swalla llaahu alayhi wassallam.Ni ili kuzijua ni zipi hadithi sahihi na daraja zao katika kuzitumia kuchambua mambo ya kifiqhi.
Mpokezi wa hadithi anayeitwa thiqqa hadithi zake ndio za mwanzo kutumika hata kama zipo nyengine zenye maneno mazuri.Mpokezi anayeitwa maj huul huyu hadithi zake mara zote hutupwa mpaka pakosekane chochote cha kuangaliwa ndipo hujaribiwa alichokisema kwa tahadhari,huenda kuna ujumbe kulingana na muda.
Katika mjadala huu Mohammed Said anaweza kuwa ndiye thiqqa. Omar Mapuri aliyekuwa waziri wa elimu Zanzibar kwa msukumo wa kisiasa na chuki aliandika kitabu cha historia ya Zanzibar kutoka akilini mwake alichotaka kisomeshwe mashuleni.Wazanzibari wakafanya sherehe ya kukichoma moto,kilikuwa hakina mtiririko wa matukio ya kweli.
Kwa upande mwengine kuna kitabu kinaitwa Zanzibar-Kinyan'anyiro na Utumwa kilichoandikwa na Issa bin Nasser Al ismaily.Huyu yeye alikuwa ni mmoja ya waajiriwa wakati wa ukoloni na mwenye asili ya kiarabu.Ana majina ya wahusika wakuu wa kisiasa na tarehe zao.Alichoandika kinaaminika zaidi hata kama kuna sehemu atatia chumvi kidogo ni rahisi kugundua.
Huu ni mpango wa Mungu Allah (s.w) kuifanya haki iwe juu na ili sifa yake ya kuwa mwenye huruma itimie
Ukiangalia Ukristo utagundua kuwa umedhurika sana kwa kutiwa mikono ya watu wajanja wengi.Vita vya Iraq,Afghanistan na kwengineko Mungu amewatowa watu wa kueleza ukweli ndani ya safu zao wenyewe,karibuni hivi tumepata Wikileaks.
FUNDI MCHUNDO
Katika huu mjadala kajikaza sana tofauti na mijadala mingine ambayo hubwagwa mapema.Hata hivyo kwa anayemuangalia kwa ndani anamuona kwamba ameakubali kuwa hatoweza kuendelea huko mbele,ndio maana anauliza "Sasa ikiwa ni hivyo nini kifanyike basi".
Huyu ni mjanja sana na fanatic wa kikristo.Hata pale anaposhindwa kihoja hayuko tayari kukiri,badala yake huchomoa na kuvuta muda kwa kuuliza uliza maswali hata ambayo yeye hastahiki kujibebesha kutoa jibu.Alibeza kwamba Nyerere alipelekwa UN na jumuiya za kikristo,akauliza ni jumuiya gani za kiislamu zilizofanya hivyo,jibu lilipokuja akaanza na historia za makabila.Hivyo hivyo kwa ujenzi wa shule na miradi ya kielimu,hapa anachambua madhehebu ya kiislamu
Akitaja sensa ya mwaka 1955 anachukua takwimu za makabila tu na wahamiaji hataji asilimia ya waislamu na wakristo ilikuwaje.Kwa kifupi hayuko tayari kutoa point kwa waislamu.
Fundi anapenda sana ionekane huu mjadala umemalizika kwa kukubaliana kuwa waislamu wako nyuma saana kielimu bila kujadili sababu na kuwajuwa wahusika.Wakitajwa wakatoliki na ushahidi kutolewa anazunguka mbali kubeza kila kitu,kwamba hizo takwimu hazijitoshelezi.Sasa lete wa kwako basi kinyume na huo.Usipuuze kazi za wenzako tu.
Hata hivyo hizo tofauti za usomi si kweli kuwa ndizo zinazotumiwa kutoa madaraka.Na inapokuja suala la usomi basi wasomi wa kiislamu wanaonekana kuwa juu zaidi na walioepukana na matukio ya kilfisadi,sasa kwa nini hawapati hizo nafasi,na wakizipata mbona akina Fundi wanawaandama?.
Hata katika uchaguzi wa mwaka huu mbona wasomi wa kiislamu ndio walioko nafasi za juu za ugombea,mbona inaonekana juhudi zinafanyika kuwaponda.
MKANDARA
Huyu ndiye mpuuzi kabisa katika michango yake.Yeye anaonekana ana wazazi waislamu,na anajiita muislamu.Hataki kuudhi upande wowote kati ya hizo.
Usomi wake wote,kama alivyo Fundi Mchundo hataki Nyerere abebeshwe lawama za madhambi yake.Vile vile madhambi ya Christian lobyy anataka lazima lawama zake ziwaendee waislamu.
Akina Mwinyi,Kawawa na viongozi wengine waislamu walikuwa wakitumiwa na kushinikizwa,yale waliyoyafanya leo yanawatukanisha na kututukanishwa sote waislamu.Haya ni moja ya mafanikio ya wakristo kwa waislamu Tanzania,kuwafanya wasijiamini.Hata wakipewa nafasi huona ni fadhila tu,hivyo lazima wafanye kama wanavyoambiwa
Wakati huo huo leo akitokea kiongozi serikalini akitaka kitu cha halali kifanyike chenye mwelekeo wa kiislamu,basi huzushiwa mengi na kurudiwa katiba ili kishindikane kufanyika.Akiondoka tuambiwe kwa mfano "Nini kilimfanya Kikwete na Shein wote waislamu washindwe kuanzisha hiyo mahakama ya kadhi na kujiunga na OIC"
Hapo watasifiwa kuwa ni kwa vile wao ni wazalendo na walijuwa hivi vitu ni vya kibaguzi!.

