Wajamaa mnisaidie, hivi Nyerere aliwezaje kuvumilia haya?

[Alexander Lukashenko]

Katika mawanda yapi?

Fafanua..

Sijalinganisha wala sipendi ukabila walionao na cartels wanaohodhi ardhi kubwa.

Niko katika nyanja tu ya exposure hawa watu wametuacha mbali huku tu ukitafuta idadi ya diaspora wa kikenya na kitanzania hakika utashangaa..nadhani hata wasomali wamekaribia kutuacha.

Atleast sasa umekuwa Clear......

 

[mose]

View: https://web.facebook.com/reel/202192276236914/

 

[Masalakulangwasa]

Napozidi kujichanganya kwenye majukwaa ya wanaharakati kama nyie nazidi kufunguka akili, watu mna evidensi mpaka baasi, Khaa🙌🏿😳

 

[Bigmaaan]

The Boy Wonder

Kuhusu sera zake kisiasa hasa unachokiita kuua demokrasia.

Niseme kwanza, unakosea sana kutazama mapungufu ya sera za Nyerere bila kuangalia lengo la sera hizo na vipi zilifanikiwa.

Ninaamini fika unafahamu kuwa wakati Tanganyika inapata uhuru wake, kama zilivyokuwa nchi nyingi za kiafrika, zilikuwa zimetawaliwa sana na Ethnic & Racial divisions ambazo bila kuwa addressed zingeathiri sana Umoja wa kitaifa, na pengine leo hii sisi Tanzania tusingekuwa tofuati kabisa na Congo.

Nyerere mwenyewe, mwaka 1958, alihojiwa na Sunday Times ya Uingereza akisema kuwa; Miaka 15 baada ya uhuru, itakuwa chini ya utawala wa Chama kimoja ili kwanza kujenga amani na umoja wa taifa. Hufahamu kuwa Chama cha Zuberi Mtemvu—upinzani—kilindwa kwa misingi ya kibaguzi? Hufahamu kuwa nyakati hizo za ukoloni makabala ndio ilikuwa existing social understanding ya utawala. Kwa misingi ya demokrasia ya vyama vingi, unadhani kuwa kungezuilika nini Chief Kidaha kuwa na chama chake chenye base ya wasukuma? Au Chagga Democratic Party unadhani ingeshindwa vipi kupata affiliation kubwa ya jamii ya wachagga nchini? Hufahamu kuwa moja ya sababu ya kuwepo kwa Mutiny ya 1964 ni wanajeshi wale kutoridhishwa na sera za race-inclusivity za Nyerere? Au tulihitaji tufikie hali ya Congo ya mwaka 1960 kwa ukamilifu ndio Uongozi wa TANU utambue kuwa kuna hatari ya kiusalama ya hizo divisions za kikabila?—Ninaamini fika unayajua yote haya. Ndio sababu, Nyerere aliona kuwa Demokrasia ya Chama Kimoja ilifaa kwa nyakati zile. Lengo la Sera hizo za kujenga umoja wa kitaifa zilifanikiwa au la? Majibu unayo mwenyewe. So, Nyerere hakuua demokrasia, bali alikuwa na Demokrasia ya Chama kimoja ambayo iliendana na mazingira ya wakati ule na ilifaa—haimaanishi kuwa haikuwa na mapungufu so as liberal democracy.

On UDHR.

Mkataba wowote wa kimataifa, ni lazima taifa lijiridhishe na mazingira yake ndio liuridhie. Mataifa mengi yameridhia treaties chache kati ya zote 9 zilizopo kwenye Declaration. It doesn't mean hayajali haki za binadamu au hazina mechanism za kuguarantee haki hizo kwenye mifumo yao ya ndani. Hao unaowaembrace kuwa sio makatili, ndio vinara wa mauji dunia hii—US, UK, France and yet wameridhia UDHR. Wakati Uingereza anafanya mauji Kenya, alikuaa ameridhia UDHR.

