Historia ya Uhuru isimuliwavyo na Mohammed Said yakosolewa


Kumbuka Darsa bado linaendelea. Kuna mengi sana tunataka kuvuna kutoka kwa Mohamed said.
 
Barubaru said:
Kumbuka Darsa bado linaendelea. Kuna mengi sana tunataka kuvuna kutoka kwa Mohamed said.
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Barubaru,
Insha Allah na tuendelee:
"Mwaka wa 1967 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere alitangazaAzimio la Arusha hatua ambayo iliitia Tanzania katika siasa ya ujamaa. Sera hiimpya ya uchumi ilipokelewa vyema na wananchi. Mtu ambae hata alikuwahajulikani, tena mwalimu wa shule ya msingi akijulikana kwa jina la Adam Nasibuambae alikuwa katibu wa Bukoba wa EAMWS, alichukua nafasi hii kwa kuongozamaandamano hadi ofisi ya TANU ya Mkoa kumuunga mkono Mwalimu Nyerere na serayake mpya ya uchumi ya Azimio la Arusha. Adam Nasibu inasemekana kuwa alisemaujamaa ni sawa na mafundisho ya Qurían Tukufu. Adam Nasibu hakuishia hapoalikwenda mbele zaidi na kutoa ëmiongozo kwa viongozi wote wa Kiislam wa Bukobaakifafanua Azimio la Arushaí. [1]Wasiokuwa Waislam walimuona Adam Nasibu kama Muislam mwenye mwamko mzuri wakimaendeleo, na kwa kuwa yeye alikuwa ni kiongozi wa EAMWS, kuunga kwake mkonoAzimio la Arusha kulionekana kama kitendo rasmi cha jumuiya hiyo kuunga mkonosera hiyo. Lakini kabla ya yeye kufanya haya, hakuna mtu aliyemjua mwalimu huyuwa shule kama mwanasiasa licha ya kuwa msomi mwenye uwezo wa kuchambua mambo.Katika hali ya kawaida, uongozi wa EAMWS pale makaomakuu Dar es Salaam ungelikasirishwa kidogo na kitendo cha Adam Nasibu chaushabiki wa siasa. Lakini uongozi wa EAMWS haukumuonya kiongozi wake wa Bukobakuhusu jambo lile ambalo dhahiri halikuwa la kupendeza katika jumuiya. Bilashaka uongozi wa EAMWS ulichelea kuwa kwa kufanya hivyo wangelionekana siuzalendo, hasa ukiichukulia jinsi wananchi walivyohamasika na Azimio la Arusha.Hata hivyo Waislam siku zote ndiyo waliokuwa mbele katika kuongoza siasa. Makao Makuu walibaki kimya kama vilehakuna kilichotokea. Funika kombe mwana haramu apite.Tofauti na mwaka wa 1963 wakati Nyererealipojaribu kufanya mapinduzi dhidi ya uongozi wa EAMWS, mwaka wa 1967 hali yamambo yalikuwa yamebadilika sana yakimwendea Nyerere vyema. Serikali ilikuwaimedhibiti vyombo vyote vya habari ukiondoa gazeti la The Tanganyika Standardambalo bado lilikuwa chini ya Lonrho. Nyerere alikuwa amemuweka Martin Kiamakama mkurugenzi wa radio ya taifa, na Benjamin Mkapa [1] kama mhariri wa magazetimawili ya TANU, The Nationalist na Uhuru. Adam Nasibu aliandikwa katikamagazeti na habari zake kutangazwa katika radio kwa ajili ya kitendo chake,hasa kuhusu yale maneno aliyosema kuwa ujamaa ni sawa na mafundisho ya Qurían.Katika hali ya mambo kama yalivyokuwa wakati ule hasa jinsi uhasamailivyokuwapo baina ya serikali na Waislam, baadhi ya Waislam walimuona AdamNasibu kama kibaraka anaetafuta umaarufu wa bure kwa kujipendekeza kwa TANU,Nyerere na serikali yake. Juu ya haya yote kile kitendo cha katibu wa Bukoba waEAMWS kitakuja kuwaathiri vibaya jumuiya hiyo na uongozi wake wote pamoja naMufti Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir. Kwa wengine Adam Nasibu alionekana kama mzalendona Muislam mwenye ëuoni wa mbalií. Kwa ajili hii basi serikali ikamuoana kamakiongozi wa baadae ambayo ingeweza kumtegemea wakati wa shida. Uongozi wa EAMWSmakao makuu ukaonekana haupo pamoja na wananchi, wala haujali shida zao na ukombali sana na sera za serikali. Lakini kwa hakika EAMWS kama taasisi ya diniisingeliweza kujitokeza na kuunga mkono Azimio la Arusha kwa kuwa hayo yalikuwamambo ya siasa. Kwa kufanya hivyo ingelikuwa inakwenda kinyume na msimamo wakewa kutojiingiza katika siasa. Kwa zaidi ya robo karne toka iasisiwe EAMWSilikuwa imejiweka mbali sana na mambo ya siasa ikishughulika na masuala yaUislam tu. Hata hivyo kuwa nje ya Azimio la Arusha kukaonekana kama kitendo chakukosa uzalendo na kutoa picha kuwa jumuiya hiyo ilikuwa haijali maendeleo naustawi wa watu wa Tanzania. Mambo yakawa yamevurugika zaidi kwa kuwa rais waEAMWS, Tewa Said na makamo wake Bibi Titi Mohamed walikuwa katika baraza lamawaziri la Nyerere na wakapoteza nyadhifa zao za ubunge katika uchaguzi mkuuwa mwaka 1965. Kwa ajili hii basiserikali ikawa inaeneza propaganda kuwa kwa kuwa Tewa na Bibi Titi walikuwa katika uongozi wa juu waEAMWS, walikuwa wanatumia nafasi zao kujijengea himaya mpya kutoka kwa Waislamdhidi ya Nyerere. Viongozi hawa ikawa lazima washughulikiwe na kuangamizwa. Mtuwa kufanya kazi hii hakuwa mwingine ila Adam Nasibu katibu wa EAMWS Bukoba,mwalimu wa shule ya msingi ambae elimu yake wala haikuwa kubwa. Adam Nasibualikuwa tayari keshafanikiwa kufanya mapinduzi dhidi ya rais wa EAMWS, TewaSaid Tewa. Kutokana na vitendo vyake alikuwa ameidhihirishia serikali kuwa yeyeangeweza kuwa mtumishi bora kwa dola kuliko ule uongozi wa EAMWS uliokuwa palemakao makuu Dar es Salaam ambao ulikuwa ukionekana umechoka."