Mkandara namfananisha sana na wanasiasa uchwara kama Richard Tambwe Hizza,Salim Msabah na Shaib Akwilombwe.Ni mjuzi sana wa kuuchonga lakini anaweza kupanda jukwaani na kusema lolote la kuudhuru upande mwengine.Uchongaji wake wa maneno una uwezo mkubwa wa kuwazuga watu.

Baba yake aliwahi kumpisha kitanda Nyerere apumzike katika juhudi za kuthamini uhuru sijui kwamba na yeye katajwa popote katika historia.Simlazimishi Mkandara kufikiri kama mimi,lakini nashangaa sana kutokuona ubaya wa historia ya TANU kuandikwa bila kutajwa waasisi wake,na jinsi gani asivyoona kuwa huo ni mkono wa Nyerere na wakristo wenzake.Ikiwa hili lina mjadala zaidi basi hakuna sababu ya kujadili chochote cha kihistoria.

Hii nduyo typical reaction ya mtu aliyekunja mguu kachora nne na kunywa gahawa kwa kuendeleza tu maneno mpaka mwisho wa dunia!
Naamini katika jumuia ambayo ndugu yetu Ami yumo waliosoma wataendelea kuwawachache na maendeleo yatabaki kuwa duni.
Na ndio maana hii mada iko hapa.
Tunaweza kubishana mpaka kiama lakini Ami ukuiingia na gia ya udini katu hutashinda, sana sana uzalendo wa wananchi ukitumika hapo pengine yale wewe unayoyaona yana mapungufu yata sahihishwa.
Ukliingia na udini tupo tutakao kupinga kwa nguvu na maarifa yote tuliyonayo, na hutoshinda.
Muelekeo wa mada hii sasa haiendi kujenga umoja bali kuendeleza utengano katika jamii.
Kama ni kumlaumu Nyerere, ambaye wengi tuna mheshimu sana kwa kuleta umoja, basi teendelee kumlaumu.
Kuna ambao watamlaumu kwa kuwapoka shule na kuingiza dini nyingine, lawama ni lawama tu.
Tutamlaumu vile vile kwa kuvunja vyombo vya ushirika vilivyokuwa vya na nguvu ya kiuchumi katika sehemu kadhaa nchini.Pamoja na kuelewa nia ya kuvivunja vyombo hivyo , lakini kwa mtazamo wa watu kama Ami mimi leo najiuliza, kama nia ilikuwa kupunguza makali ya maendeleo sehemu nyingine ili wote tupate kuwa wamoja?
Basi sehemu zilizopokwa vyombo vya kiuchumi(kama vyama vya ushirika) zina sababu kubwa tu vile vile kumlaumu Mwalimu.
Na mkakati huu wa kupunguza spidi sehemu fulani fulani nchini ili twende pamoja umefeli kwani waliokuwa nyuma bado wako nyuma, na leo Mwalimu analaumiwa kulia na kushoto.

FM ameuliza kwa akili yako tufanye nini sasa , Ami na wengine akili inagota , maana wao kiakili wamejiweka katika mfano wa kuku aliyefungwa kamba, na akifunguliwa bado hawezi tembea mwenyewe.
Hii ndio udhaifu unaoonyeshwa na wenzetu waislamu nchini, hawana umoja wala mikakati ya kujiendeleza.
Mwaka nafikiri 1968/69 Serikali ya Misri ilifadhili kujengwa Chuo kikubwa sana pale Chang'ombe kwa ajili ya waislamu.
Chuo kikajengwa na hadi leo its a white elephant.Waislamu walio wajanja wameanza kuuziana sehemu ile.
Sasa kama jumuia haina vision na hivyo kukosa mission ya kujiendeleza sasa tufanyeje?
Ni vema tukaendelea tu kubishana mpaka kiama!!!!