 

[Bigmaaan]

Excerpt from Paul Bjerk's Julius Nyerere:

[Although Nyerere pursued his own ideological path, China was clearly the model for national administration.]...At the local level, Nyerere found his model in a southern village. During his trip to China, Nyerere brought along a member of the TANU Youth League, John Ntimbanjayo Millinga, from the isolated region of Songea. In response to Nyerere’s call for people to set up agricultural settlements, Millinga led a group of young people to found a remarkable communal farming experiment in 1962. After a difficult start, they were eventually joined by a sympathetic British farmer who had been working in Southern Rhodesia. They set up a series of villages where farmers worked small individual plots and also participated in large cooperative farms. With Millinga’s thoughtful leadership and some outside financial help, they gradually expanded their Ruvuma Development Association (RDA).

RDA members shared not only equipment, resources, and training, but also decision making. Seeing the need to train their children to participate in the project, they set up schools oriented toward practical training. Nyerere got word of the project and visited in 1965. Impressed by their new constitution, which laid out the operation of the growing movement, he offered his approval and a little bit of material aid. He visited again in 1966 and encouraged his colleagues to do the same. He told the RDA leaders that TANU was going to come up with a policy that would promote more projects like theirs.

The Arusha Declaration was published early the next year, and in a series of pamphlets Nyerere laid out a policy for Ujamaa villages that followed closely on the model of the RDA, from their cooperative governance to their vocational goals for schooling. He even hired Millinga to head a new TANU department of Ujamaa Vijijini (“Ujamaa in the Villages”).

Nyerere ordered TANU Central Committee members to pay extended visits to the villages and brought RDA members to other parts of the country to teach others about their approach. Politicians in Songea and Dar es Salaam resented Nyerere’s insistence that they learn from what seemed like a group of uneducated young peasants.

In front of the party’s Central Committee, Nyerere occasionally pointed to Millinga as the only real socialist among them. This annoyed the TANU leadership, and, despite Nyerere’s strong support, they turned against the RDA. While they mouthed support for the model, party leaders argued that the independent movement had to be subsumed under governmental authority so that the model could be applied uniformly across the country. Nyerere mocked the petty reasons the Central Committee members gave for breaking up the RDA, but eventually capitulated for the sake of party unity, in the hope that it would allow the RDA model to be seeded throughout the country.

In September 1969, Central Committee members traveled to Songea and arrested the leadership of the RDA, ending its independent existence. The policy of Ujamaa Vijijini struggled forward, with the government offering incentives for villages to implement Millinga’s model, but they had none of the self-reliant enthusiasm of the RDA. Millinga remained in office but struggled to find a place among the powerful bureaucracies of the party and government.

Using Nyerere’s writings as their instrument, party officials and government bureaucrats herded peasants into new villages. Usually this meant that poor families had to build new houses and farm new fields using unproven methods. Occasionally, skilled community leaders could inspire a measure of devotion to Nyerere’s vision, but villagization rarely improved production. It mostly served as a means for local officials to gain power over heretofore self-sufficient small farmers.

Although some observers found that women gained a measure of security in the compact new settlements, in many cases it meant that a council of men made decisions for the village and women had even less of a voice than they had had in their rural homesteads. The policy foundered without clear direction until Nyerere decided to jump-start it with even more force in 1973.

 

[The-unknown]

Katika kumsoma nyerere na yote ninayosikia sikuwahi na sioni kama alikua mtu mzuri kwa taifa,labda kwa sababu hakukuwa na wakuwepo kwenye nafasi yake wakati huo, maybe

 

[MALCOM LUMUMBA]

View: https://web.facebook.com/reel/202192276236914/

This is a blatant lie and misguided on all levels. Societies which are firmly rooted in their past have proven time and again to be the most resilient and pragmatic without dereliction of their duties to grow and change. Israel and China are good examples. You'll never find a Jew or a Chinaman blushing about their centuries of humiliation and persecution. Being stuck in their past, has given them identity and purpose.​

 

[MALCOM LUMUMBA]

The Boy Wonder

Kuhusu sera zake kisiasa hasa unachokiita kuua demokrasia.

Niseme kwanza, unakosea sana kutazama mapungufu ya sera za Nyerere bila kuangalia lengo la sera hizo na vipi zilifanikiwa.

