mwankuga
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- Aug 30, 2010
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Tuzo hakupata,na ndicho kilichonisukuma sana kuandika makala haya.
Ukweli ni upi kuhusu Oscar Kambona?
Ukweli ni upi kuhusu Oscar Kambona?
- Thread starter Kafara
- Start date
Tuzo hakupata,na ndicho kilichonisukuma sana kuandika makala haya.
Si kweli. Fundikira alitoka kwenye baraza la mawaziri kwa sababu alipatikana na hatia ya kula rushwa, kufungwa, na kuchapwa viboko 24.
Kina Edwin Mtei na mawaziri wengine walitofautiana na Nyerere na hawakukimbia. Naamini kuna madhambi yalimkimbiza Kambona.
KALYOVATIPI
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 11, 2011
- 1,414
- 199
hicho ndo kisa cha kutufanya wanyasa tushushwe na mwalim nyerere anatuogopa sana
Zakumi
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- Sep 24, 2008
- 5,063
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Mwankuga,
Nashukuru sana kwa kuileta mada hii hapa. Katika mada ya kwanza ya Kambona, niliamini kuwa Kambona alikuwa Capitalist. Na hii ilitokana na yale tulioambiwa Tanzania na Kusoma mashuleni.
Mtu wa kwanza kuonyesha kuwa Kambona hakuwa Capitalist alikuwa JASUSI. Lakini sikuamini. Katika document ninayopitia sasa inaonyesha kuwa Kambona alikuwa ni communist. Akiwa masomoni uingereza alikutana vyama vya ki-communist.
Hivyo basi nadharia ya kuwa Kambona na Nyerere walikosana kiitikadi linaweza lisiwe na umuhimu wowote. Tatizo linalokuja hapa ni kuwa waTanzania wengi hatufanyi research tunapoandika habari za Nyerere.
Lakini tukifanya researchs tunaweza kuja na theory nyingi na tofauti ya kiitikadi isiwemo.
Z10
Nashukuru sana kwa kuileta mada hii hapa. Katika mada ya kwanza ya Kambona, niliamini kuwa Kambona alikuwa Capitalist. Na hii ilitokana na yale tulioambiwa Tanzania na Kusoma mashuleni.
Mtu wa kwanza kuonyesha kuwa Kambona hakuwa Capitalist alikuwa JASUSI. Lakini sikuamini. Katika document ninayopitia sasa inaonyesha kuwa Kambona alikuwa ni communist. Akiwa masomoni uingereza alikutana vyama vya ki-communist.
Hivyo basi nadharia ya kuwa Kambona na Nyerere walikosana kiitikadi linaweza lisiwe na umuhimu wowote. Tatizo linalokuja hapa ni kuwa waTanzania wengi hatufanyi research tunapoandika habari za Nyerere.
Lakini tukifanya researchs tunaweza kuja na theory nyingi na tofauti ya kiitikadi isiwemo.
Z10
Mnyakatari
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 25, 2010
- 2,073
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Kuna thread nzuri tu humu watu wamekata issue nyingi sana kuhusu hilo.Itafute uisome mwanzo mpaka mwisho maswali yako yote yatajibiwa.
poa mzazi
William J. Malecela
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- Apr 27, 2006
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Heshima mbele sana wakuu wote JF;-
- Unajua ukiangalia sana matatizo ya Taifa letu kwa sasa ya kisiasa, kiuchumi na hasa kisheria one thing comes in mind, the FOUNDATION ya taifa letu, kule unakuta Baba wa Taifa na Ideas zake kwa Taifa, lakini pia utamkuta Kambona, his one time trusted right hand man, lakini wakafikia mahali wakaenda njia panda kwa kutokubaliana kuhusu Muelekeo unaoweza kulipeleka hili taifa kunakofaa!
-Swali langu kwa wasomi, wananchi wa kawaida na wengine wote, nani kati yao was right in policies, hasa ukiangalia wakati mgumu tulionao sasa hivi hili taifa?
MUCH RESPECT PEOPLE!
William.
