Ukweli kuhusu waasisi wa TANU na harakati za kupigania uhuru

[Mohamed Said]

LG: Mimi siwezi kumfanyia uhasidi Mwalimu Nyerere kwa kile ambacho Allah amemruzuku. Huko ni kwenda kinyume na mafunzo ya Uislam. Kama utabahatika kusoma kitabu changu uwezo wa Nyerere utauona wazi katika kurasa zake bila kificho lakini halikadhalika "intellectual prowess" ya wenginenao utauona. Wengi katika nyinyi ndugu zangu mmekataa kuamini kuwa ile hotuba ya Nyerere mbele ya Baraza la Udhamini alotoa 1955 iliandikwa 1950. Mimi kama Muislam vitu kama hivyo havinipi shida hata kidogo. Wengi hamtakubali nikikuambieni Abdulwahid Sykes alifanya mazungumzo na Jomo Kenyatta mwaka 1950 mjini Nairobi. Ally Sykes akijuana na Kenyatta na Kenneth Kaunda toka miaka ya 1950. Barua walizokuwa wakiandikiana zipo katika hifadhi ya kina Sykes. Mtafiti yeyote aende akazitazame sasa zina umri takriban miaka sitini. Wengi hamtaamini nikikuambieni kuwa Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Said Chamwenyewe na wazee wengine katika TAA ndiyo waliozungumza na Kamati ya Ukoloni ya UNO ilipotembelea Tanganyika 1951 na hawa wakati ule wala hawajasikia hata hilo jina la Nyerere. Sasa nani hasidi huyu anaetaka kufifilisha michango iliyokuwepo kabla yake au mimi ninayefanya juhudi kuweka na kuhifadhi historia ya kweli?

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

acha jazaba za kidini mzee. mbona unamtaja osama?
mhe, jee baada ya uhuru picha kama hizo za waarabu na waislam uliziona? si utaona picha za baba wa taifa na wazungu? ndipo hapo mohammed said anaposema kwamba kabla ya uihuru baba wa taifa alisaidiwa na waislam lkn bada ya uhuru kaweweka pembeni? hiyo ndio hoja mzee. hapa umeonyseha kwamba uhuru wa tanganyika umeletwa na waislam

Mkuu hatuna haja ya kurudia kile ambacho tayari kipo kwenye huu mjadala. Sababu zote zilizotolewa kukanusha unachokidai zipo kwenye mada hii, na hii ni post ya 739. Kuna post nyingine 738 nyuma soma kwa uangalifu na uelewe vizuri.
In the meantime tumechoka kulumbana , tuenjoy kumwona Nyerere the Statesman.

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

Mwalimu Nyerere hakuwa kama jamaa fulani kulipiza kisasi cha kutawaliwa na wakoloni!!!

Wala hakutaka kuabudiwa.

 

[Mohamed Said]

LG: Ahsante kwa picha lakini ningefurahi sana kama ningepata mchango wako katika hayo ambayo nimeeleza katika historia ya kupigania uhuru wa nchi yetu.

 

[Ogah]

WANAUKUMBI: Hapa naweka ushahidi wa dhulma kwa kila mtu auone kama nilivyouleleza katika kitabu changu. Nyerere kakisoma kitabu na wote wahusika naamini wamesoma niliyosema. Huu ni mwaka wa kumi na mbili halijatoka jibu la kukanusha au hata kuandikwa kitabu cha kupinga kitabu changu. Soma na tafakari na tuendelee kujadiliana:

Uthibitisho wa Njama Dhidi ya Uislam
Hivi sasa kuna vitabu viwili vilivyoandikwa na Wakristo wenyewe vinavyothibitisha kuwa Wakristo wametumia nyadhifa zao katika serikali kuuhujumu Uislam na Waislam. Jan P van Bergen katika kitabu chake, Development and Religion in Tanzania,(1981) [1] ametoboa siri kuhusu uadui aliokuwa nao Rais Mstaafu, Nyerere dhidi ya Uislam na Waislam. Kitabu kinaeleza kwa ufasaha jinsi Nyerere wakati alipokuwa madarakani alivyokuwa akifanya mikutano ya siri na viongozi wa Kanisa kuweka mikakati ya kuupa nguvu Ukristo. Katika mikutano hiyo Nyerere aliwahakikishia viongozi wa Kanisa kuwa anaaunga mkono Ukristo. Kitabu hicho kinaeleza jinsi Nyerere alivyotimiza ahadi yake hiyo kwa Kanisa kwa kuhakikisha kuwa anawapa Wakristo nafasi za juu katika serikali na chama. Kitabu hiki kilikuwa kinauzwa Catholic Bookshop, Dar es Salaam. Lakini ilipokuja kudhihirikia Kanisa kuwa kitabu hiki kilikuwa kinatoa habari nyeti na siri za Kanisa kuhusu njama dhidi ya Waislam, kwa haraka sana kikaacha kuuzwa. [1] Hadi hivi sasa kitabu hicho ni marufuku kuletwa tena Tanzania.