Ninaamini fika unafahamu kuwa wakati Tanganyika inapata uhuru wake, kama zilivyokuwa nchi nyingi za kiafrika, zilikuwa zimetawaliwa sana na Ethnic & Racial divisions ambazo bila kuwa addressed zingeathiri sana Umoja wa kitaifa, na pengine leo hii sisi Tanzania tusingekuwa tofuati kabisa na Congo.

Nyerere mwenyewe, mwaka 1958, alihojiwa na Sunday Times ya Uingereza akisema kuwa; Miaka 15 baada ya uhuru, itakuwa chini ya utawala wa Chama kimoja ili kwanza kujenga amani na umoja wa taifa. Hufahamu kuwa Chama cha Zuberi Mtemvu—upinzani—kilindwa kwa misingi ya kibaguzi? Hufahamu kuwa nyakati hizo za ukoloni makabala ndio ilikuwa existing social understanding ya utawala. Kwa misingi ya demokrasia ya vyama vingi, unadhani kuwa kungezuilika nini Chief Kidaha kuwa na chama chake chenye base ya wasukuma? Au Chagga Democratic Party unadhani ingeshindwa vipi kupata affiliation kubwa ya jamii ya wachagga nchini? Hufahamu kuwa moja ya sababu ya kuwepo kwa Mutiny ya 1964 ni wanajeshi wale kutoridhishwa na sera za race-inclusivity za Nyerere? Au tulihitaji tufikie hali ya Congo ya mwaka 1960 kwa ukamilifu ndio Uongozi wa TANU utambue kuwa kuna hatari ya kiusalama ya hizo divisions za kikabila?—Ninaamini fika unayajua yote haya. Ndio sababu, Nyerere aliona kuwa Demokrasia ya Chama Kimoja ilifaa kwa nyakati zile. Lengo la Sera hizo za kujenga umoja wa kitaifa zilifanikiwa au la? Majibu unayo mwenyewe. So, Nyerere hakuua demokrasia, bali alikuwa na Demokrasia ya Chama kimoja ambayo iliendana na mazingira ya wakati ule na ilifaa—haimaanishi kuwa haikuwa na mapungufu so as liberal democracy.

On UDHR.

Mkataba wowote wa kimataifa, ni lazima taifa lijiridhishe na mazingira yake ndio liuridhie. Mataifa mengi yameridhia treaties chache kati ya zote 9 zilizopo kwenye Declaration. It doesn't mean hayajali haki za binadamu au hazina mechanism za kuguarantee haki hizo kwenye mifumo yao ya ndani. Hao unaowaembrace kuwa sio makatili, ndio vinara wa mauji dunia hii—US, UK, France and yet wameridhia UDHR. Wakati Uingereza anafanya mauji Kenya, alikuaa ameridhia UDHR.

Are certain that without socialism, Tanzania would have fallen prey to tribalism ?​

 

[MALCOM LUMUMBA]

Excerpt from Paul Bjerk's Julius Nyerere:

[Although Nyerere pursued his own ideological path, China was clearly the model for national administration.]...At the local level, Nyerere found his model in a southern village. During his trip to China, Nyerere brought along a member of the TANU Youth League, John Ntimbanjayo Millinga, from the isolated region of Songea. In response to Nyerere’s call for people to set up agricultural settlements, Millinga led a group of young people to found a remarkable communal farming experiment in 1962. After a difficult start, they were eventually joined by a sympathetic British farmer who had been working in Southern Rhodesia. They set up a series of villages where farmers worked small individual plots and also participated in large cooperative farms. With Millinga’s thoughtful leadership and some outside financial help, they gradually expanded their Ruvuma Development Association (RDA).

RDA members shared not only equipment, resources, and training, but also decision making. Seeing the need to train their children to participate in the project, they set up schools oriented toward practical training. Nyerere got word of the project and visited in 1965. Impressed by their new constitution, which laid out the operation of the growing movement, he offered his approval and a little bit of material aid. He visited again in 1966 and encouraged his colleagues to do the same. He told the RDA leaders that TANU was going to come up with a policy that would promote more projects like theirs.