Mohamed
 
Barubaru, hayo ndio matatizo ya kuangalia matatizo ya nchi kwa mtazamo finyu. Panua mtazamo, angalia ni akina nani hao wanao dhulumiwa na kubaguliwa nani kwanini? lakini ukija hapa ukasema watu fulani wanagandamizwa kwa sababu ya uislam wao, hapo ndipo shida inakuja. Serikali ya Tanzania inaongozwa na viongozi waislamu (Rais Kikwete ni muislam, makamu ni muislam, waziri wa fedha ni muislamu) iweje wawagandamize waislam wenzao? Kumbe na wewe huitakii mema nchi yetu, sumu ya mzee Mohamed imeshakutafuna!
 
Hongereni sana mzee Mohamed Said kwa mafanikio hayo. Lakini je mafanikio hayo yana tija gani kwangu mimi na watanzania wengine wasio waislam?Mafanikio hayo yamejenga shule ngapi, hospitali ngapi, yamesomesha watoto wangapi?Yamepunguza umaskini kiasi gani kwa watanzania? yamepambana kiasi gani na ufisadi unaotishia kuangamiza taifa letu?yameleta umoja na upendo kiasi gani miongoni mwa watanzania? yamejenga fursa za ajira kiasi gani kwa vijana wetu wa Tanzania?
 

