Chama cha CNN-FDD cha Burundi cha mpongeza Dr. Mpango kuteuliwa kuwa Makamu wa Rais

[LUPEM]

Mahesabu ya Jiwe yamekwenda ''shaghalabagala''.Aliteua mtu akidhani ni dhaifu ili aweze kumControl matokeo yake ndio hivyo tena!

Hakika Dr Magufuli ataendelea kuishi.Lazima mmtaje tu.

 

[LUPEM]

Mtanzania ni mtu wa namna gani? Yawezekana wewe hujui ukijua hilo hutafanya tena huu upumbavu ulioupost humu kuhusu Dr Mpango na wengine mnaopenda kuwazushia mara tu wapatapo madaraka makubwa ya nchi hii.Hata Nyerere alizushiwa kuwa ni mtutsi wa Rwanda.

Wengine humu asili yao ni Cameron .Akili ndogo tu.

 

[Jackal]

Hakika Dr Magufuli ataendelea kuishi.Lazima mmtaje tu.

Mbona kesha sahaulika .Sasa hivi watu wanaongelea maumivu waliyopitia.Tena vinara wa hayo maongezi ni wateule wake mwenyewe!

 

[Tulimumu]

Ndiyo maana watanganyika wanaitwa wanyonge

Kuna ubaya gani?

Watu mnahoji uraia wa Mpango, mbona wazanzibari wanatawala Tanganyika na wala hamuulizi?

Ni mtanganyika gani amewahi kutawala Zanzibar?

Acha hata wakongo watawale Tanzania.

Bongo sasa hivi ni nchi ambayo haina mwenyewe, hata wasomali wakitaka wanatawala tu kadri watakavyojisikia maana kama warundi, wazanzibari wanajitawalia wanavyotaka unategemea nini.

Hivi limekosekana tapeli moja la kinaijeria lije kutawala bongo?

 

[SAGAI GALGANO]

Pongezi hizo ni kwa mujibu wa tweet yao hii:

#Burundi: Chama cha CNDD-FDD kinatoa pongezi kwa Dkt P.I. MPANGO baada kuidhinishwa kuwa Makamu wa raisi wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Umahiri na utendaji kazi wake ni chachu ya kuleta maendeleo Tanzania chini ya uongozi wa Raisi Samia S. Hassan. Viva @ccm_tanzania

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Ohooooo !!!

 

[bagamoyo]

Historical Factors Shaping How the CNDD-FDD Relates to the Arusha Accords​

Knowledge about CNDD-FDD’s evolution is key to understanding the current crisis. The movement was formed in the aftermath of the assassination of the first democratically elected Hutu president, Melchior Ndadaye in 1993 by Tutsi partisans in the military. Its ideological origins however are rooted in purges of Hutu officers and intellectuals by Tutsi military leaders during the upheavals of the 1960s and ‘70s. The worst of these upheavals occurred in 1972 following a failed coup by Hutu officers.

These reprisals caused an exodus of Hutus, leading to the formation in exile of the Party for the Liberation of the Hutu People (PALIPEHUTU). Its philosophy was inspired by the “Hutu power” ideology of the Movement for the Liberation of Hutu People (PARMEHUTU), then Rwanda’s ruling party. These historical events weigh heavily on the Burundian collective conscience. For Hutus they symbolize subjugation. For Tutsis they invoke memories of ethnic reprisals by their Hutu neighbors.

Civil war was launched in earnest following Ndadaye’s assassination. CNDD-FDD, like other armed movements including PALIPEHUTU, saw itself as a champion of the Hutu cause. However, it suffered from internal upheavals stemming from differences over ideology, strategy, and tactics. Its original members were followers of Ndadaye and his Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU). They saw the 1993 crisis as political, not ethnic and espoused a multiethnic vision closely associated with Ndadaye’s politics.

Other members of CNDD-FDD, primarily those who defected from the more radical PALIPEHUTU, retained a highly ethnicized interpretation of the larger Burundian conflict. Still others rallied around a multi-ethnic vision but maintained that Hutus, not Tutsis, should be the primary participants in the struggle. These ideological differences affected the movement’s coherence. On some issues, the ethnic element was more pronounced, reflected for instance in attacks against Tutsi civilians to avenge reprisals by the military against Hutus. On other issues, moderate tendencies prevailed such as the movement’s successful attempts in later years to woo Tutsis.

When President Nyerere launched the Arusha peace process in 1998, the CNDD-FDD had split into three factions and Pierre Nkurunziza, then the top commander of the movement, was battling to control the largest of these. The mediation team barred him from the negotiating table until he reconciled his movement and negotiated with one voice, a demand that his fellow commanders considered “patronizing.” The movement’s relationship with the mediation team as well as with regional countries became increasingly acrimonious. This reinforced an acute dislike of perceived regional “bullying,” which is emblematic of the deeply embedded Burundian cultural aversion to outside interference.

As a result, the movement remained outside the Arusha negotiations and did not sign the Accords. It constantly sought an alternative mediation framework, in the process incurring sanctions from countries in the region. Kenya at one point restricted CNDD-FDD members transiting through its territory. The Regional Initiative on Burundi, led by Uganda, declared the movement a “negative force,” a designation that technically exposed it to regional military action. Tanzania restricted the movement’s access to Burundian refugee camps on its territory, which were a major source of revenue and support. Tanzania at one point even granted the Burundian military the right of “hot pursuit” in case CNDD-FDD fighters crossed into its territory. These pressures, coupled with skillful diplomacy by Nelson Mandela, and his successor Thabo Mbeki, incentivized CNDD-FDD to negotiate a ceasefire in good faith in 2003.