The Arusha Declaration was published early the next year, and in a series of pamphlets Nyerere laid out a policy for Ujamaa villages that followed closely on the model of the RDA, from their cooperative governance to their vocational goals for schooling. He even hired Millinga to head a new TANU department of Ujamaa Vijijini (“Ujamaa in the Villages”).

Nyerere ordered TANU Central Committee members to pay extended visits to the villages and brought RDA members to other parts of the country to teach others about their approach. Politicians in Songea and Dar es Salaam resented Nyerere’s insistence that they learn from what seemed like a group of uneducated young peasants.

In front of the party’s Central Committee, Nyerere occasionally pointed to Millinga as the only real socialist among them. This annoyed the TANU leadership, and, despite Nyerere’s strong support, they turned against the RDA. While they mouthed support for the model, party leaders argued that the independent movement had to be subsumed under governmental authority so that the model could be applied uniformly across the country. Nyerere mocked the petty reasons the Central Committee members gave for breaking up the RDA, but eventually capitulated for the sake of party unity, in the hope that it would allow the RDA model to be seeded throughout the country.

In September 1969, Central Committee members traveled to Songea and arrested the leadership of the RDA, ending its independent existence. The policy of Ujamaa Vijijini struggled forward, with the government offering incentives for villages to implement Millinga’s model, but they had none of the self-reliant enthusiasm of the RDA. Millinga remained in office but struggled to find a place among the powerful bureaucracies of the party and government.

Using Nyerere’s writings as their instrument, party officials and government bureaucrats herded peasants into new villages. Usually this meant that poor families had to build new houses and farm new fields using unproven methods. Occasionally, skilled community leaders could inspire a measure of devotion to Nyerere’s vision, but villagization rarely improved production. It mostly served as a means for local officials to gain power over heretofore self-sufficient small farmers.

Although some observers found that women gained a measure of security in the compact new settlements, in many cases it meant that a council of men made decisions for the village and women had even less of a voice than they had had in their rural homesteads. The policy foundered without clear direction until Nyerere decided to jump-start it with even more force in 1973.

Why did Ujamaa fail in the villages ?

 

[Bigmaaan]

Are certain that without socialism, Tanzania would have fallen prey to tribalism ?​

Absolute brother.

Sioni namna gani unaweza futa TRIBAL SUPREMACY ya wachagga au wahaya na kujenga utaifa huku ukiwa na falsafa inayohimiza UBINAFSI. Sioni. Labda unisaidie, Sera za kibepari zingeweza vipi kuhakisha Waislam waliokuwa nyuma kielimu hawatawaliwi na Wakristo? Au Sera za kibepari zingewazuia vipi wasukuma kuwa ndio wafanyabiashara pekee kanda ya ziwa? Au Sera za mwenye nguvu anachukua vyote, vingewazuia vipi wahaya leo kuwa ndio tabaka hodhi la sekta ya elimu nchini? Au Sera hizo za Zero-sum game, zingewazuia vipi wakurya leo kuwa na powerful lobby kwenye military industry ya nchi hii?

 

[Bigmaaan]

Why did Ujamaa fail in the villages ?

Sera za Nyerere zilitupa msingi mzuri sana kama taifa, bahati mbaya sana—ambayo hadi leo inatugharimu—HATUNA UONGOZI. Tuna watu tu walioko madarakani lakini sio viongozi.