Gwalihenzi,

Ni vizuri ufunguke zaidi na ufikiria mbali zaidi.

Siku zote tunatakiwa kuangalia chanzo cha hapo Tz ilipofika ni nini? Na kwanini imefika hapo kabla kuanza kutafuta dawa.

Sasa nafikiri kama ulikuwa makini sana kufuatilia mnakasha mzima utaona wazi JK Nyerere ndio chanzo cha yote. Alipewa nchi na waingereza ikiwa safi hakukuwa na shida yoyote kwa wananchi kuanzia chakula, mavazi na hata uchumiwake ulikuwa mzuri sana.(Mwaka 1962 pound 1 ya Uk ilikuwa sawa na Tsh 1.20).

Je alipoondoka hali ilikuwaje? Ni kwanini imefikia hapo? Je lipi au wapi alikosea?

Na unapozungumzia UFISADI, ni vizuri ujue chanzo chake ni Ulanguzi na umekua na kufikia ubadhilifu na ukikomaa unaitwa Ufisadi.
nani mwanzilishi wa Ulanguzi? Kwanini ulanguzi ulianza?

Ukisoma mnakasha utaona na kujifunza mengi sana.
 
You are very subjective,bado hiyo sio "justification" ya kufanya wanahabari wengine wa Zanzibar na Tanganyika wawe si chochote mbele ya huyo mwandishi wako.
 

Gwalihenzi,

Kuna mengi na data nyingi sana niliziweka hapa katika kuona hizo dhulma na ufisadi. Na nialianzia na MoU ya kanisa na Serikali ya TZ ambayo Kila mwaka makanisa yenu yanapata Billioni 60 (sasa hivi yanapata Billioni 91) .

Toka 1992- 2011 ni miaka 19= 60,000,000,000 x 18 + 91,000,000,000= Trilioni 1.17 or Trilioni 1.2. Kutoka katika kodi za WATANZANIA.

Vile vile ni refer Bajeti ya Muungano Tz 2009/2010 na ile ya 2010/2011 kwenye jedwali la misamaha ya kodi kwa taasisi za kidini. Utapata mengi sana hapo uone Zaidi ya EPA .

Sasa ni vizuri wananchi wakajua hilo na dhulma nyingine zilizobainishwa kisha kuangalia nini cha kufanya. Siku zote ukijua ugonjwa basi ni rahisi sana kupata tiba yake.

Soma mnakasha vizuri kuna mengi utajifunza humo.
 
Barubaru, hao masheikh wa mkoa,wilaya,tarafa,kata,kijiji, kitongoji,mtaa,nyumba kumi huwa ni wakristo?
 
Gwalihenzi said:
You are very subjective,bado hiyo sio "justification" ya kufanya wanahabari wengine wa Zanzibar na Tanganyika wawe si chochote mbele ya huyo mwandishi wako.
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Kama hiyo sio justification kwako wewe, basi hebu tupe justification yako inayobainisha tofauti.
 
Mohamed Said said:

Sweke34,

Hapana sijaidharau JF.
Ila sipendi mdhani kuwa kuandika JF "umefika."

Hiyo "religious distribution" isikutaabishe.
Africa South of Sahara ni buku unaweza kulipata Mzumbe.

Mohamed
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Jibu la swali la ...kama waislam ni 60% , christians na wasiokuwa na dini ni asilimia ngapi? ...ni ...'Hiyo "religious distribution" isikutaabishe'
Scholar anaweza kuujibu mhadhara kwa staili hii na ukamwelewa?
MS, unasema hiyo distribution isinitaabishe....mbona wewe umekutaabisha kwenye 'papers' na umeitumia ku justify hoja fulani fulani?
Naomba unipe jibu kwa sababu hata wewe mwenyewe umeshawahi kushiriki kufanya sensa according to maandiko yako.
Angalia hapo chini nimetoa kipande kuhusu 'paper' yako 'Islamic Movement and Christian Hegemony- The rise of Islamic Militancy in Tanzania'.