 

[Fundi Mchundo]

Mohammed,
Unaweza kutupa ushahidi au source ya hii nukuu hapa chini? Kwa sababu vitabu vingine vya historia vina hitimisho tofauti na lako kuhusu uongozi wa Nyerere katika TAA na baadaye TANU

Mara baada ya Nyerere kuchukua uongozi wa TAA chama kikaanza kusinzia, ushupavu na bidii iliyokuwepo wakati wa uongozi wa Abdulwahid vilitoweka. Kwa hakika ilikuwa wakati mmoja tukatika historia ya Dar es Salaam ambapo Mkristo Erikah Fiah, alikamata bendera dhidi ya serikaly ya kikoloni. Nyerere alikuwa akikaa nje ya mji na alikuwa akija Dar es Salaam mwishoni mwa juma tu. Kwa kiasi fulani hii iliathiri shughuli za chama. Kwa muda wanachama walionekana kama wamepoteza hamu ya chama. Wajumbe wa kamati ya utendaji mara nyingine hawakutokea kwenye mikutano ijapokuwa Dossa aliwapitia majumbani kwao na gari yake kuwachukua.

Hawezi kwa sababu ni uongo mtupu.

Amandla........

 

[Fundi Mchundo]

FM: Katika udogo wangu mchezo maarufu ulikuwa mpira. Ikifika alasiri utawaona watoto wanaelekea katika viwanja kwenda kucheza "practise." Jumamosi na Jumapili ilikuwa siku za mechi tukishindana timu zetu za mitaani. Nilikuwa mmoja wa wachezaji wazuri. Katika mbinu za kucheza nilijifunza kitu kimoja na kikinisaidia sana nacho ni kubadilisha "pattern" ya chenga hasa kama anaekukaba ni mchezaji ambae ushachezanae sana na hivyo anazijua mbinu zako. Kulikuwa hakuna kitu kinaudhi mabeki kama kumtia tobo yaani kuupitisha mpira katika ya miguu yake; au kumvisha kanzu yaani kuunyanyua mpira juu ya kichwa chake. Haya yote nilikuwa naweza kufanya lakini utayafanya haya kwa uhakika mara moja tu. Kama utaweza kurudia tena na tena kwa mtu huyo huyo basi huyo ni mchezaji mzembe na hiyo itamgharimu. Hatopangwa tena. Mimi katika mambo haya niliyokuwa nikifanya katika viwanja vya Mnazi Mmoja, Kidongo Chekundu na Jangwani hutumia hata katika mijadala. Kama ni mpira huwezi kunikaba nitakuwa mimi na wenzangu kila saa tunacheza ndani ya box lenu na matokeo ni nyie kufungwa.

Umeingia pabaya. Hapa haogopwi mtu. Umeshindwa kutetea hoja yako na wengi wameona hilo. Wewe kama unadhani kusema uongo kuhusu Nyerere na wakatoliki kutagujengea umaarufu, hapa si penyewe. Unapokataa kujibu, kwa wengi wanaona kuwa hauna jibu. Na usisahau, audience yako hapa ni kubwa, si Fundi Mchundo peke yake. Wengi wanaotusoma wanajua ukweli wanapouona. Hawa si captive audiences ulizozoea!

Amandla........

 

[Mohamed Said]

FM: Hakika umesema kweli sheikh hawezekani kufananishwa na kadinali. Hili si kama silijui ni jambo mashuhuri. Nakuwekea hapa chini kipande katika kitabu nachoandika kuhusu Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. Ukimaliza kusoma na kama utapenda nitafutie kadinali katika historia ya Tanganyika ambae anaweza kufananishwa na Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir:


Having accomplished his role as a patriot and a symbol of mass mobilisation under TANU during the struggle Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir resigned from politics soon after Tanganyika achieved its independence in 1961 and through his organisation Dawa't Islamiyya concentrated on serving Islam and Muslims. This shift was to create an unprecedented confrontation between himself and the then President of Tanzania Julius Nyerere. On the order of the President, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was arrested for ‘subversion' and deported to Zanzibar and the EAWMS of which Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was among its leaders declared an ‘illegal' society. In its place BAKWATA was formed to replace the EAMWS. The reverberations of this clash between these two giants of titanic magnitude are being felt as we speak today likewise the vacuum left by the EAMWS has not been filled. Consequently the political climate and relations between Muslims and the government was not to be the same again.