Sera za Nyerere zilisaidia sana kujenga Amani na Utulivu, Umoja wa kitaifa, Uhuru wa watu kijamii mfano Kuaubudu, kwenda kokote—ambazo ni Prerequisites kwa maendeleo ya kiuchumi. Hadi 1980s, ilikuwa wazi uchumi ulikuwa kwenye Crisis. Kosa kubwa sana mimi huamini lilianzia hapa. Kipindi cha Transition kutoka kwenye Ujamaa wetu kwenda kwenye soko huria. Hatukufanya SELECTIVE CHANGE. Mataifa yoyote yenye maendeleo ya maana na endelevu, yalipokuwa kwenye transition yalifanya Uchaguzi wa yepi ya kupokea, wanayaingiza vipi kwenye mifumo yao, wanayadumisha yapi. Chukua mfano wa Finland wakati wa Stalin. Finland baada ya mivutano na vita ndefu, hatimaye waliamua kusurrender na kuwa watiifu kwa Stalin. Lakini walijua fika, sera za west ndio zilifaa kiuchumi lakini wangeweza vipi kuwa na sera za kiliberali huku wakiwa watiifu kwa Stalin? They just made selective change. Kwa miaka mingi Soviet iliitazama kuwa tishio kiusalama. Wafinland waliokuwa wameegemea kwa waliberali, waliwapuuza hadi baada ya WWII ndipo Finland wakakubali kumsikiliza Soviet. Walikubali kuwa Neutral Kijeshi, kutofungamana na West kijeshi—licha ya kukubali huku, lakini yapo mambo hawakukibali kuyapoteza, Uhuru na Utaifa wao, sera zao za uchumi huria. Kwa kipindi kirefu, Finland ilipokea wawekezaji wa kiliberali huku ikiendelea kuwa watiifu kwa Stalin hatimaye ikakua sana kiuchumi huku ikiwa daraja kati ya west na Soviet.

Wakati wa kupokea sera huria, tulipokoea yote tuliyoletewa na IMF and WB—bila kuchuja sera zipi zinafaa. Na uliberali huo sera tulizopokea zikatupelekea kuacha misingi yote ambayo iliijengwa for 30 years, ambayo mingi yao ilikuwa na manufaa makubwa kwenye utumishi wa umma na jamii.

So, ujamaa vijijini ulifeli lakini sera za Nyerere kwa ujumla zilitupa misingi ambayo tulipaswa kuichanganya na sera za kiliberali tulizozipokea 1980s.

 

[MALCOM LUMUMBA]

Sera za Nyerere zilitupa msingi mzuri sana kama taifa, bahati mbaya sana—ambayo hadi leo inatugharimu—HATUNA UONGOZI. Tuna watu tu walioko madarakani lakini sio viongozi.

Sera za Nyerere zilisaidia sana kujenga Amani na Utulivu, Umoja wa kitaifa, Uhuru wa watu kijamii mfano Kuaubudu, kwenda kokote—ambazo ni Prerequisites kwa maendeleo ya kiuchumi. Hadi 1980s, ilikuwa wazi uchumi ulikuwa kwenye Crisis. Kosa kubwa sana mimi huamini lilianzia hapa. Kipindi cha Transition kutoka kwenye Ujamaa wetu kwenda kwenye soko huria. Hatukufanya SELECTIVE CHANGE. M tulizozipokea 1980s.

Mkuu, kwani nchi ambazo hazina mfumo wa Ujamaa hazina amani na utulivu ?​

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Nyerere hajawahi kuvumilia kitu, watu ndiyo walimvymilia Nyerere.

Hakuna Rais aliyekoswakoswa kupinduliwa na kuuliwa zaidi ya nyerere Tanzania hii.

 

[MALCOM LUMUMBA]

Absolute brother.

Sioni namna gani unaweza futa TRIBAL SUPREMACY ya wachagga au wahaya na kujenga utaifa huku ukiwa na falsafa inayohimiza UBINAFSI. Sioni. Labda unisaidie, Sera za kibepari zingeweza vipi kuhakisha Waislam waliokuwa nyuma kielimu hawatawaliwi na Wakristo? Au Sera za kibepari zingewazuia vipi wasukuma kuwa ndio wafanyabiashara pekee kanda ya ziwa? Au Sera za mwenye nguvu anachukua vyote, vingewazuia vipi wahaya leo kuwa ndio tabaka hodhi la sekta ya elimu nchini? Au Sera hizo za Zero-sum game, zingewazuia vipi wakurya leo kuwa na powerful lobby kwenye military industry ya nchi hii?