 
Gwalihenzi said:
Barubaru, hao masheikh wa mkoa,wilaya,tarafa,kata,kijiji, kitongoji,mtaa,nyumba kumi huwa ni wakristo?
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Gwalihenzi,

Usikurupuke ndugu yangu. ni vizur unisome vizuri kwa nia ya kuelewa na sio kuchukua neno moja kisha kulikuza.

Nimebainisha hivi Bakwata ni taasisi ya Serikali iliyoundwa rasmi kwa ajili ya kudhibiti waislam. Na ndio maana mfumo wake wa Kiuongozi unafuata mfumo wa Serikali kama ilivyo polisi, magereza n.k. Na ndio nikakupa mifano husika.
na ndio maana wanaitwa masheikh wa Bakwata sio mashikh wa waislam

 

Sasa taasisi ipi inawakilisha sauti ya waislam wote Tanzania?
 

Sweke34,

Usishupalie jambo mimi nimekupa msimamo wangu kwa hizo takwimu mimi hazinishughulishi sana.
Hebu soma hapo chini fikra zangu kuhusu jambo hili:

"Bahati mbaya mgao wa madaraka katika siasaTanzania umewatupa nje Waislam, ingawa inafahamika kuwa usalama na utulivu wanchi yeyote unategemea mizani hii kuwa sawa. Vyanzo tofauti vya takwimu vinatoatakwimu tofauti zinazopingana kuhusu hesabu ya Waislam na Wakristo katikaTanzania. Hii inatokana na ukweli kuwa somo hili ni nyeti. Katika nchi zaKiafrika ambazo zina wafuasi wengi wa dini hizi mbili, kwa mfano Tanzania naNigeria,[1]uchunguzi wa kuwa ni dini gani ina wafuasi wengi kupita mwenzake ni chanzo chamgongano na mzozo. Tatizo hili lipo Tanzania. D.B. Barret [1]anasema kuwa Waislam Tanzania ni wachache wakilinganishwa na Wakristo. Takwimuzake zinaeleza kuwa Waislam ni 26%, Wakristo 45% na Wapagani ni 28%. Takwimu zaTanzania National Demographic Survey za mwaka wa 1973 zinaonyesha kuwa Waislamni wengi kidogo kupita Wakristo wakiwa 40%, Wakristo 38.9% na Wapagani 21.1%.Lakini takwimu za Africa South of the Sahara,[1] zinaonyesha Waislam niwengi Tanzania kwa 60%. Takwimu hizi zimebaki hivyo bila ya mabadiliko tokamwaka 1982. Kwa kuwa utafiti wa Waislam wenyewe katika suala hili ni mdogo sanaau haupo kabisa, suala la wingi wa Waislam katika Tanzania halijafanyiwautafiti na Waislam wenyewe."[1]
 
Barubaru, MS , najua wote hamna jibu katika hili. Kichekesho ni kwamba..hamuwezi ku achieve kitu chochote bila kwanza kuwa na 'UMOJA' wenu unaoelewaka. Kazi ya kuzunguka mikoani ingekuwa ni ya kuhamasisha kuvunja BAKWATA na kuunda taasisi moja inayowakilisha maslahi ya waislam wote na si kuupinga mfumo Kristo.

Kinachowasumbua ni 'njaa' ....na hata hapa Mohamed Said anatumia mgongo wa udini kufanya promotion ya kitabu chake.
 