- Unajua ukiangalia sana matatizo ya Taifa letu kwa sasa ya kisiasa, kiuchumi na hasa kisheria one thing comes in mind, the FOUNDATION ya taifa letu, kule unakuta Baba wa Taifa na Ideas zake kwa Taifa, lakini pia utamkuta Kambona, his one time trusted right hand man, lakini wakafikia mahali wakaenda njia panda kwa kutokubaliana kuhusu Muelekeo unaoweza kulipeleka hili taifa kunakofaa!
-Swali langu kwa wasomi, wananchi wa kawaida na wengine wote, nani kati yao was right in policies, hasa ukiangalia wakati mgumu tulionao sasa hivi hili taifa?
MUCH RESPECT PEOPLE!
William.
William J. Malecela
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1. The two leaders had been close political allies and personal friends since the days of the independence struggle when they were the main leaders of the independence movement. In fact, when Kambona got married to a former Miss Tanganyika at a cathedral in London, Nyerere was his best man.
2. But the two leaders started drifting apart a few years after independence. The first rift occurred in 1964 during the army mutiny, and then in 1965 when Tanzania officially became a one-party state. As a cabinet member, Oscar Kambona supported the transition to a one-party state but did so reluctantly, only as a team player.
3. He was opposed to the change because he said there was no mechanism guaranteeing change of government by constitutional means in a country dominated by one party. He also contended that there were no constitutional safeguards to make sure that the country did not drift into dictatorship.
4. The next split with Nyerere came in February 1967 when Tanzania adopted the Arusha Declaration, an economic and political blueprint for the transformation of Tanzania into a socialist state. Kambona was opposed to this fundamental change and argued that the government should first launch a pilot scheme to see if the policy was going to work on a national scale.
5. Tanzania's socialist policy was mainly based on the establishment of ujamaa villages, roughly equivalent to communes or the Kibbutz in Israel, so that the people could live and work together for their collective well-being and make it easier for the government to provide them with basic services such as water supply, medical treatment at clinics, and education by building schools which could be within short distance from the villages.
6. Oscar Kambona argued that it was important, first, to show the people that living in ujamaa villages, or collective communities, was beneficial and a good idea. He said that could be done by establishing a few ujamaa villages in different parts of the country as a pilot scheme to demonstrate the viability of those villages and show the people the benefits they would get if they agreed to live together and work together on communal farms.
7. The debate, conducted mostly in private when the delegates of the ruling party TANU were discussing in a public forum the document of the Arusha Declaration, was between Oscar Kambona on one side and Julius Nyerere as well as Vice President Rashid Kawawa on the other side. They were the country's three main and most powerful and most influential leaders and met privately away from the delegates at the conference in Arusha to resolve their differences.The private meeting and debate went on for quite some time during the duration of the conference and whenever the subject came up, whether or not Tanzania should adopt socialist policies and establish ujamaa villages, Kawawa always supported Nyerere against Kambona.
8. The two (Kambona and Kawawa) became bitter enemies thereafter. In fact, they started going separate ways even before then because Kambona saw Kawawa as no more than a "puppet" of Nyerere, manipulated at will, and who agreed with everything Nyerere said and wanted.
9. Kambona was the only cabinet member who challenged Nyerere and stood up to him and saw him as his equal. There was probably another cabinet member, Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira III, Tanganyika's first minister of constitutional affairs, who not long after independence left the cabinet over disagreements with Nyerere. Fundikira had known Nyerere since their student days at Makerere University College in Uganda in the early 1940s.
10. But the differences between Kambona and Nyerere were fundamentally ideological and more than just a dispute over the way ujamaa villages should be established. Kambona was opposed to socialism. He was not a socialist like Nyerere. He was a capitalist. He was also opposed to Chinese communist influence in Tanzania and believed that Nyerere's brand of socialism would be patterned after Chinese communist policies. He also believed that Chinese leader Mao Tse Tung had undue and profound influence on Nyerere. He attributed that to Nyerere's first visit to the People's Republic of China in 1965, contending that it was after this trip that Nyerere decided to establish a one-party state after he returned to Tanzania.