The concept of Tribal Supremacy is contrived and very subjective. Pointing out Chagga, Nyakyusa and Haya as paragons of Tribal Supremacy, while neglecting a fact that, these groups were most educated, and prosperous than any other ethnic group in Tanzania, is just lackadaisical and reverse discrimination. The trio (Chaggas, Nyakyusa, Haya) had already founded organized societies with political structure and level of autonomy before independence. A good example in 1942, more than 100 Nyakyusa chiefdoms formed a unified confederacy under the British supervision.

And even if ask: What are elements of Tribal Supremacy? And What amounts to Tribal Supremacy?
You surely will beat around the bush without giving me a comprehensive answer.

On dealing with Chagga, Nyakyusa and Haya, Mzee Nyerere and his acolytes employed similar tactics the Europeans used against the Jews who were a minority but extremely prosperous.​

 

[Bigmaaan]

And even if ask: What are elements of Tribal Supremacy? And What amounts to Tribal Supremacy?
You surely will beat around the bush without giving me a comprehensive answer.​

😄 No need for further discussion then!

 

[Tangantika]

Huwa najiuliza sana lakini sipati majawabu, lakini naomba wasomi wa humu ndani mnisaidie.

Hivi Mzee Nyerere alikuwa ana roho ya namna gani kuona mambo kama haya yakitokea kwa wananchi lakini bado hataki kubadilika na akaendelea kutumia mkono wa chuma kuhakikisha anasigina kabisa uwezo binafsi wa mtanzania kuweza kujikwamua kiuchumi. Ujamaa wa Tanzania hakuleta matokeo yoyote makubwa na ya kuchangaza ukilinganisha na kule Asia na Ulaya ambako walau walifanya mapinduzi ya sayansi na teknolojia.

Uchina walifanikiwa sana baada ya Raisi Deng Xiaping kuanza kuwaonea huruma raia wake akifahamu kabisa kwamba njia waliyokuwa wanaenda ilikuwa siyo sahihi. Aliruhusu watu waanze kumiliki mali zao binafsi na kufanya biashara. Najiuliza sana, miaka yote 18 ya Ujamaa, yalifanyika na kutokea mambo mengi mno kwa watanzania, kiasi kwamba kiongozi yoyote mwenye huruma na wananchi ni lazima angekaa chini na kujifanyia tathmini, lakini Raisi Nyerere hakufanya hivyo, aliendelea kuwa na moyo mgumu kama Farao. Hebu tuzingatie haya:

1. Sera ya utaifishaji wa mali, ilileta umasikini mkubwa sana kwa watu.
2. Kufuta vikundi ya ushirika (Cooperatives) na kuweka vile vya TANU kulididimiza mno sekta ya kilimo.
3. Kupiga marufuku watu binafsi kuagiza bidhaa nje ya Tanzania kulipelekea uhaba wa bidhaa na huduma muhimu.
4. Kuweka ugumu katika kusafiri (Travelling Restrictions) kulisababisha ukosefu wa ujuzi kwa watanzania.
5. Kuminya uhuru wa mawazo na kutumia nguvu ya dola kunyamazisha watu kulidumaza ukomavi wa demokrasia.

Mpaka kufika miaka ya 80's Ujamaa ulikuwa umefeli vibaya mno. Tanzania tulikuwa hatuna hata unga wa kupikia, mafuta, wala sukari. Mtaa mzima mlikuwa mnaenda kwa mwenyekiti kuomba sukari au sabuni kutoka maduka ya ushirika. Ukikamatwa na mafuta, sabuni au dawa za binadamu zilizolanguliwa kutoka Kenya lazima ushughulikiwe na dola. Kama ulisoma miaka ya 80's unaweza kukumbuka kwamba hata sare za shule zilikosa rangi, watu tukawa tunavaa vitu vya ajabu vilivyochakaa kama vile vichaa. Ukibahatika kukutana na wamishionari au taasisi za kidini ndiyo ulikuwa unaweza kupewa hata nguo, mahitaji na wazungu.