Gwalihenzi said:
You are very subjective,bado hiyo sio "justification" ya kufanya wanahabari wengine wa Zanzibar na Tanganyika wawe si chochote mbele ya huyo mwandishi wako.
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Gwalihenzi,

Ali Nabwa pia mie ni mwandishi wangu.
Nisome hapa chini kisha ukiwa unaweza niletee mfano kama huo na wewe wa "mwandishi wako."

Mnapenda sana kutumia lugha zisizokuwa na ustaarabu. "Hii wako" nini maana yake?
Angalau basi mngekuwa na kibri na mna kitu cha kuonyesha:

Wednesday, February 21, 2007Obituary:The Weeping and Whipping Pen of Ali Mohamed Nabwa (1936 -2007) By Mohammed Said,

"There was never a dull moment with Nabwa. When I first came into contact withhim I knew him by one name only - Nabwa. I did not even know that that was nothis real name but a nick name. I came to know of his real name much later whenI came by chance to read his prison letters written from Ukonga Prison Dar esSalaam where he was remanded being accused as among those who had plotted theassassination of President Abeid Amani Karume. These letters are masterpiecesof literature not only in the style, language, satire, wit and the anecdotesbut in what the letters reveals of what actually took place in Ukonga Prisonwhere those arrested in Mainland were remanded. We will Insha Allah come tothose letters later.

I met Nabwa for that first time in mid 1970s in Dar es Salaam . At that time hewas staying at Narung’ombe junction with Sikukuu Street in Kariakoo. The houseNabwa used to leave was one of the landmarks of Kariakoo in more than onemeaning. The house, a two storey building was one of the few imposing buildingsby the standard of that time owned by an African. The house belonged to MzeeMrisho of Mwanza. This building hosted the famous Saigon Club – a hang out of‘watoto wa mjini,’ who is who of Dar es Salaam. Not that the club rented anypremise in the building, not at all. Members just met and relaxed in chairs inthe environs and shade of that building. Saigon was a meeting place of allsorts of upstarts as well as those who have made it, be it in politics,business and what have you. They met at Saigon Club to exchange notes, makedeals, relax, while away the time discussing issues of the day mainly footballpolitics or sit for a drink across the road at the local pub in those dayspopularly known as ‘store.’

In Mwalimu Nyerere’s Tanzania one needed a permit to purchase the essentials inlife – lactogen milk for a newly born baby, rice and cooking oil for a weddingor funeral, a car. If one has problems of documentation in clearing goods fromthe port due to bureaucracy and wants to beat the red tape all that could bearranged with ease at Saigon Club. The Club became popular and many young andnot so young were proud to be identified with the club. To be a member ofSaigon proved that you were someone about town because at Saigon one rubbedshoulders with the rich and famous though in humble surroundings of Kariakoo.It was in this kind of setting that I met Ali Nabwa.

Since the Club was adjacent to where he lived, Nabwa used to come out and joinus the lazy bones for a chat. It was during that period in the discussion I hadwith him that I noticed the massive intellectual ability in Nabwa. We wouldsometimes disengage ourselves from the crowd and the two of us would sit apartfrom the rest of the crowd to be engrossed in deep discussion about Zanzibar .In this way I came to be exposed first hand of the atrocities which took placein Zanzibar soon after the revolution in 1964. In me Nabwa found an ardentlistener and a wiling but interactive student. Nabwa’s narrations of thepersonalities in the Zanzibar Revolution and his analysis of complexity ofZanzibar politics became an eye opener to me.