In 1940 when Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir left Zanzibar for Tanganyika he was sixty years old. The purpose of this resettlement was to create a spring board in Tanganyika from where he could spread the message of Islam to the neighbouring countries of Congo, Nyasaland, Rwanda and Burundi which were predominantly Christian countries. In a period of about twenty eight years Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was able to establish centres in Tanganyika and in the neighbouring countries, teaching from one village or township to another. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir would stay in one place for a while holding 'darsas' and when he was satisfied that the message was well received he would move on leaving behind his students to continue with the work. He would move on to another town or village and do the same but always coming back to the places he had previously held court to check on progress. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was so successful in proselytising work that Belgians who were the colonising authority in Congo, Rwanda and Burundi seeing masses of their subjects reverting to Islam declared him a prohibited immigrant in all their colonies and he was therefore forcefully evicted back to Tanganyika. At that time Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir had shifted his headquarters from Dar es Salaam to Bujumbura in Burundi.

Back in Tanganyika Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir criss – crossed the country spreading the message of Islam not staying in one place more than was necessary. This was the formative years of Sheikh Hassan's influence and the period which he was able to build a strong base of followers through out the country who looked upon him as ‘amir'. In between his travels Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir continued to write his discourses and he wrote in Arabic, but not without a purpose. He wanted Muslims to learn Arabic because it is the language of the Qur'an. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir had excelled in the language both oral and written. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir wrote in Kiswahili only when he wanted to communicate with Muslims on political matters. This is the period when the fire of nationalism had been kindled in Africa. When nationalist politics began in Tanganyika to oust the British from the country Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir transformed the centres he had established into active centres of colonial resistance and mass mobilisation. His students and followers provided membership as well as leadership to the emerging movement.

Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's political carrier began much earlier when he was travelling around the country establishing centres. Probably unknown to his students that they were being prepared as foot soldiers for an imminent onslaught on the colonial government. However, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir came into prominence in 1950 when he was elected into the TAA-Political Subcommittee and hence became one of the signatories to the memorandum on constitutional development presented by TAA to the Governor of Tanganyika, Sir Edward Twining. The task of this committee among other issues was to clandestinely prepare the ground for formation of TANU to free Tanganyika from colonialism. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir as the Mufti represented the dominant Muslim interests in Tanganyika.

Open politics and mass mobilisation to agitate for independence in Tanganyika began with the formation of TANU in 1954 with Julius Nyerere, a Roman Catholic as the leader. While at the top TANU had a Christian president, Muslims, however, dominated the movement in leadership and membership composition. At the party headquarters in Dar es Salaam there was what was known as the ‘TANU Elders Council' (Baraza la Wazee) a polit – bureau of sorts constituting of 173 members all of them Muslims. While the Elders Council supported Nyerere this was not the case with other members in the party. A small faction of radical Muslims rose to oppose Nyerere's leadership for no other reason but for being a Christian. This created an internal crisis not between Muslims and Christians but among Muslims themselves. This was a serious issue which could have derailed the movement before it even took off. A meeting was therefore called in 1955 to clarify the status of Christianity in TANU. It was at this meeting that Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir impressed upon the people of Tanganyika on the importance of secularism in TANU to preserve national unity. This meeting was held in a house in Pemba Street and its resolution was supported by Sheikh Nurdin Hussein from Lindi and Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo of Dar es Salaam who was a student of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. This meeting coined the name ‘Yuda' which was to be the label of any member of TANU who discriminated his fellow African because of his faith.

The name ‘Yuda' coined by TANU had direct relationship with Judas Iscariot from Christian scriptures, the traitor who betrayed Jesus for thirty pieces of silver. The problems which TANU encountered were mainly from colonial government or those inspired by it using fellow Africans as puppets to try to derail the movement. It was the belief of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir that the survival of Muslims as a people and Islam as a religion rested in the total overthrow of the colonial government and the strategy to achieve that goal was through national unity. It was from this cue from Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir that Nyerere and with the help of the Elders Council was able to establish in TANU the nationalist-secularist ideology.

A very critical obstacle to national unity was thus averted. Had TANU succumbed to sectarian politics of insisting that since Muslims were the most discriminated upon by colonialism and were dominant in politics and should therefore assume leadership in the party, this would have been divisive and counter productive to the movement. Christians would have been alienated and probably the colonial government in its ‘divide and rule' tactics would have encouraged them to form a rival party. This new party certainly would not have been pro - Islam. The only power to benefit from such rivalry would have been the British and the road to independence would not have been smooth. It would have been fraught with factional violence as is the case in all countries where sectarian politics reign supreme.