Kitabu cha pili ni cha Dr John C. Sivalon, Kanisa Katoliki na Siasa ya Tanzania Bara 1953 Hadi 1985 (1992). [1] Kitabu hiki kinaeleza njama ndani ya serikali kuuhujumu Uislam. Sivalon anafichua kuwa kuanzia mwaka 1961 baada ya Tanganyika kupata uhuru, Kanisa lilikuwa na hofu mbili. Hofu ya kwanza ilikuwa umoja wa madhehebu za Kiislam kati ya Sunni, Bohora, Ismailia na Ithnasheri. Hofu ya pili ilikuwa kuhamishwa kwa makao makuu ya EAMWS kutoka Mombasa kuja Dar es Salaam. Kanisa lilikuwa linahofu kuwa mali walizokuwanazo Waasia Waislam zikitiwa katika harakati za Waislam ambao walikuwa na nguvu kubwa katika uwanja wa siasa zitaathiri maslahi ya Ukristo katika Afrika ya Mashariki. Kwa ajili hii Kanisa likatanganza kuwa Uislam ni adui wake na ikaanza mikakati ya hujma dhidi ya Uislam ili kuudhoofisha. [1] Kuna kazi mbili zilizoandikwa na Waislam kuhusu uhusiano baina ya serikali na Waislam. Kazi ya kwanza ni tasnifu ya Kiwanuka, ëThe Politics of Islam in Bukoba Districtí (1973); [1] kazi ya pili ni makala ya utafiti ëIslam and Politics in Tanzaniaí (1989) [1] iliyoandikwana mwandishi wa kitabu hiki. Ilikuwa baada ya kusoma tasnifu ya Kiwanuka na kuona jinsi ukweli wa kuvunjwa kwa EAMWS kulivyopoteshwa ndipo kama Muislam na kama ada ya Uislam inavyodai kuwa pande mbili za mgogoro zote lazima zisikilizwe, ndipo nilipoamua kufanya utafiti na kuandika tatizo lile kwa mtazamo wa Waislam. Ukweli ambao kwa miongo miwili ulizuiwa usifahamike kwa Waislam. Kiwanuka anadai na kuafiki kuwa Nyerere alikuwa na haki ya kutumia vyombo vya dola dhidi ya Waislam kwa kuwa kama asingefanya hivyo nchi ingekuwa na mamlaka mbili, yaani ya Waislam na ya serikali. Kwa ajili hii aliamua kuivunja EAMWS ili ëkulinda umoja wa kitaifa.

Halikadhalika ipo ëKwikima Reportí (1968)[1] ambayo imeeleza kwa ufasaha tatizo la EAMWS, chanzo chake na mchango wa serikali katika kuhujumu umoja wa Waislam. Taarifa hii inafaa kutumika leo kama dira ya kuelewa tatizo la Waislam wa Tanzania kama ilivyokuwa wakati ule ilipotolewa kwa mara ya kwanza. Taarifa ya Kwikima inaeleza jinsi TANU, serikali na Waislam wachache katika TANU walivyodanganyika kudhani kuwa katika kuisaidia serikali kuivunja nguvu EAMWS walikuwa wanatimiza uzalendo na maslahi ya taifa. Rejea hizi tano ni muhimu kwa wanafunzi wa historia ya siasa Tanzania; na kwa mtafiti yeyote anaetaka kujua chanzo cha chuki baina ya Waislam na serikali na chanzo cha hisia kali za kidini zinazoikumba nchi yetu kuanzia miaka ya 1980. Rejea zote hizo za vitabu, makala za utafiti na taarifa mbalimbali, ingawa zimeandikwa na waandishi tofauti na kwa muelekeo tofauti zote hizi zinadhihirisha kitu kimoja ñ kuwepo kwa njama zinazoendelea kwa zaidi ya karne moja dhidi ya Uislam na Waislam, kwanza zilikuwa zikifanywa na wakoloni walioitawala Tanganyika na sasa zinafanywa na Wakristo wananchi kuhakikisha kuwa Uislam haupati nguvu.

UONGO MTUPU..............yaaani JKN ilitakiwa iwe najis kwake kukaa na wakatoliki wenzake na kuongea kuhus maendeleo ya dini yake...........?

Matatizo ya EAMWS yanaeleweka....na yaliwagawa hata Waislam..............sasa sijui hizo rhetorics za uongo mnataka nani azikubali..........sijui nani kaandika kitabu............wakati ni mambo ya kufikirika na uenezaji wa hisia zisizo na mshiko.............sijui ili nani afaidike..........some logics lazima ziwe na facts ili kuondoa utata...............

KUANDIKA KITABU.................HAIMAANISHI KUWA YALIYOANDIKWA NI KWELI AU ALIYEANDIKA NI GENIUS/MTUME/NABII............au ni MANENO KUTOKA KWENYE........... MSAHAFU

Ndugu yangu MS naheshimu maandiko yako........lakini inanipa shida sana pale unapoleta maandishi ya wengine yasiyo na mshiko hata kidogo kama hapu juu.................kama unaamini hayo hapo juu basi hata maandiko yako mengine mengi naanza kuyatilia shaka..............

Ni jambo la kawaida sana kuondoa kwenye public vitabu vinavyoleta taarifa zisizo sahihi au zenye uchochezi...............

 

[Mohamed Said]

WANAUKUMBI: Kuna khabari ningependa sana wanaukumbi na nyinyi muifahamu. Wakati naandika kitabu cha marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes computer yangu iliharibika nikamwita rafiki yangu aje aiangalie yeye alikuwa kapata degree yake katika Computer Science. Wakati alipokuwa akipitia mafaili ndani ya mashine yangu akakuta mswada wa marehemu Abdu Sykes. Akanambia kuwa yeye mzee wake mmoja anaijua historia ya TANU ndani nje nje ndani kama nitaridhia atachapa msaada amuonyeshe. Niliridhia na akamuonyesha ule mswada. Siku ya pili yule rafiki yangu akanambia mzee anakwita kuna mambo anataka kukueleza. Mzee huyu ni Ali Mwinyi Tambwe. Baada ya mazungumzo yetu ilibidi nifanye marekebisho makubwa sana katika kitabu changu. Hii ilikuwa kudra. Computer kuharibika ndiyo ikawa sababu ya mimi kuzungumza na Mzee Ali Mwinyi Tambwe ambae sifa yake ilikuwa kukataa kuzungumza lolote kuhusu historia ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar (Mapinduzi ya 1964) ambazo zote alihusika sana. Hili la kwanza. Jambo la pili ni kuwa wakati nafanya mahojianao na Bwana Ally Sykes kila wakati alikuwa anasikitika na kunambia kuwa kuna faili moja la marehemu kaka yake halioni limepotea. Alikuwa akisema kwa majonzi sana kuwa ndani ya faili lile kuna historia kubwa sana ya baba yake, Kleist Sykes. Wakati tunakaribia kumaliza mahojiano ambayo yalichukua miaka, siku moja tukakutana Msikiti wa Manyema kwenye maziko. Bwana Ally Sykes akanieleza kuwa lile faili lililopotea la marehemu kaka yake amelipata kwa hiyo nende nikalichukue. Hapa chini nakuwekeeni wanaukumbi kile nilichoona katika faili lile.