10. But Kambona lost. The Arusha Declaration, Tanzania's socialist manifesto and political blueprint, was adopted in February 1967 and socialism became Tanzania's official policy
2. But the two leaders started drifting apart a few years after independence. The first rift occurred in 1964 during the army mutiny, and then in 1965 when Tanzania officially became a one-party state. As a cabinet member, Oscar Kambona supported the transition to a one-party state but did so reluctantly, only as a team player.
3. He was opposed to the change because he said there was no mechanism guaranteeing change of government by constitutional means in a country dominated by one party. He also contended that there were no constitutional safeguards to make sure that the country did not drift into dictatorship.
4. The next split with Nyerere came in February 1967 when Tanzania adopted the Arusha Declaration, an economic and political blueprint for the transformation of Tanzania into a socialist state. Kambona was opposed to this fundamental change and argued that the government should first launch a pilot scheme to see if the policy was going to work on a national scale.
5. Tanzania's socialist policy was mainly based on the establishment of ujamaa villages, roughly equivalent to communes or the Kibbutz in Israel, so that the people could live and work together for their collective well-being and make it easier for the government to provide them with basic services such as water supply, medical treatment at clinics, and education by building schools which could be within short distance from the villages.
6. Oscar Kambona argued that it was important, first, to show the people that living in ujamaa villages, or collective communities, was beneficial and a good idea. He said that could be done by establishing a few ujamaa villages in different parts of the country as a pilot scheme to demonstrate the viability of those villages and show the people the benefits they would get if they agreed to live together and work together on communal farms.
7. The debate, conducted mostly in private when the delegates of the ruling party TANU were discussing in a public forum the document of the Arusha Declaration, was between Oscar Kambona on one side and Julius Nyerere as well as Vice President Rashid Kawawa on the other side. They were the country's three main and most powerful and most influential leaders and met privately away from the delegates at the conference in Arusha to resolve their differences.The private meeting and debate went on for quite some time during the duration of the conference and whenever the subject came up, whether or not Tanzania should adopt socialist policies and establish ujamaa villages, Kawawa always supported Nyerere against Kambona.
8. The two (Kambona and Kawawa) became bitter enemies thereafter. In fact, they started going separate ways even before then because Kambona saw Kawawa as no more than a "puppet" of Nyerere, manipulated at will, and who agreed with everything Nyerere said and wanted.
9. Kambona was the only cabinet member who challenged Nyerere and stood up to him and saw him as his equal. There was probably another cabinet member, Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira III, Tanganyika's first minister of constitutional affairs, who not long after independence left the cabinet over disagreements with Nyerere. Fundikira had known Nyerere since their student days at Makerere University College in Uganda in the early 1940s.
10. But the differences between Kambona and Nyerere were fundamentally ideological and more than just a dispute over the way ujamaa villages should be established. Kambona was opposed to socialism. He was not a socialist like Nyerere. He was a capitalist. He was also opposed to Chinese communist influence in Tanzania and believed that Nyerere's brand of socialism would be patterned after Chinese communist policies. He also believed that Chinese leader Mao Tse Tung had undue and profound influence on Nyerere. He attributed that to Nyerere's first visit to the People's Republic of China in 1965, contending that it was after this trip that Nyerere decided to establish a one-party state after he returned to Tanzania.
10. But Kambona lost. The Arusha Declaration, Tanzania's socialist manifesto and political blueprint, was adopted in February 1967 and socialism became Tanzania's official policy
William J. Malecela
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Candid Scope
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Hahahahaha jamani mweeee, Willy, Kambona hatukumwimbia nyimbo za usaliti wa taifa letu? Nakumbuka shuleni tulikuwa tunaimba mchakamchaka "Kambona matata hiya, hiya!"