Nyerere was a familiar face at the 'darsa' of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir in down town Dar es Salaam. It is said whenever Nyerere went to see Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir, Sheikh Hassan would always as a rule, dismiss his students and would sit down with Nyerere and his entourage for hours on end discussing on the future of Tanganyika. Under Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's wings no Muslim dared to challenge Nyerere. Sheikh Hassan bin Amir's ‘madras' in Dar es Salaam therefore played a multiplicity of roles. It was a centre of religious knowledge as well as centre for mass mobilisation and agitation against the colonial government. It was difficult to distinguish between visitors who came to visit Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. Had they come to the Mufti to seek ‘fatwa' for a ‘mushkel' or had they come to exchange notes on the political climate in the country. Nyerere realised very early in his political career the power and respect commandeered by Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir and he never took any important decision without consulting him.

A trying period for Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was in 1958 when TANU was in preparation for the first general election ever to be conducted in Tanganyika. The colonial government agreed to hold elections to the Legislative Council in which seats were to be contested mainly along racial lines. There were seats for Europeans, Asians and Africans - hence the name Tripartite Election. Other conditions for eligibility for voting required a prospecting voter to have an annual income of four hundred pounds sterling, standard twelve education (later reduced to standard ten) and be employed in a specific post. Muslims being the ‘uneducated majority' and hence most of them not employed in what could be considered ‘specific post' were therefore not legible to vote. As the election conditions stood, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir himself a prolific author and no doubt educated by all standards, could not vote or be voted into the Legislative Council had he wanted to contest. The Tripartite Election was therefore seen as colonial machinations to prevent a peoples' leadership from coming to power. The Muslim leadership in TANU which had been democratically elected by the people to lead the struggle against the British was being barred from participating in the future of the country at a very crucial time in the history of Tanganyika. Being the majority in TANU and being most effected by the voting conditions, Muslims called for total boycott of the election.

Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir realised that the struggle for real independence was far from finished. He now had a new enemy which he had not anticipated to fight. The irony of it all is the fact that he had moulded the enemy by the sweat of his own brow and that of the general Muslim community in Tanganyika. It was clear to him that at that stage to invoke Muslim sentiments against Nyerere as he had done against the British would have been dangerous to the country. On his part Nyerere was aware that it would not be easy to deal with Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir because he commanded a strong power base and respect among Muslims. To detain Sheikh Hassan was therefore out of question. But, as long as Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir remained in the Mainland it was not possible to control Muslims since they always looked to Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir for guidance. He was the moving spirit of Muslim unity. The only safe option open to Nyerere was to ostracise Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir in whatever manner and then ban the EAMWS. It is against this background that we can now analyse Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's arrest and the so called EAMWS crisis which characterised the last three months of 1968.

 

[Mohamed Said]

FM: Naijua hadhira yangu naipenda na ndiyo maana unaona naweka vitu vingi wavisome. Mimi sitafuti umaarufu. Kwa heshima zote ningependa kusema kuwa. Mimi ni maarufu tena si sasa toka udogo wangu nikikuwa katika mitaa ya Kariakoo. Watu wachache sana wasionifahamu. Ama kuhusu ukweli huo na tuuweke ukumbini wasomaji wataamua wenyewe. Na hili mimi halinitatizi hata kidogo. Mwisho napenda kukufahamisha kuwa jinsi haiba yangu ilivyo ni tabu mimi kumtisha mtu yoyote. Muhimu tuondoe ghadhabu tuendelee na mjadala.

 

[Mohamed Said]

FM: Ahsante kwa mchango wako: Kleist hawezi kuwa mnafik yeye ni mwanasiasa tu kama nilivyoeleza katika jibu langu. Juu ya hayo yote tuondoke hapo na tuangalie mengine. Nimeweka ukumbini vipande ambavyo mimi navipenda na hufurahi kila ninapovisoma. Tafadhali tuelekee huko na tuendelee na mjadala wa historia ya nchi yetu.

 

[JokaKuu]

Mohamed Said,

..there can be only one President at a time.

..inawezekana hawa jamaa zako walichukua muda, au walikuwa wagumu, kulitambua hilo.

..Nyerere alikuwa hakucheleweshi ukiingia kwenye anga zake za kisiasa. sasa kwasababu aliowashughulikia ni watu very DIVERSE[waislamu,wakristo,machifu,vyama vya wafanyakazi..] sioni kwanini unasisitiza kwamba hili ni suala la Uislamu vs Ukristo.