Ilikuwa baada ya kusoma faili lile ndipo iliponihidhirikia kwanini Nyerere hakuipenda historia ile kama alivyoanza kuiandika Abdulwahid na Dr Klerruu mara tu baada ya Tanganyika kuwa huru mwaka 1961:

Kleist Sykes, Pioneer and Man of Ideas: 1894-1949


(Part of what you will read here below is infromation taken from a paper by Aisha Daisy Sykes presented as seminar paper at the University of Dar es Salaam in 1968. Daisy wrote this paper with the assistance of her father Abdulwahid Sykes (few months before he passed away), from an original manuscript written by Kleist Sykes).

The history of the Sykes family goes back more than a hundred years. In those years the family has been able to preserve it through narration by Kleist Sykes who learned most of the history of the tribe from his guardian, Effendi Plantan. Plantan raised Kleist in his own household after the death of his father Sykes Mbuwane.

The Mbuwane clan has its origin in South Africa. The clan was under the rule of Chaka the famous King of the Zulu people. The tribe had trekked north from South Africa to Mozambique running away from tribal wars. In Mozambique the Zulu chiefdom of Inhambane did not find lasting peace and was engaged in a war with the Portuguese which lasted many years. Eventually the Zulu were defeated because of an agreement which one of the chief's sons signed with the Portuguese. It is believed there were treachery in the agreement and because the Portuguese did not keep their part of the bargain, the Zulu were therefore disadvantaged. This caused their downfall and eventual defeat. It has not been possible to get information as to what kind of a bargain was struck between the two warring nations, but it is sufficient to note that the Zulu defeat was not as a result of military strength of the Portuguese over the Zulu.

Germans being admires of military prowess saw in the Zulu a people who they could recruit to serve in their forces to help conquer Tanganyika. If the Zulu had fought the Portuguese to a stalemate surely the ‘natives' of Tanganyika would stand no chance against the Zulu military machine. Due to persistent wars the clan moved to Inhambane in Mozambique where Sykes Mbuwane was recruited by the Germans as an askari to come to Tanganyika to render support to German forces who were fighting Chief Mkwawa of the Hehe and Abushiri bin Salim an Arab from Pangani who was resisting German domination along the coast.

Effendi Plantan came to Tanganyika together with Sykes Mbuwane on board a Germany warship which landed in Pangani in the late 1800s. Sykes Mbuwane came from Inhambane, Kwa Likunyi in 1894, a village in Portuguese Terrritory of Mozambique. He was part of a mercenary force of Zulu warriors recruited and led by the German soldier and explorer, Harmine von Wissman. The legacy passed down by the Zulu warriors to their children is that:


"Germans made an agreement with Mohosh, the Chief of Inhambane in Mozambique, that his people would go with the Germans to Tanganyika, and that any land they conquered would be shared equally between the Zulu and the Germans. The Germans then put the Zulu on a ship which landed them at Pangani under the leadership of Mohosh and a warrior who was to become known as Effendi Plantan."


This was the story passed down to Kleist who in turn passed it on to his son Abdulwahid. After more than half a century since the Zulu landed at Pangani, Abdulwahid passed it on to his daughter Aisha Daisy, an undergraduate student of history at the University of Dar es Salaam. Iliffe gives a more plausible explanation on the Zulu recruitment into the German army based on colonial records. In the quest to create a German colony in East Africa, and faced with opposition from Arabs along the coast and well as resistance from African chiefs in the interior, the Imperial Chancellor Otto von Bismarck chose Harmine von Wissman to quell resistance and restore order:


"Wissman recruited 21 officers, 40 NCOs, 18 medical staff, 600 unemployed Sudanese mercenaries from the slums of Cairo, and 400 Shangaan warriors from Mozambique. He calculated that African troops would best survive the climate... "


Harmine von Wissman was an explorer and soldier. He led the supression of the resistance of 1888-1889 and was Governor of German East Africa from 1895-1896. Kleist Sykes was born in Pangani in 1894. His mother was a Nyaturu, one of the tribes from Central Tanganyika. The area is known for its notorious weather and unfertile land in which only the most stubborn crops like millet grow. Kleist was the second child; the first one was named Ally, who was born to Mbuwane's first wife back in Mozambique. Sykes Mbuwane, the Zulu warrior from Inhambane died in Uhehe. Mbuwane died crossing River Ruaha returning from the campaign against Chief Mkwawa. He had seen cows crossing and he thought the water was not deep. Measuring himself up the Zulu warrior and others attempted to cross the river and were swept away by the current and drowned.


Kleist was enlisted in the Germany force at the tender of twelve years and fought in World War I (1914-1918). His War Diaries provide a personal account of Germany and British campaigns in Tanganyika during the war. The diaries also give in detail the experience of African askaris in the battles which they fought for the Germans against the British. Through these writings one also learns the hatred which Arabs had for the Germans. Kleist fought his first battle against Arabs who were allies of the British at a place called Mwele Juu near Tanga.



After quelling the resistance, Wissman was rewarded by his government and was made Governor of German East Africa between 1895 and 1896. The Zulu warriors were conquerors and were in turn also rewarded by Germans. Since Mohosh could not reclaim his chiefdom in a foreign land he was made head of the Germany Constabulary in Dar es Salaam and he assumed the name of Affande Plantan. The Zulu in the Germany armed force were well paid and their social status was enhanced compared to the indigenous Africans. The latter were mainly used by the government as labour. It was this strange twist of fate by which Kleist was to be raised in the household of Affande Plantan that helped him to make headway and assume a privileged social status.