Yote haya yanafanyika, Mzee Nyerere na Sokoine wakaingia mtaani kuanza kushughulikia maelfu ya watanzania ambao wanahujumu uchumi. Ila ukifuatilia zile kesi nyingi, utafahamu kwamba hao wahujumu uchumi ni wale watanzania wenye akili za haraka ambao walijiongeza na kuweza kupata mahitaji muhimu ili kuhudumia familia zao. Wahujumu uchumi kwelikweli, ambao wengi walikuwa ni vigogo wa serikalini hawakuguswa. Kiukweli, kama nchi ina kiongozi mwenye huruma haya yote yasingetokea bila yeye kujirudi.

Hivi kwanini MTAKATIFU na MWENYEHERI, Raisi Nyerere hakuwa na chembe ya huruma moyoni ?
Kuna mambo nikikumbuka huwa naumia sana na nakosa majawabu. Hivi alikuwa anapenda kutuona sisi vile ?​

Pole sana mkuu. Aliwatia umasikini wa ajabu. Wazee wetu pesa waliona kama anasa na jambo la kishetani.
Kinyume chake sasa maraisi wa sasa hivi wameuza kila kitu kwa wazungu . Nakumbuka kakola wachimbaji walitolewa kwa nguvu na mgodi kupewa wazungu wakati huo mgodi ni wazawa ndio waliogundua zile dhahabu.
Bado hatujajipata, kila Raisi anakuja na yake.

 

[Tangantika]

The concept of Tribal Supremacy is contrived and very subjective. Pointing out Chagga, Nyakyusa and Haya as paragons of Tribal Supremacy, while neglecting a fact that, these groups were most educated, and prosperous than any other ethnic group in Tanzania, is just lackadaisical and reverse discrimination. The trio (Chaggas, Nyakyusa, Haya) had already founded organized societies with political structure and level of autonomy before independence. A good example in 1942, more than 100 Nyakyusa chiefdoms formed a unified confederacy under the British supervision.

And even if ask: What are elements of Tribal Supremacy? And What amounts to Tribal Supremacy?
You surely will beat around the bush without giving me a comprehensive answer.

On dealing with Chagga, Nyakyusa and Haya, Mzee Nyerere and his acolytes employed similar tactics the Europeans used against the Jews who were a minority but extremely prosperous.​

Umesahau kuwaweka swahili people kwenye orodha yako.
JkN aliweza kujenga umoja tu ila mengine alifeli pakubwa. Shaban Robert alijaribu kumkosoa ktk kitabu cha nchi ya kusadikika.
Tabia alioiacha JKN ndio inaendelezwa na viongozi wa sasa. Tabia ya kutosikiliza wengine. Siku hizi wana kauli yao ya "maono ya raisi ". Nchi yetu inaendeshwa kwa maono sio mipango.
Bado tutakuja kushuhudia gape kubwa sana mbeleni tutakapokuwa tumeachwa hadi na wabantu wenzetu.

 

[MALCOM LUMUMBA]

😄 No need for further discussion then!

Happy New Year then....

 

[MALCOM LUMUMBA]

Pole sana mkuu. Aliwatia umasikini wa ajabu. Wazee wetu pesa waliona kama anasa na jambo la kishetani.
Kinyume chake sasa maraisi wa sasa hivi wameuza kila kitu kwa wazungu . Nakumbuka kakola wachimbaji walitolewa kwa nguvu na mgodi kupewa wazungu wakati huo mgodi ni wazawa ndio waliogundua zile dhahabu.
Bado hatujajipata, kila Raisi anakuja na yake.

Umesahau kuwaweka swahili people kwenye orodha yako.
JkN aliweza kujenga umoja tu ila mengine alifeli pakubwa. Shaban Robert alijaribu kumkosoa ktk kitabu cha nchi ya kusadikika.
Tabia alioiacha JKN ndio inaendelezwa na viongozi wa sasa. Tabia ya kutosikiliza wengine. Siku hizi wana kauli yao ya "maono ya raisi ". Nchi yetu inaendeshwa kwa maono sio mipango.
Bado tutakuja kushuhudia gape kubwa sana mbeleni tutakapokuwa tumeachwa hadi na wabantu wenzetu.

Nashukuru sana kwa hii michango yako mkuu....​

 

[Bigmaaan]

Happy New Year then....

Thanks.