..HISTORIA ULIYOTULETEA NI NZURI, LAKINI TATIZO LIKO KATIKA CONCLUSIONS ZAKO. wengine tunaona ulikuwa "mchezo wa kisiasa," wewe unaona kuwa ilikuwa ni "vita ya kidini."

..hata pale mgogoro unapohusu Waislamu peke yao, mfano: suala la Prof.Malima kuchukuliwa hatua za kinidhamu na Raisi Mwinyi, bado utafanya kila juhudi kutumbukiza hisia za Uislamu vs Ukristu.

 

[Fundi Mchundo]

FM: Ahsante kwa mchango wako: Kleist hawezi kuwa mnafik yeye ni mwanasiasa tu kama nilivyoeleza katika jibu langu. Juu ya hayo yote tuondoke hapo na tuangalie mengine. Nimeweka ukumbini vipande ambavyo mimi navipenda na hufurahi kila ninapovisoma. Tafadhali tuelekee huko na tuendelee na mjadala wa historia ya nchi yetu.

Nijuavyo mimi mtu yeyote anayesema kitu moja wakati akimaanisha kingine ni mnafik. Siasa hailazimishi mtu kuwa mnafik. Mimi sijaona unafik wake, lakini kama mkiwa peke yenu anakwambia kweli baba yake alionewa kwa sababu ni muislamu, hamna jina lingine analostahili bali mnafik, awe mwanasiasa au asiwe mwanasiasa.

Amandla....

 

[Mkandara]

Ami,

MKANDARA
Huyu ndiye mpuuzi kabisa katika michango yake.Yeye anaonekana ana wazazi waislamu,na anajiita muislamu.Hataki kuudhi upande wowote kati ya hizo.
Usomi wake wote,kama alivyo Fundi Mchundo hataki Nyerere abebeshwe lawama za madhambi yake.Vile vile madhambi ya Christian lobyy anataka lazima lawama zake ziwaendee waislamu.
Akina Mwinyi,Kawawa na viongozi wengine waislamu walikuwa wakitumiwa na kushinikizwa,yale waliyoyafanya leo yanawatukanisha na kututukanishwa sote waislamu.Haya ni moja ya mafanikio ya wakristo kwa waislamu Tanzania,kuwafanya wasijiamini.Hata wakipewa nafasi huona ni fadhila tu,hivyo lazima wafanye kama wanavyoambiwa
Wakati huo huo leo akitokea kiongozi serikalini akitaka kitu cha halali kifanyike chenye mwelekeo wa kiislamu,basi huzushiwa mengi na kurudiwa katiba ili kishindikane kufanyika.Akiondoka tuambiwe kwa mfano "Nini kilimfanya Kikwete na Shein wote waislamu washindwe kuanzisha hiyo mahakama ya kadhi na kujiunga na OIC"
Hapo watasifiwa kuwa ni kwa vile wao ni wazalendo na walijuwa hivi vitu ni vya kibaguzi!.

Mkandara namfananisha sana na wanasiasa uchwara kama Richard Tambwe Hizza,Salim Msabah na Shaib Akwilombwe.Ni mjuzi sana wa kuuchonga lakini anaweza kupanda jukwaani na kusema lolote la kuudhuru upande mwengine.Uchongaji wake wa maneno una uwezo mkubwa wa kuwazuga watu.

Baba yake aliwahi kumpisha kitanda Nyerere apumzike katika juhudi za kuthamini uhuru sijui kwamba na yeye katajwa popote katika historia.Simlazimishi Mkandara kufikiri kama mimi,lakini nashangaa sana kutokuona ubaya wa historia ya TANU kuandikwa bila kutajwa waasisi wake,na jinsi gani asivyoona kuwa huo ni mkono wa Nyerere na wakristo wenzake.Ikiwa hili lina mjadala zaidi basi hakuna sababu ya kujadili chochote cha kihistoria.

Shukran sana mkuu wangu kjwa maelezo yako kwani ndivyo unavyioniona mimi... na hakika na Ramadhan hii nasema mtu yeyote anayependa kujadili watu na hata kutoa hukumu zao ni Mjinga katika wajinga waliopotea unachotakiwa ni kusoma na kuelimika..

Ni kweli wala hujakosea wazazi wangu ni Waislaam na najiita Muislaam lakini sipendi kuudhi Upande wowote jambo ambalo sijui kama ningefanya kinyume kuwalaumu wakristu ndio ningekuwa Muislaam wa kweli. Na pengine nikwambie mimi siwezi kujiita Muislaam kwa sababu sidhani kama nafanya ibada ipaswavyo ila na practice Islaam kama nilivyoagizwa na Kuran..Na siwezi chukia Ukristu kwa sababu ati Muislaam mmoja kaandika chuki zake kwa Nyerere kwa mabaya ambayo hayana Ushahidi isipokuwa hadithi ambazo hazina akili kabisa..