After the pacification Tanganyika was ruled by the Germans from 1890 to the end of World War I. After the death of Mbuwane, typical of African tradition, his child Kleist and Ally were taken to live in the house of Mohosh Chief of the Inhambane known in Tanganyika as Effendi Plantan to be raised. Mohosh had landed with Sykes Mbuwane in Pangani as a head of the Zulu warriors. In Africa one is not short of relatives. When a father dies the children are straight away taken in by immediate members of the family, either from maternal or partenal side. Since Mbuwane did not have blood relation in Tanganyika, his child was raised by Affande Plantan. Plantan was Mbuwane's brother-in-law. Back home in Mozambique, he had married Mbuwane's sister. After the death of Mbuwane, Ally, Kleist's elder brother was sent back to Mozambique in 1902 accompanied by his uncle, Kattini Mbuwane who was blind. The two brothers, Ally and Kleist, were never to meet again. In 1896 Kleist's mother got married to Chakullan, another Zulu gentleman. There is no information as to the life of Kleist's mother and her second husband Chakullan.

Kleist was enrolled in a German school which was located at the Ocean Road Hospital where he learnt German, typing and shorthand, rare and precious skills for an African to acquire at that time. In the household of Affendi Plantan, Kleist was raised with Affande Plantan's own children, Schneider Abdillah, Ramadhani Mashado and Thomas Sauti a child of a distant relative. All these children received a good education which enabled them to become important personalities in Dar es Salaam. Mashado Plantan was employed as a policeman with the title of ‘English-Speaking Policeman' and later became editor of his own newspapers. His first paper was Dunia.

During the Second World War he founded Zuhra. This paper was TAA's mouthpiece and later TANU's propaganda machine. Thomas Sauti became a school teacher, Schneider was a farmer and later in his life joined Sheikh Hassan bin Amir to become secretary of Daawat Islamiyya (Muslim Call). Kleist beat them all. He excelled more than his brothers. He became a man of ideas and a founder of various organisations. But above all Kleist left a legacy. His name and that of his three sons would come to be associated with the struggle of the people of Tanganyika against colonial oppression.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Ogah: Ahsante kwa mchango wako. Hayo ninayosema sikusema mimi yote hayo nasi tumesoma katika vitabu kama nilivyoonyesha hapo juu. Mimi ni mjumbe tu wa yale yaliyoandikwa. Juu ya hayo yote nakushukuru sana kwani kwa hakika nimepata darsa la kutosha katika michango yako. Tuendelee kujadiliana.

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

Wakuu juhudi za pamoja na kuwabeza mababu zetu , walifanya juhudi kubwa kuutetea Uafrika wao kwanza na si kitu kingine.
Hii posting ya Mtwa Mkwawa niliiweka hapa JF mwaka jana 2009.
Naipost tena:

Mtwa Mkwawa-111 years ago!

Wakuu humu JF, this celebrated hero died 111 years ago,lest we forget his sacrifice and bravado.

Chief Mkwawa of the Hehe
This is a short history of Mtwa Mkwavinyika Munyigumba Mwamuyinga(1855-19th July1898)

The Tanganyikan interior in the latter half of the nineteenth century was in a state of chaotic flux. Incursions by Arab slave traders from the coast had disrupted the balance of power between clans and tribes, while the militaristic Ngoni tribe's invasion in the south had triggered several mass migrations. This uncertain climate provided ideal soil on which opportunistic leaders such as Chief Mirambo of the Nyamwezi could plant their own personal kingdoms.
Another leader who emerged triumphantly from this confusion was a Hehe chief named Mtwa Mkwawa Mwamnyika ("Conqueror of Many Lands"), better known as Chief Mkwawa. Born near Kalenga in 1855, Mkwawa's ambitious character was well suited to his time. By 1889, he had become undisputed leader of the Hehe, whom he made the region's dominant tribe by uniting – though force or diplomacy – more than one hundred clans and smaller tribes. It was not just numbers, but regimented military organization that formed the basis of Hehe power, and which gave Mkwawa the ability to stem the hitherto inexorable southward advance of the Maasai. Mkwawa also began to threaten Arab control over the lucrative slave and ivory-carrying caravan routes that passed through his territory, though declining Arab power meant that it was not against the sultans of Zanzibar that the showdown eventually came, but against the German colonial war machine.
At first, Mkwawa tried to secure treaties with the Germans, but when they refused, the Hehe turned their arms against the arrogant newcomers. On August 17, 1891, a year after the Germans had placed a garrison in Iringa, Mkwawa's troops surrounded and ambushed a German expeditionary force led by Lieutenant Emil von Zelewski in the Lugalo Hills east of Iringa, killing nearly five hundred soldiers and capturing a vast quantity of firearms and munitions. Only two German officers and fifteen men escaped.

This is one story that has not been properly retold.
Chief Mkwawa lured Zeweleskis troops that were advancing on Mkwawas villages, pillaging,torching village huts and killing resistant young warriors.
A perfect pincer movement, whereby a retreating warrior force attracted a well armed German regiment under Zeweleski.
To the surprise of the German force the warrior force as if by instinct came to a stand still and started to fight back while two flanks of spear wielding warriors attacked on the main body of the German force.
And it worked.
On the 17th August 1891 the German force was annihilated, ten German officers lay dead including the commanding officer Lt Emil von Zeweleski.

Mkwawas forces gave chase, about 300-400 crack warriors, and the Germans did not stop until after covering over 400km and rested at Kondoa.


Mkwawa was no fool, and anticipated German revenge – by building a thirteen-kilometre, four-metre high wall around his palace and military base at Kalenga. The Germans took their time to reorganize, and it wasn't until October 1894 that they made their move, establishing themselves on a hill overlooking Kalenga, now the site of Tosamaganga, and beginning a two-day bombardment of Kalenga (the name tosamaganga means to "throw stones"). On October 30, 1894, the Germans under Tom von Prince stormed and took Kalenga with relative ease. The extent of Mkwawa's wealth can be gauged by the fact that it took four hundred porters to carry all his ivory away. The Germans also found 30,000 pounds of gunpowder, which they used to level the town. For Mkwawa, the loss of Kalenga was a double tragedy, since his mother – who had been told that her son had been captured – committed suicide.
In fact, Mkwawa escaped into the forests west of Kalenga, from where he waged a four-year guerrilla war against the Germans. He was finally cornered in 1898, having been betrayed by informants attracted by a five-thousand-rupee reward. Rather than surrender, he shot his bodyguard, and then himself. The Germans, arriving on the scene shortly after, placed another shot into Mkwawa's head just to be sure, then severed it. The chief's headless body was buried by his family at Mlambalasi, 12km south of the road to Ruaha National Park, while his skull was sent on to Berlin and then on to the Bremen Anthropological Museum. There it remained until 1954, when it was finally returned to the Hehe – it's now the star exhibit of Kalenga's Mkwawa Memorial Museum.
Mkwawa's death marked the end of two decades of resistance to German rule across Tanganyika, and the end of the Hehe Empire, but the ensuing peace was short-lived. Seven years on, the Maji Maji Uprising erupted.