A CNDD-FDD rebel gives up his weapon in Mbanda, Burundi, February 2005.
The movement, seeing an opportunity to win future elections, projected itself as moderate and recruited several respected Tutsi intellectuals on its negotiating team. After joining the Transitional Government late 2003 it sold itself as an alternative to PALIPEHUTU and won over many skeptics. It included among its top leadership several prominent Tutsis and campaigned on a multi-ethnic platform. Nkurunziza identified himself with this moderate ideological outlook and was even nicknamed “Umuhuza” (the unifier). Yet, more conservative elements in the party resented this shift in the party’s outlook. They also disliked the regional pressure piled on it and have regularly voiced displeasure with the Arusha Accords since. “These people treated us like boys,” a senior CNDD-FDD leader complained shortly after the party won the 2005 parliamentary elections.

CNDD-FDD Posture toward Arusha Going Forward?​

CNDD-FDD’s victory in the 2005 elections assuaged some of its misgivings about the Arusha process. Adhering to the stipulations of the Accord, the party’s cabinet line-up was impressive for its ethnic inclusiveness, professionalism, and experience. Thus, even though it was not a signatory to Arusha, the CNDD-FDD created an image of a multi-ethnic movement. It reached out to civil society and the media, some of which embraced and helped propagate the party’s new vision countrywide.

Over time, however, consensus-seeking became strained. Two factors might account for this. The first and most immediate is that the Accord’s extensive checks and balances were an inconvenient obstacle to the quest for a third term and greater political control. The second factor centers on the resentment within the CNDD-FDD over having to share power in the first place. Supporters of this view now saw an opportunity to institutionalize the party’s dominance. The calculus was that the party’s future survival was best guaranteed by greater political control, even if this meant overturning the Arusha Agreement.

Signs of a crisis over Arusha, however, were evident as far back as the disputed elections in 2010 which, as in 2015, were boycotted by the opposition and also marked by violence. Thus, there were multiple missed opportunities to confront the CNDD-FDD on its adherence to Arusha before the third term crisis.

A ceasefire is signed by President Nkurunziza (right) and PALIPEHUTU-FNL leader Agathon Rwasa in September 2006.

Source : Burundi: Why the Arusha Accords are Central


www.justice.gov ›
Burundi's Political Crisis: In Brief - Department of Justice
7 Aug 2017 — agreement signed in 2000. ... known as the Arusha Accords. ... Former CNDD-FDD leader Pierre Nkurunziza is elected

panafricanvisions.com › Algeria
Burundi :Gen Ndayishimiye is new President - PAN AFRICAN VISIONS
25 May 2020 — General Evariste Ndayishimiye of the ruling CNN-FDD party won presidential elections that were held last week

 

[imhotep]

Burundi tenaaaaView attachment 1743590

Ubumwe! Ubumwe!

 

[Black Sniper]

Kinana alishakua mpk naibu waziri wa ulinzi.

Tuna roho mbaya tu na hatuendani na maisha ya mataifa mengine
Hizi tabia tuliambukizwa tangu Uhuru
Kwa mfano UK ambapo ndio tunafuata sheria zao kwa maandishi ila sio kwa vitendo
Wao wanaajiri yeyote mradi uwe na sheria ya kuishi hapa au uwe umezaliwa kwa baadhi ya kazi
Hata Kenya wako vizuri ila sisi akiibuka mmoja tu katika maelfu ambae ni mzawa lakini kejeli atakazopata da

Ubaguzi upo sana na itachukua miaka

 

[mkamanga original]

Warundi wanapongezana

 

[Mgeni wa Jiji]

Utakuwa ni uboya kwenye system nzima kama hawakulijua hilo watanzania muache chuki za kikabila

Mlitaka Shirima au Mwakatobe awe makamu ndio mridhike? Inashangaza sana

Shirima ni Mkenya na Mwakatobe ni Mnyasa yule [emoji23][emoji23]

 

[King Kong III]

Pongezi hizo ni kwa mujibu wa tweet yao hii:

#Burundi: Chama cha CNDD-FDD kinatoa pongezi kwa Dkt P.I. MPANGO baada kuidhinishwa kuwa Makamu wa raisi wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Umahiri na utendaji kazi wake ni chachu ya kuleta maendeleo Tanzania chini ya uongozi wa Raisi Samia S. Hassan. Viva @ccm_tanzania

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Safi sana majirani "SIEN DEDE EFU DEDE".

 

[Isakhamisi]

Kuna ubaya gani?

Watu mnahoji uraia wa Mpango, mbona wazanzibari wanatawala Tanganyika na wala hamuulizi?

Ni mtanganyika gani amewahi kutawala Zanzibar?

Acha hata wakongo watawale Tanzania.

Bongo sasa hivi ni nchi ambayo haina mwenyewe, hata wasomali wakitaka wanatawala tu kadri watakavyojisikia maana kama warundi, wazanzibari wanajitawalia wanavyotaka unategemea nini.

Hivi limekosekana tapeli moja la kinaijeria lije kutawala bongo?

Ali hassan mwinyi ni mtanganyika na alitawala zanzibar kwa hiyo mzanzibari kuwa rais wa muungano ni sawa tu kwani yeye si rais wa tanganyika ni wa tanzania ambao ni muungano sawa baina ya zanzibar na tanganyika mpaka hapo mtapokubali mapendekezo ya rasimu ya waryoba lakini kwa wa Burundi au wasomali kutawala tanzania hiyo c sawa hata kidogo.