Nitarudia kusema siwezi kuamini Nyerere kuukandamiza Uislaam wakati woote kabla ya Uhuru na baada ya Uhuru ikiwa asilimia kubwa ya waanzilishi wa harakati hizo walikuwa Waislaam. Waislaam walikuwa minority kabla ya Uhuru leo hii ni hesabu kubwa sawa ama zaidi ya Wakristu..

Na kwa Ushuhuda wangu hiyo nguvu ya Kanisa kuteka chama cha TANU sikuweza kuiona wakati wangu nikikua na hakuna ushahidi tosha nikiwa mdogo nisiyejua kitu kwani Ni wakristu waliopoteza shule, Zahanati nyingi sana ktk mfumo wa kutaifisha jambo ambalo liliweza kunipa mimi Mkandara wa bara Elimu yangu ndogo ya madrasa..Nina hakika kama shule zile zingekuwa zetu Waislaam hapa pasingekalika hata kidogo kwa sababu ya watu wenye mtazamo kama wako.

Mkuu wangu siwezi kujiunga ktk Ujinga wako ama huo wa Mohamed Said kwani nimeishi ktk wakati wa Utawala wa Nyerere ambaye kwa wakati wote wa Utawala wake ameweza kujenga malengo ya kuwa na Taifa moja lenye kizazi cha Watanzania kwa sababu tu wewe na Waislaam wengine mnafikiria ilikuwa bora Waislaam kuwa na Upper hand katika uongozi wa nchi yetu kwa sababu tu wao ndio walikuwa waanzilishi wa TAA. Na kibaya zaidi ni pale mnapoona kuwa mtu napinga kuwepo kwa tabaka hizi kuwa ndiye mbaya kuliko yule mjenzi wa tabaka za Udini. Watu kama Sheikh Takadir leo ni hero wa Uislaam kwa sababu alimpinga Nyerere akijua fika kwamba Nyerere atakuja kuondoa itikadi inayoongozwa na imani ya dini (Islaam) ktk kuongoza chama cha siasa badala yake kukivika Itikadi za Utaifa ili kukiwezesha chama kupata umaarufu bara.

Sasa kwa wajinga kama nyie mtamwona Takadir ni hero wa Uislaam hali mmnashindwa kuelewa kwamba Tanzania haikutakiwa kuwa nchi ya Kiiislaam na wala haikuwa lengo la kina AbdulWahid, Mwapachu na wengineo kujenga taifa la Kiislaam kama manvyofikiria nyinyi ambao mabadiliko yoyote ya kuondoa itikadi za kidini yalikuwa pigo kubwa pigo la Uislaam wala msitake kujiuliza kwamba hao walimpinga Nyerere walitaka kitu gani tofauti na Nyerere. Kwa nini wanamlaumu Nyerere kwa kutumia Uislaam hali madai yao makubwa yanahusiana na nafsi zao wenyewe na sio kueneza ama kukuza kwa Uislaam nchini.

Sasa kama wewe unashindwa kutofautisha mtu anayetumia Uislaam kwa maslahi yake na yule anayepigania Uislaam, sijui mimi nikusaidie vipi..Yawezekana kabisa Mohamed Said yuko sawa (right) kama madai yake yanayo husiana na AbdulWahid kutopewa nafasi kubwa ktk historia ya nchi yetu kiasi kwamba amesahaulika. Lakini haikuwa kazi ya Nyerere kumuenzi Abdul Wakil bali sisi wote watanzania ambao tulimzika kwa heshima kubwa lakini tukamzika na mazuri yake yote..Ipo kila sababu ya kuandika Biography yake kama mwanzilishi wa harakati na pengine kumuenzi na sii lazima Nyerere afufuke ndio tukubali kwamba hili ni jukumu letu sisi Watanzania.

Yawezekana pia kwamba sisi wananchi wote tuchukue lawama za kutoandika historia ya chama chetu cha TANU kwa kurudi nyuma zaidi ya mwaka 1954 jambo ambalo sijui tuanzie toka mwaka 1929 kuzaliwa kwa TAA ambapo Cecil Matola akiwa rais wa chama na Kleist katibu mkuu..lakini nako tunakuta wakristu kina Mark Makeja waliohamia Dodoma na kufungua tawi la kwanza la chama huko bara.