This year about 111 years ago, Mtwa Mkwawa must be remembered as a hero worth emulating.

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Copyright JamiiForums.com
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Mkuu Mohammed Said huyu Mkwawa pamoja na kufanya biashara kubwa na waarabu, and he might have been a convert, hatujui, hakuna mahali inapoonyesha kuwa alikuwa anapigania uislamu wake , bali Uafrika wake na utu wake.

 

[JokaKuu]

Mohamed Said,

..kuhusu hotuba ya Mwalimu UNO, una maanisha ile yenye maneno, " we the ppl of Tanganyika would like to light a torch and put it on top of mount Kilimanjaro....."?

..kama una uhakika na jambo hilo itabidi uweke copy ya original iliyoandikwa na Sykes mwaka 1950, na copy ya kile alichosoma Mwalimu UNO mwaka 1955.

..yale ni maneno mazito sana na itakuwa vizuri kwa vizazi vijavyo kama mtunzi/mwandishi wa maneno yale akajulikana na kupata sifa zinazostahili.

..hata ile hotuba maarufu ya John Kennedy aliposema "ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country" yaliandikwa na mtu mwingine na anajulikana na amepewa heshima na sifa zake. lakini protokali siku zote ni kwamba maneno yale yalisemwa na John Kennedy. unapo-quote unamtaja Kennedy na siyo mwandishi wake wa hotuba.

..vilevile hotuba iliyotolewa na Ronald Reagan palipokuwa na ukata wa Berlin, alipomwambia Gorbachev "tear down this wall" pia iliandikwa na Peter Robinson aliyekuwa mwandishi wake wa hotuba. ipo hotuba nyingine iliyogusa nyoyo za wamarekani baada ya kuanguka kwa challlenger mwanamama anayeitwa Peggy Noon.

..naomba kama una uhakika kwamba hotuba ya Nyerere UNO iliandikwa na mtu mwingine basi utuhabarishe ukileta na ushahidi ili mhusika aweze kutambuliwa.

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

Mag3: Hapana ndugu yangu kwa hilo unanionea tena sana. Mimi kwa bahati mbaya ama nzuri niko katika hali ya kuyajua usiyoyajua wewe. Awali ya yote chanzo cha mimi kunyanyua kalamu ni pale nilipogundua historia ya kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika (na hili nimelisema mara nyingi kuwa ni historia ya wazee wangu) imepotoshwa na ipo katika hali ya kupotezwa kabisa. Nikajagundua kuwa kisa cha historia hiyo kutopendeza machoni mwa Wakubwa ni kuwa ni historia ya Waislam na harakati za kuung'oa ukoloni Tanganyika. Hapo ndipo nilipokujatanabahi kuwa kumbe tatizo ni dini. Kuanzia hapo nikaanza sasa utafiti na kuandika na kutoa mihadhara. Yaliyokujafatilia baada ya hayo yalinisadikishia kuwa historia haipendezi kwa Wakubwa kwa kuwa wao hawana cha kuonyesha. Sasa sidhani kama ni kosa kwa mtu kuweka kumbukumbu za wazee wake. Kama wao wenyewe TANU hadi CCM hawakuitaka historia hii basi si kitu lakini mimi nina wajibu wa kueleza yale ninayoyajua kuhusu kipindi kile na kuwapa heshima wanayostahili wazalendo waliopigania uhuru wa nchi yetu. Hiki ndicho ninachofanya sasa hapa ukumbini na ni kwa kuwa nimechelewa kufika hapa. Historia hii hivi sasa ni maarufu inasomeshwa kote Ulaya na Marekani wanakofundisha African History, Politics and Islam. Na taarifa nilizopata hivi karibuni ni kuwa hata katika vyuo vyetu hapa nchini baadhi ya walimu wanaisomesha.

Hivi kweli ndugu zangu mnaamini kwa dhati na ithibati ya nyoyo zenu kuwa amani anadumu kwa kutoeleza mchango wa Kiyate Mshumi, Abdulwahid Sykes, Titi Mohamed na wengine na amani hiyo itadumu kwa kueleza mchango wa Nyerere peke yake katika kupigania uhuru wa nchi yetu? Nchi gani imeingia vitani na chanzo ni kuwa watafiti walirekebisha historia? Hapa tunakuwa tunajitisha sisi wenyewe na kitu ambacho hakina kitisho hili ni zimwi la bure mnaloliogopa. Mbona nimeisomesha hii historia kwa zaidi ya miaka kumi na sijasikia mahali popote mtu kenda hata kurusha jiwe?

Je, ndugu zangu mngependa historia hii tuifute ibakie ileile ya Nyerere peke yake?

Ama hilo la sisi kujenga shule ulotushauri mbona nimetoa mifano mingi ya shule tolotakajenga na tukapigwa vita na wakubwa kuanzia Chuo Kikuu mwaka 1968 kilichosababishwa EAMWS kuvunjwa na Nyerere, mradi wa OIC kujenga Chuo Kikuu serikali ikakataa, mradi wa Darul Iman Kibaha serikali ikahujumu, Shule ya Masjid Quba nk. Au ndugu zangu nyinyi hamuamini? Hivi hii hali ya sisi kuhangaika wakati nyinyi mnafaidi fursa zote mnadhani sisi tunaipenda?

Serikali ndiyo ina majibu ya maswali yetu Waislam lakini imekaa kimya imewaachia nyinyi mtujibu.