One day Nabwa told me how Abdulaziz Twala met his death. I was stunned. I toldNabwa that Twala and Jaha Ubwa were friends of my father. In our sitting roomon the wall there was a photograph of my father and Twala posing together. Whenmy father got information that his friend Twala had been killed he removed thephoto from the wall and I never saw that photo again. And from that day forwhatever reason if he had to mention Twala or Jaha Ubwa even among his friendsmy father whispered. I was very young at that time to understand the fear whichthe atrocities in Zanzibar had instilled into many people including my fatherto the extent that he thought unwise even to retain whatever memories he had ofhis late friends and be scared stiff to even mention Twala’s name or that ofJaha Ubwa in public. The day Nabwa related to me the story of Kassim Hanga andthe barbaric way he was killed, he brought back memories of the man as I knewhim in 1960s. I told Nabwa that as a young boy of about 12 years of age I knewHanga from a distance because he used to come to the neighbourhood were welived to play ‘bao.’ At that time Hanga was minister in the Union Government. Ican’t even count the times I saw Hanga at Gogo junction with Mchikichi Streetsitting on a mat playing the traditional game of ‘bao’ with very common people.I told Nabwa I was there among the crowd at Mnazi Mmoja Grounds in front ofArnautoglo Hall when Hanga was taken from Ukonga Prison and brought to a publicrally in which Nyerere jeered, ridiculed and humbled him publicly. Hanga headbowed and his bespectacled face full of beard sat there in the scorching sunsilently wallowing in his humiliation. That was the last time Hanga was seen inpublic.

Nabwa became my mentor now filling the missing gaps for me. Probably unknown tohim, Nabwa was correcting the stereo type of Zanzibaris and Zanzibar which hadhitherto existed in my young innocent mind. I began to see Zanzibar , itspeople, history and the revolution in a different perspective. Nabwa’snarrations became more interesting to me because I was now placing the faces Iknew to the events and the sad endings which engulfed them. My palaver withNabwa soon became a two way street because when Nabwa took me through memorylane I will interject of what I knew about a personality or event howeverscanty that information was. What Nabwa did was to listen patiently and latercorrect my version.

The Zanzibaris I knew as young boy was that of my father’s friends and theirwives who came to visit our home mostly during ‘sports festivals’ in Easter Holidays.The Zanzibar I knew was that painted to me by my father – of parties and taaraband the singing of Bakari Abeid, of ‘Ikhwan Safaa’ of ‘koga mwaka’ and thelike. The Zanzibaris I came into contact with were my father’s friends, nicepeople who would ask me if say my prayers daily and whether I have finished myQur’anic orientation and things like that. Nabwa was painting a differentpicture of Zanzibar and the revolution. In this way I became Nabwa’s student ofthe robust and violent Zanzibar politics and for the time we were together Icame to like Nabwa and I have every reason to believe he liked me because thefriendship we striked lasted until when Nabwa passed away.

But strange never at any one time did he mention to me that he had just been releasedfrom prison. I only came to know about that many years later when I met JimBailey and he handed me a manuscript ‘Tanzania the Story of Julius Nyerere.’ Imet Jim Bailey in early 1990s. Jim Bailey was the proprietor and executiveeditor of ‘Drum’ a photo-journalistic magazine published in South Africa anddistributed in almost all English speaking African colonies. Drum was a verypopular magazine. Its popularity only waned after most of African countriesgained their independence and the new leadership in Africa seemed to beenjoying founding fault with the publication. Drum was banned in many Africancountries for various reasons, from publishing nude pictures (scanty dressedgirls) to not observing the right etiquettes when reporting ‘sensitive’ governmentmatters. I was introduced to Jim Bailey by Ally Sykes.

Jim Bailey had a manuscript and wanted someone to go through it and giverecommendations on the work. It was a book of collection of old photograph withcaptions and articles in between from Bailey’s African Photo Archives inJohannesburg . Bailey travelled from Johannesburg to Dar es Salaam to see AllySykes and show him the manuscript. Ally Sykes recommended me to Jim Bailey andit was in this way that I met him and he gave me the manuscript to read. It wasthrough this manuscript that I came for the first time face to face withNabwa’s pen through his Prison Letters. The letters introduced Nabwa’s mind tome in a way that I can not find words to describe. In those letters Nabwa’s penwas not writing but weeping and whipping. The words from Nabwa’s pen weretaking me to a different world which even in my wildest imagination I neverthought existed. The first letter written in 1973 from Central Police StationDar es Salaam shocked me. In that letter Nabwa described intimidation andtorture by the police in the style replica of the Ton Ton Macouts of Papa Doc’sHaiti .