Kwa hiyo nachoweza kukwambia wewe ni kwamba Uislaam hauwezi kuwa sababu kabisa ya kutumiwa kulaumu Utawala wa Nyerere kwa aloyafanya kwa baadhi ya watu kuwa ilikuwa njama zake against Uislaam. Mimi nakuomba nambie sheria yeyote aloiweka Nyerere kuhakikisha Uislaam unakufa au hauna nguvu ya kusambaa nchini nitakusikiliza sana.. Na nitafanya utafiti wangu kujua zaidi Ubaya wa Nyerere kuhusiana na Uislaam na sio kunambia hadithi za watu (Waislaam jina) walioshiriki ktk jitihada ya kuutafuta Uhuru wa Tanzania hali hakuna historia ya chama wala nchi yeyote duniani imeweza ku cover kila mshiriki ktk Mapinduzi au mageuzi ya Utawala isipokuwa wale walioweza kukumbukwa ktk michango yao. Hata Marekani leo hii wanakumbukwa kina Abraham Lincorn kuliko waanzilishi wa upinzani ktk Utawala wa Muingereza.

Mimi siwezi kushiriki ktk Ujinga huu maanake nimefundishwa kujitegemea ktk kufikiri na hakika kufuata mafundisho ya kitabu ktk kujua haramu na mipaka ya kutumia ulimi wangu napozungumza..Siwezi kujingiza ktk dimbwi la ujinga kuyakubali mnaposisitiza na kulaumu Nyerere na Ukristu kwa sababu tu ujenzi wa Nationalism ulikuwa pinzani na itikadi ya wazee wa Kiislaam waliofikiria kwamba wao ndio walitakiwa kuwa WATAWALA halali nchi yetu ama kulipwa fadhila fulani kwa sababu tu walikuwa waasisi au members wa chama..

Siwezi pia kukubali ujinga unaosisitiza kumlaumu Nyerere kwa sababu hakuna Mtanzania aliyeandika historia ya nchi yetu na kuwataja hawa wazee wahusika hali sii kazi ya Nyerere kuandika vitabu wala historia ya chama. Ni kazi yetu sisi woote na ajabu ya Mungu ni pale unapofikiria kumpa Mohamed Said hadhi ya Thiqqa kwamba kapokea hadithi kama wakati wa Mtume hali haya yote tunayozungumza ni mambo ambayo yametokea wakati wetu na sii hadithi ila sote ni washuhuda wa matukio ya utawala wa Nyerere. Kufananisha Mohamed Said na hadithi za mtume ni ufinyu wa kuelewa hata dini ya Kiislaam zaidi ya nukuu mnazo copy toka tafsiri ya vitabu badala ya kuelewa hizi hadithi zina malengo gani ktk jamii ya kiilsaam.

Kama unataka kuandika Biography ya AbdulWahid hakuna mtu wala Nyerere aliyemzuia mtu yeyote kuandika. Kama ulitaka kuandika historia ya Tanzania na kuonyesha washiriki wake basi waandike wote na sii kuchagua majina ya Waislaam pekee hali unalaumu waliotangulia kwa kuandika historia yenye majina ya Wakristu peke yake. Hii sii akili hata kidogo mwenye akili ataepuka kutumia naye majina ya Waislaam watupu na kuchanganya woote waliohusika kwa kuwapa sifa kila mmoja wao alipostahili bila kujali dini au dhehebu lake..

Maswala ya mahakama ya Kadhi na OIC yanamhusu vipi Nyerere?..Na kweli kama JK na Shein wakishindwa kufanya wanayotakiwa kufanya mimi nadhani kwa jina la dini mnatakiwa kuwalaumu wao maanake mmeweza kumlaumu Nyerere kwa kuwakwamisha waislaam ndani ya utawala wake iweje hii iwe tofauti? iweje iwe Taabu kuwalaumu JK na Shein kushindwa kuwezesha Uislaam nchini wakati wao ndio watawala!..

Kama mliweza kumlaumu Nyerere kwa makosa ambayo hayakuzuia Uislaam wala ibada yoyote ya kiislaam na kwamba yeye ndiye aliwalazimisha kina Jumbe, Kawawa na sijui waislaam kuusaliti Uislaam (nikiuliza like what - hamna jibu wala mfano) kwa nini JK na Shein iwe tofauti wakati ushahidi mnao mbele ya macho yenu kwamba kelele za mlangoni haziwezi kumzuia mwenye kutawala nchi kualala. Nyerere aliweza kuukandamiza Uislaam akiwa rais, huyu JK kwa nini anashindwa kuuneemesha Uislaam kwa nguvu ile ile ya Nyerere kimadaraka au ndio tuseme hawa ni dhaifu kwa sababu ya Nyerere.