William J. Malecela
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Fredrick Sanga
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William sasa unaanza kunifurahisha sana. Kimsingi umechukua mtu mmoja tu Osca K, Lakini nauhakiaka unajua Nyerere alikuwa na Mazuri yake na mapungufu yake. Kama unakumbuka alikuwa hataki kabisa jina la Haambiliki. Viongozi waliotofautiana na Nyerere katia miktazamo na uwezo wa kuona mambo mbalimbali walikuwa wengi, lakini cha moto walikiona. Watatajwa baadaye. Kimsingi kwa mtazamo wangu binafsi, siwezi kusema Kambona alilikuwa sawa 100% lakini kuna kitu kizuri kilikuwa ndani yake. Ndio maana, mataifisho mengi leo hii yamerudi kwa mabepari, tena wabaya kuliko wale wa mwanzo. Kila mabadiliko, huwa yanachukua mfumo wa Project (Mradi) na yanahitaji upembuzi yakinifu, yakihusisha fani nyingi tofauti, mtu mmoja huwezi kuleta ufanisi katika project. Kuingiza ujamaa ilikuwa ni program ambayo ilikuwa na project nyingi sana. Project leadership ni profession (Refer to PMI website). Azimio la Arusha lilikuwa zuri lakini speed ilikuwa kasi sana, ufanisi ukapungua na mwisho likafa. Usipoheshimu mawazo ya viongozi wenzako, hasa walio chini yako, mara nyingi uongozi wako unakuwa legelege, na kuna hatari ya kukimbiwa na viongozi wazuri ukabaki na wanafiki. Sifa kubwa ya viongozi wanaofanikiwa ni kuwatunza walio chini yao hata kama wanatofautiana kifikra. Kambona alikimbia kwanini? Kingunge bado ni mjamaa? Haya maswali mawili yanaweza kukufanya uandike kitabu kizuri kulika animal farm. Kambona alikuwa mzuri, na Nyerere alikuwa mzuri ila walitofautiana uwezo katika maswala mbalimbali. Mzee mtei naye yalimkuta. Vyama vya siasa vilivyokuwepo navyo viliipata fresh mpaka kifo. Kunakipindi hata Malecela Senior yalimkuta, nawe unajua, Ubaloziii.
Lakini kuna mazuri mengi ya Nyerere, pia mapungufu.
Lakini kuna mazuri mengi ya Nyerere, pia mapungufu.
Ileje
JF-Expert Member
- Dec 20, 2011
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Wote wawili walikuwa sahihi; Nyerere alikuwa sahihi kwa maana alitaka tuanzie kwenye FIRST PRINCIPLE, wakati Kambona alitaka tuendelee kutoka pale wakoloni walipotuachia!
Aidha wote wawili hawakuwa sahihi kwa maana ya timing. Nyerere hakuwa sahihi kwa kuwa aliowategemea wakati huo Urusi na China siasa zao zililenga katika kuwatukuza wanamapinduzi bila kujali hali za wananchi wao na pia zilikuwa hazina nguvu ya kiuchumi. Kambona hakuwa sahihi kwa kuwa wengi wa wananchi wetu hawakujua nini malengo ya uhuru na kwamba walihitaji elimu kwanza ili wakabiliane na changamoto za maendeleo ambazo zisingewezekana bila watu kukaa pamoja!
Aidha wote wawili hawakuwa sahihi kwa maana ya timing. Nyerere hakuwa sahihi kwa kuwa aliowategemea wakati huo Urusi na China siasa zao zililenga katika kuwatukuza wanamapinduzi bila kujali hali za wananchi wao na pia zilikuwa hazina nguvu ya kiuchumi. Kambona hakuwa sahihi kwa kuwa wengi wa wananchi wetu hawakujua nini malengo ya uhuru na kwamba walihitaji elimu kwanza ili wakabiliane na changamoto za maendeleo ambazo zisingewezekana bila watu kukaa pamoja!
William J. Malecela
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Ileje
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Kambona alitaka tuendeleze miundombinu iliyokuwepo na kujenga mipya (material things) kwa rasilimali zilizokuwepo bila kujali nani angenufaika zaidi mwananchi au bepari/kabaila! Miundombinu aliyolenga Kambona ni ya fedha na ardhi (mashamba).
Nyerere alimwambia fedha siyo msingi wa maendeleo!