That was not all among those arrested with him was Badru Said. This was aperson I knew, an uncle of a friend of mine. In Nabwa’s sense of humour in theletter he says it needs a Dickens to describe the squalor of the cell he wasin. The letters which followed were all from Condemned Section Ukonga Prisonwith the exception of one from Muhimbili Hospital where he was hospitalised. Iremember reading those letters I some times found myself laughing not becausethe paragraph was in any way amusing but for the mockery and absurdity of itall. But that alone would not have made me laugh. It was that cynicism bankingon satire which made me laugh at the tragic events unfolding instead of shadingtears. Nabwa’s pen ‘entertained’ me in a way that I had not experienced before.In his analysis of the personalities which people were made to believe weresymbols of justice and principles Nabwa’s pen removed the charade and thecamouflage to reveal their true colours and identity. Nabwa’s letters were apotpourri of short biographies, dossiers, profiles, hit list of ‘enemies’ andmethod of their execution. In the Prison Letters Nabwa’s pen exposed theatrocities which took place in Zanzibar after the revolution and analysed thearrogance, mediocrity and sheer myopia of the leadership.

Bailey had this to write on the letters:

When I came by the letters of Ali Mohamed Ali – a Comorian islander, formerlymanager of the Dar es Salaam branch of the East African Publishing House –written from Ukonga Gaol in Dar es Salaam , describing gaol conditions, theyturned my stomach. I checked them against the story of a totally independentformer prisoner in Ukonga. They tallied. I checked them against the record of aformer Ugandan prisoner. They tallied. I discussed them with a former seniormember of Tanu in Dar es Salaam . He confirmed that those were the conditions.I did not publish them since it would have put paid to any chance of publishingagain in Tanzania .

After finishing reading the manuscript I wanted to meet Nabwa and give him hisletters as I knew he would not have copies and he would love to have them back.At that time he was Personal Assistant to the Vice President Dr Omar Ali Juma.I was able to get Nabwa’s telephone number through an acquaintance at MasomoBookshop in Zanzibar and I called him. If Dar es Salaam has Saigon Club,Zanzibar can boast of Masomo Bookshop at Mkunazini. One can fix anything fromthere.

I travelled to Zanzibar and I met Nabwa. About ten years had passed since wesaw each other. Nabwa was happy to see me and was beside himself when Ipresented the envelope full of photocopies of his prison letters. He wanted toknow how I came by them. Typical of him Nabwa began asking me if I couldrecognise the personalities behind he initials and innuendos he had used in theletters instead of real names. I told him some I could. Nabwa revealed to methe true identities of the characters. Some of them were people personallyknown to me.

Now looking back I am happy that I was among those privileged to read Nabwa’srevelations of injustices in Zanzibar before he became a celebrity of sorts andhis writings major topic of discussion in the corridors of power. Theatrocities which no one had the courage to speak about them publicly for almostforty years were laid bare for all to read through Dira the paper which Nabwafounded in 2004. Dira was the first free newspaper in Zanzibar since therevolution. The ripples from Nabwa’s pen were electrifying. Dira became a papereagerly awaited by the public including Zanzibar leadership each week. Itscirculation rose each passing week. Nabwa’s pen was lifting the lid in broaddaylight. The stories of treachery, rape, murder, homosexuality, forcedmarriages by members of the Revolutionary Council and their cronies in Zanzibarwere all there with names, places and accomplices for all to read and passjudgement. Those who had demonised the Sultan had no tongue to defend their own‘upright’ track record. The young generation began to ask questions and in theanswers they saw the leadership in power and the revolution in a differentlight all together.