Mkuu Mohammed Said sasa naamini kuwa nia yako ya kuweka hizi posts toka mwanzo pamoja na vitabu vyako si njema.Wengine wanafikiri wewe ni mchochezi na huwatakii mema nusu ya waTanzania.
Je ukijenga shule na kila mtanzania akasoma pale inakuuma sana?
Mbona walioendelea kimaadili kama waTuruki wanaoendesha shule za FEZA, ni waislamu lakini wanaruhusu watu wote wasome hapo.
Sidhanii kama dini yako imekufundisha CHOYO moyoni, kitu ambacho inaelekea kimekukaa hadi shingoni.
Samahani kwa lugha kali lakini hakuna lugha rahisi kuelezea msimalo wako.
Kitu kizuri chochote basi kiwe sawa bin sawa kati ya waKristo na waIslamu hata kama wenzetu hamfanyi juhudi yoyote.
Kilichowashinda ninyi nini ambacho FEZA wamekiweza?
Kuna shule nyingi vile vile za Aga Khan hapa nchini hizo je huzioni? na zilipata kuzuiliwa, please dont be narrow minded.
The biggest problem yenu ni niyi wenyewe na mitizamo yenu ya ajabu ajabu vichwani na si Uislamu dini inayoheshimika.

 

[alsaidy]

Wacha mwenye akili timamu apime mwenyewe kuhusu historia ya Tanganyika. Binafsi ningependa mjadala uendelee maana mtu una elimika zaidi. Cha muhimu kabisa tuchangie kwenye mada na si venginevyo

 

[Gamba la Nyoka]

Ila uwongo mbaya, Waislamu huwa wana "guts" za kuthubutu kuliita "Spade kuwa ni spade". ndiyo maana si ajabu kuona Waislamu walijitokeza kuunga mkono harakati za awali kabisa za kumg'oa mkoloni kwa ushujaa wa hali ya juu, na hata ukifuatilia makundi ya kijamii ya Tanzania, utaona kwamba kwa kitu chochote kinachogusa maslahi ya Waislamu amabayo wanayathamini kikwelikweli, basi Nguvu ya waislamu kusimama kidete huwa ni kubwa ajabu na hapo huwa haogopwi mtu!. makundi mengine huwa naona kama yanajikunyata hivi na kusemea semea pembeni.
na kihistoria si ajabu Islamu imekuwa ni force of resistance duniani kote. Tatizo la waislamu huwa ni ile "devide and rule" baasi, ila otherwise, Uislamu ni nguvu kubwa sana ya kuuondoa udhalimu.

na sababu kubwa ya nguvu hii ni mafunzo ya Mtume (S.A.W) kwamba

"Ukiona jambo baya, basi liondoe kwa mkono wako, kama huwezi basi likemee, na lau kama huwezi kulikemea basi chukia, lakini kuchukia huko ni udhaifu wa Imani".

sasa ni dhahiri kwa mafundisho haya unaona kwamba uislamu na udhalimu ni vitu visivyopatana kabisaa, na ni jukumu la kila muislamu kuuondoa udhalimu.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Ila uwongo mbaya, Waislamu huwa wana "guts" za kuthubutu kuliita "Spade kuwa ni spade". ndiyo maana si ajabu kuona Waislamu walijitokeza kuunga mkono harakati za awali kabisa za kumg'oa mkoloni kwa ushujaa wa hali ya juu, na hata ukifuatilia makundi ya kijamii ya Tanzania, utaona kwamba kwa kitu chochote kinachogusa maslahi ya Waislamu amabayo wanayathamini kikwelikweli, basi Nguvu ya waislamu kusimama kidete huwa ni kubwa ajabu na hapo huwa haogopwi mtu!. makundi mengine huwa naona kama yanajikunyata hivi na kusemea semea pembeni.
na kihistoria si ajabu Islamu imekuwa ni force of resistance duniani kote. Tatizo la waislamu huwa ni ile "devide and rule" baasi, ila otherwise, Uislamu ni nguvu kubwa sana ya kuuondoa udhalimu.

na sababu kubwa ya nguvu hii ni mafunzo ya Mtume (S.A.W) kwamba

"Ukiona jambo baya, basi liondoe kwa mkono wako, kama huwezi basi likemee, na lau kama huwezi kulikemea basi chukia, lakini kuchukia huko ni udhaifu wa Imani".

sasa ni dhahiri kwa mafundisho haya unaona kwamba uislamu na udhalimu ni vitu visivyopatana kabisaa, na ni jukumu la kila muislamu kuuondoa udhalimu.

Gamba la Nyoka: Karibu katika mjadala na ahsante sana kwa mchango wako.

 

[Mohamed Said]

LG: Mbona hilo swali nishalijibu mara kadhaa? Inaelekea huniamini nikuambiayo. Sina cha kuongeza. Kuhusu choyo kusema kwa fulani ni dhalim anadhulumu haki ya wengine si choyo. Choyo ni yule anaefanya juhudi ili mwenzake akose haki yake. Huyo ndiye mwenye choyo. Tuendelee kujadili.

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

Ila uwongo mbaya, Waislamu huwa wana "guts" za kuthubutu kuliita "Spade kuwa ni spade". ndiyo maana si ajabu kuona Waislamu walijitokeza kuunga mkono harakati za awali kabisa za kumg'oa mkoloni kwa ushujaa wa hali ya juu, na hata ukifuatilia makundi ya kijamii ya Tanzania, utaona kwamba kwa kitu chochote kinachogusa maslahi ya Waislamu amabayo wanayathamini kikwelikweli, basi Nguvu ya waislamu kusimama kidete huwa ni kubwa ajabu na hapo huwa haogopwi mtu!. makundi mengine huwa naona kama yanajikunyata hivi na kusemea semea pembeni.
na kihistoria si ajabu Islamu imekuwa ni force of resistance duniani kote. Tatizo la waislamu huwa ni ile "devide and rule" baasi, ila otherwise, Uislamu ni nguvu kubwa sana ya kuuondoa udhalimu.

na sababu kubwa ya nguvu hii ni mafunzo ya Mtume (S.A.W) kwamba

"Ukiona jambo baya, basi liondoe kwa mkono wako, kama huwezi basi likemee, na lau kama huwezi kulikemea basi chukia, lakini kuchukia huko ni udhaifu wa Imani".

sasa ni dhahiri kwa mafundisho haya unaona kwamba uislamu na udhalimu ni vitu visivyopatana kabisaa, na ni jukumu la kila muislamu kuuondoa udhalimu.

Ukiyaingia maisha na kuyaishi kwa kuona kuwa wewe ni mtu uliyeonewa tu, basi maisha yote mtu wa aina hii anakuwa mtu wa kulalama na potentialy mtu wa shari.
Maisha tusiyaishi with a subjective mentality, maisha ni zaidi ya kupigana na kugombana na jamii inayokuzunguka.
Na vile vile tuwe careful na mada hii, mada si ya kiislamu, ni historia ya mababu zetu.
Ukiutetea Uislamu hapa, hapa si mahala pake maana na mimi nisiye mwislamu nitatetea imani yangu na hakuna mshindi hapa.

Nimekuwa very careful kutotetea mada kwa misingi ya dini yangu kwa vile kwanza I am broad minded, nimekaa vizuri sana na waislamu mpaka huko kisiwani Pemba na najua mwIslamu safi alivyo, hana tofauti na mKristo safi.
Pili haitasaidia kuokoa mamilioni ya waTanzania ambao sio tu si waIslamu, lakini vile vile wanaishi maisha ya umaskini uliokithiri.
Bado ujinga , magonjwa na njaa vipo nchini na kama nilivyowahi kusema havichagui dini vitu hivi.
Kwa hiyo kutetea mada kwa misingi ya udini ni kukosa kitu cha kujitetea katika mada hii

Mababu za Mohammed Said tum tumewaona alivyo watetea japo kuna disinformation kibao.
Mara kadhaa tumemshauri ndugu yetu huyu kuwa kulalamika tu hakumsaidii , do something ku alleviate hii taabu ya kutosoma vizuri na kukosa maendeleo kwa sehemu nyingi za jamii ya kiislamu.
Kuishia kuilalamikia serikali ili kodi yangu ikakusomeshee mtoto wako bure doesen't make sense dunia ya leo.
Ni muhimu juhudi za kimaendeleo zianze kwanza katika jamii hiyo hiyo ili iwe na maana.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Joka Kuu: Hebu soma hii hapo chini:


Tanganyika as a Mandate Territory

Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the Charter of the United Nations. As the administering authority, Britain was expected to establish and promote political, economic and social advancement of Tanganyika until such time as its people were ready for self-rule. In spite of this international commitment, the British were more interested in safeguarding their own colonial interests and those of other minorities' but-not those of the indigenous African majority. In order to pre-empt African reaction to this injustice, in 1949 Governor Twining invited proposals from prominent individuals, welfare societies and from Native Authorities, as to how Tanganyika should be governed. The TAA Political Sub-Committee formed in 1950 submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo.


The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Hamza Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu. He was informed that his father took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document. In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of Tanganyika. Cranford Pratt is the only researcher who analysed the document in detail. The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State' no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library. Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced. (For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited' in Africa Events, London March, 1989, pp. 50-51).


In his annual report for 1950, Abdulwahid was to write:

"For the welfare of the Africans and to safeguard the interests of this Association and those of the African community as a whole, this Association has arranged for an advocate to stand by and to advise the Association on the technical side of the law. This advocate is Mr. E.E. Seaton of Moshi. He has from time to time written to the Association on various political subjects, and helped a great deal with his advices when this Association was compiling its memorandum on constitutional development. "

Abdulwahid realised that many of the problems in respect of the rights of Africans in the territory were legal issues which required the advice of legal experts. For the first time, with the help of Seaton, TAA was able to confront the colonial authority with facts and figures illustrating injustices in the colonial system which were contrary to the United Nations Charter.

In his analysis of the TAA memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee, Pratt reported:

The most detailed African submission came from the Dar es Salaam branch of the Tanganyika African Association. It asked that the distribution of seats (i.e. an official majority and one-half of the unofficial to be African) should be held constant for the next twelve years and that in the thirteenth year a common electoral roll should be introduced with a majority of the council then being elected.

Governor Edward Twining's committee ignored TAA's recommendations. The government continued with its long-term plans of strengthening the positions of minority Europeans and Asians in the political development of the territory while pushing aside the indigenous Africans contrary to the United Nations Charter. Many learned Africans were of the opinion that the TAA submission should have rightly formed the basis of the future constitution of the territory as a multi-racial society. But the spirit of that document did not die. It surfaced at the TANU founding conference on 7 th July, 1954 and was to form the basis of Julius Nyerere's speech before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York in March, 1955.

 

[Mag3]

Acha matusi. pengine wewe ni mnyaruanda ulihusika na mauji ya kimbari ukakmimbilia tz. huijui hasa tz ndio maana unaandika utumbo huo. mohammed said ni mtanzannia halisii, alienadika kitabu wakati baba wa taifa yupo hai, ln pia mbona wapo wasomi wazuri tu pale ud, wapo maaskofu wasomi wanaoijua historia mbona wapo kimya? au wewe na kundi lako mnataka kuendelea kuificha hii historia watu wasiijue? punguza matusi, jibu hoja kwa hoja kwa faida wafuatiliaji

Hapana yaya, kulingana na maandiko yake, Utanzania wa Mohammed unachukua nafasi ya nyuma baada ya Uislamu wake. Lakini hilo tuliache - ukweli ulio wazi ni kuwa Nyerere anayemwongelea Mohamed Said siye Julius Kambarage Nyerere ambaye sisi wengine tulibahatika kumfahamu. Nyerere wa Mohamed Said hawezi kuwa Raisi wa Tanzania aliyevunja uhusiano wetu na taifa la Israel akiwatetea Wapalestina. Nyerere wa Mohamed hawezi kuwa Baba wa Taifa aliyekataa misaada kutoka nchi za Magharibi zenye masharti ili kulinda utu na uhuru wa Mtanzania hata kama tunakosa sabuni na colgate ! Ndiyo, Mohamed Said anaweza kuwa Mtanzania kwa jina lakini si kwa moyo wa dhati kwa sababu ukichunguza mtiririko wa maandishi yake, ndoto yake ni kuliona Taifa la Tanzania likisambaratika - naam, huo ndio ukweli. Nina bahati kuwa na marafiki na ndugu Waislamu tena wengi tu na wanamshangaa Mohamed Said kwani lengo la haya maandishi yake siyo historia bali ni uchochezi wa kidini, period.