Nabwa’s pen helped the young generation to understand why those in powerabhorred democracy and were constantly haunted by the ballot box. They now knewwhy the leadership in the government shivered at the prospect of losing power.The young generation now realised why the leadership would go to any length tocling to power even to the extent of committing more atrocities just to remainin power through massive vote rigging. What more the young generation realisedwhy those in power were trying to build a dynasty. The government did not havethe courage or the strength of character to contradict Nabwa’s pen. The onlyway out for the ruling clique was to harass Nabwa, revoke his citizenship andmuzzle him by banning Dira. But government’s revenge upon Nabwa had come toolate as to some extent Nabwa’s pen had completed its mission. The last time Isaw Nabwa was at his Dira office at Vuga. I had gone there to congratulate himfor the work he was doing through the paper. I called him when Dira was bannedand his citizenship revoked. I had a pressing matter which I wanted to discusswith him. I asked him if we could meet in Dar es Salaam . He told me that if heleaves the isles, Zanzibar Government will not let him in again. That wasNabwa. Much as he was haunted through intrigues Nabwa was not a person to be cowed.He challenged those in power to take him one on one. The authorities did nothave the stomach for that."

Mohamed







 
Duh.. wewe kweli ni Scholar wa ajabu na unastahili tuzo ya aina yake. Kwa hiyo mambo yote ya 87% christians na 17% muslims yanabid yasitushughulishe humu JF lakini ukienda mikoani ,nje ya nchi au diamond jubilee yanakuwa issue kubwa!
Nadhani imefika wakati MODs waufunge huu uzi ...imetosha..maana unafanya mzaha tu sasa!
Kilichobaki ni kuuweka sawa huu uchafu sehemu zote ulizopita na utakazokwenda in future.
Wadau, kwa pamoja naomba tuwaombe MODs waufunge huu uzi.
 

Kuufunga uzi sio solution.

Kwani ndani ya gazeti la Mwananchi la huko Tanzania upo, Kuna machapisho mbalimbali ya vitabu vyake na paper zake.

Sasa labda uzuie na hilo gazeti na hivyo vitabu visiuzwe kisha paper zake mbalimbali. Lakini naamini wazi mpaka wewe kufukia kusema hivyo basi kuna athari umeipata ndio iliyokuongoza.

Pamoja na kukupa pole lakini nasimama na kusema kuwa ukweli unasimama na uongo unajitenga. Kama unao ubavu andika kitabu nawe tutakusaidia kukisoma.
 

Kama umechoka kujadiliana na hupendi kinachozungumzwa kapumzike ndugu. Takwimu za nchi hii tangu zamani zinaonyesha waislamu ni majority. Na tangu wakati huo ulipogundulika hivyo Nyerere alipiga marufuku takwimu za dini. Kama hujazipenda hizo takwimu peleka malalamiko yako South Africa watakusaidia kukujibu kwanini hawabadilishi figure zao hadi leo. Na usiishie South African tu nenda na CIA ukaawambie wabadilishe vile vile figures zao.

Naona mapovu yanakutoka maskini mpaka unalazimishe uzi ufungwe mie naomba uzi uendelee kwani kuna mengi wengine tunajifunza na kusoma. MOD tunaomba uzi uendelee kwani kuna wazee wetu wengi tulikuwa hatuwajui wamefanya nini katika nchi hii tunawasoma kwa wenye kuwajua. MOD uache uzi kama ulivyo uendeleee asiyetaka asichangie.
 
Barubaru said:
WC,

ndio maana yya utafiti huwezi tafiti kila kitu.

Click to expand...
Sasa kama unajua kuwa mtafiti hawezi kufanya utafiti wa kila kitu kwenye jambo analolitafiti, sasa kwa nini mnapiga kelele kwa wazee wa Gerezani kusahauliwa, wakati na nyie watoto wa Gerezani mmewasahau wazee wa Nyamagana waliopigania Uhuru ambao nao Historia "Rasmi' iliwasahau?
 
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