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

Hapana yaya, kulingana na maandiko yake, Utanzania wa Mohammed unachukua nafasi ya nyuma baada ya Uislamu wake. Lakini hilo tuliache - ukweli ulio wazi ni kuwa Nyerere anayemwongelea Mohamed Said siye Julius Kambarage Nyerere ambaye sisi wengine tulibahatika kumfahamu. Nyerere wa Mohamed Said hawezi kuwa Raisi wa Tanzania aliyevunja uhusiano wetu na taifa la Israel akiwatetea Wapalestina. Nyerere wa Mohamed hawezi kuwa Baba wa Taifa aliyekataa misaada kutoka nchi za Magharibi zenye masharti ili kulinda utu na uhuru wa Mtanzania hata kama tunakosa sabuni na colgate ! Ndiyo, Mohamed Said anaweza kuwa Mtanzania kwa jina lakini si kwa moyo wa dhati kwa sababu ukichunguza mtiririko wa maandishi yake, ndoto yake ni kuliona Taifa la Tanzania likisambaratika - naam, huo ndio ukweli. Nina bahati kuwa na marafiki na ndugu Waislamu tena wengi tu na wanamshangaa Mohamed Said kwani lengo la haya maandishi yake siyo historia bali ni uchochezi wa kidini, period.

Kuna watu wenye msimamo kuwa Mtanzania safi ni mwislamu, wengine wote ni makafir tu.
Huko ndo wanataka tuelekee!!!
Msimao huu usipopigwa vita basi si muda mrefu tutakuwa na jihad zetu za wenyewe kwa wenyewe.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Ukiyaingia maisha na kuyaishi kwa kuona kuwa wewe ni mtu uliyeonewa tu, basi maisha yote mtu wa aina hii anakuwa mtu wa kulalama na potentialy mtu wa shari.
Maisha tusiyaishi with a subjective mentality, maisha ni zaidi ya kupigana na kugombana na jamii inayokuzunguka.
Na vile vile tuwe careful na mada hii, mada si ya kiislamu, ni historia ya mababu zetu.
Ukiutetea Uislamu hapa, hapa si mahala pake maana na mimi nisiye mwislamu nitatetea imani yangu na hakuna mshindi hapa.

Nimekuwa very careful kutotetea mada kwa misingi ya dini yangu kwa vile kwanza I am broad minded, nimekaa vizuri sana na waislamu mpaka huko kisiwani Pemba na najua mwIslamu safi alivyo, hana tofauti na mKristo safi.
Pili haitasaidia kuokoa mamilioni ya waTanzania ambao sio tu si waIslamu, lakini vile vile wanaishi maisha ya umaskini uliokithiri.
Bado ujinga , magonjwa na njaa vipo nchini na kama nilivyowahi kusema havichagui dini vitu hivi.
Kwa hiyo kutetea mada kwa misingi ya udini ni kukosa kitu cha kujitetea katika mada hii

Mababu za Mohammed Said tum tumewaona alivyo watetea japo kuna disinformation kibao.
Mara kadhaa tumemshauri ndugu yetu huyu kuwa kulalamika tu hakumsaidii , do something ku alleviate hii taabu ya kutosoma vizuri na kukosa maendeleo kwa sehemu nyingi za jamii ya kiislamu.
Kuishia kuilalamikia serikali ili kodi yangu ikakusomeshee mtoto wako bure doesen't make sense dunia ya leo.
Ni muhimu juhudi za kimaendeleo zianze kwanza katika jamii hiyo hiyo ili iwe na maana.

LG: Mimi silalamiki. Mimi naiweka historia ya wazee wangu katika ramani isije kamwe ikapotea. Kama unahisi mimi ninasema uongo basi eleza ukweli ni upi. Ukumbi huu ni kwa watu kueleweshana. Mimi nimejifunza mengi humu na sitachoka kusoma na kujifunza fikra mpya hata kama sizikubali. Ghitilafu katika dunia haziwezi kuisha. Nimeeleza katika historia ya Waislam juhudi zetu za kuung'oa ukoloni na juhudi zetu za kujiletea maendeleo baada ya uhuru kupatikana 1961 juhudi ambazo zilihujumiwa na Nyerere. Huu ndiyo ukweli. Mifano nimetoa mingi. Labda tatizo ni kuwa wewe hujui kuwa hivi ndivyo ilivyokuwa. Fanya uchunguzi kama niliofanya mimi na Wakubwa watoe maoni yao kuwa hawakuihujumu EAMWS kwa ajili ya kutaka kujenga chuo, hawakuhujumu miradi ya OIC, Darul Iman nk. Kwa wewe kujibu bila utafiti itakuwa tabu kupata ukweli. Tuendelee kujadiliana.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mag 3: Kwa hilo Kuwa mimi Muislam kwanza kisha Mtanzania wala hujakosea. Kama una marafiki wa Kiislam na wanasema hapana dhulma dhidi ya Waislam nchi hii nawakaribisha katika huu mnakasha na nina maswali nitawauliza na wana ukumbi wenyewe wataamua. Ili taifa lidumu katika umoja ni kuwa ipatikane haki kwa wote bila upendeleo. Kama unadhani amani itasimama kwa jamii moja kuwa juu ya nyingine unakosea. Soma historia. Asiyataka amani hatoi nasaha na kuwatahadharisha ndugu zake. Tulia, chunguza maneno yangu tafakari Insha Allah utanielewa. Nina wengi katika Wakubwa wanakubaliana na mimi kuwa nisemayo ni kweli. Bahati mbaya Mungu hajawapa ujasiri wa kusema kweli.