Section 3 Respect for Political Rights:
The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government
The constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in elections on the mainland and in Zanzibar.
Elections and Political Participation
Separate elections are held for the union and for Zanzibar, ordinarily on the same day, in which citizens of the two parts of the union elect local officials, members of the national parliament, and a union (national) president. In addition Zanzibaris separately elect a president of Zanzibar and members of the Zanzibar House of Representatives. District and regional leaders in Zanzibar and on the mainland are appointed by their respective presidents.
During the year the National Electoral Commissioner created seven new constituencies, bringing the total to 246 constituent seats.
Tanzania held its fourth multiparty general elections on October 31 in which voters elected new presidents (both union and
Zanzibari) and legislative representatives. President Kikwete, the incumbent ruling party candidate, was reelected with 61.7 percent of the vote, a smaller margin than the 80 percent he received in 2005. The union and Zanzibar elections were judged to be largely free and fair. However, the CCM benefited from vastly superior financial and institutional resources.
The national elections were generally peaceful, but there were several protests associated with the slow pace of reporting election results, primarily in Arusha, Moshi, Mwanza, Kigoma, and Dar es Salaam. The opposition party, Chadema, registered concern about the accuracy of the count and made allegations of interference with the tabulation process, but failed to present proof of
significant malfeasance. Despite attending the opening session of parliament, Chadema parliamentarians walked out before President Kikwete's inaugural address and stated they would not recognize his presidency. However, the party subsequently accepted Kikwete as the "lawful" president but continued to call the election results "illegitimate."
In Zanzibar, where past elections were marked by violence and widespread irregularities, the October elections proceeded peacefully after the ruling CCM party and the opposition CUF reached a power-sharing agreement. In a July 31 referendum,
Zanzibaris voted to amend the constitution to allow for a CCM and CUF unity government. Ali Mohamed Shein, the immediate past union vice president, was elected president of Zanzibar with 50.1 percent of the vote. Shein selected CUF's Seif Sharif Hamad as first vice president and Seif Ali, former union deputy foreign minister, as second vice president.
The passage of the July 31 referendum set the stage for peaceful general elections on October 31 in Zanzibar. The power-sharing agreement eliminated the winner-take-all system, giving the losing side one of two vice-president slots and ministerial positions in proportion to the seats it holds in the House of Representatives.
The Zanzibar government registered eligible voters from late June 2009 through May. Although in August 2009 the Zanzibar government militia reportedly arrested and beat several CUF supporters and dispersed crowds around registration centers, the registration process proceeded peacefully in 2010.
On the mainland government harassment of opposition political parties diminished after the 2005 elections. However, as parties prepared for the October elections, opposition parties alleged that the ruling party tried to hamper their campaign initiatives. Chadema charged that the government interfered with its campaign when TBC1, a government-owned media outlet, disconnected the live coverage of its campaign launch on August 28. Opposition parliamentary candidates alleged they were required to stop
their campaigns before six p.m. daily for security reasons, but officials allowed CCM campaigns to continue until eight p.m.
In 2009 there were three union parliamentary by-elections and one for the Zanzibar House of Representatives. Unidentified individuals reportedly attacked opposition party members in the mainland constituencies of Busanda and Biharamulo during the
campaigns preceding the by-elections. The ruling CCM party made similar complaints regarding attacks by opposition supporters. In addition, opposition parties complained of voting irregularities in Biharamulo but did not file a legal challenge.
In April all charges were dismissed due to insufficient evidence against the seven CUF officials who were arrested in September 2009 after a rally and charged with unlawful assembly (see section 2.b.).
Individuals and parties could freely declare their candidacy and stand for election. The law requires that persons running for office must represent a registered political party. Following a two-decade effort to challenge this provision, on June 17, the Court of Appeal ruled that only parliament had the authority to amend the constitution to allow independent candidates to run for office.
In 2009 opposition party members in Zanzibar, particularly on Pemba, claimed that the government, the largest employer, discriminated against them in hiring. During the year, however, it was reported that discriminatory practices had gradually decreased.
Political parties are required by law to support the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar; parties based on ethnic, regional, or religious affiliation are prohibited. Unregistered parties and independent candidates are prohibited from participating in elections. In general political parties could operate without restriction or outside interference, although there were occasional restrictions on the parties' right to call for a demonstration.
The registrar of political parties has sole authority to approve registration of any political party and is responsible for enforcing regulations on registered parties. Parties granted provisional registration may hold public meetings and recruit members. To secure full registration and be eligible to field candidates for election, parties must submit lists of at least 200 members in 10 of the country's 26 regions, including two of the five regions of Zanzibar, within six months.
During the year three new political parties were granted temporary status. However, the registrar of political parties deregistered one of them, Chama cha Jamii (CCJ), for failing to meet the requirements for full registration.
In August opposition parties on the mainland complained the government did not give them enough time to return their registration
forms for parliamentary and local government councilor elections. In response the registrar of political parties extended the submission deadline by 10 days.
The election law provides for parliamentarians completing a term to receive 40 million TZS ($27,000) as a "gratuity," which incumbents can use in reelection campaigns. Several NGOs and opposition parties criticized this provision for disadvantaging opposition party candidates in mounting an effective challenge.
On February 11, parliament enacted the Election Expenses Act to regulate funding, curb illegal practices, and promote accountability among candidates during the nomination campaign and election cycle.
On July 26, the National Electoral Commission distributed to political parties an Electoral Code of Conduct that was drafted in consultation with and signed by the political parties. Failure to sign the code precludes a party from fielding candidates. The code bars public servants from interfering with election procedures and political parties and their followers from engaging in violent
behavior, carrying weapons, and using foul language. Candidates are permitted only to criticize opponents on policy issues. Candidates violating any section of the code are liable to fines of TZS 50,000 ($34), TZS 100,000 ($68) and TZS 200,000 ($136) for civic, parliamentary, and presidential aspirants, respectively. Zanzibar CCM and CUF also signed a code of conduct, as did the media operating in the isles.
The unicameral union parliament has up to 357 members, including the attorney general, the speaker, five members elected from and by the Zanzibar House of Representatives, 102 special women's seats apportioned among the political parties based on their election results, 239 constituent seats (including 50 from Zanzibar), and up to 10 members nominated by the president.
Political parties appoint women to serve in seats set aside for them according to the percentage of votes their parties win. After the October elections, there were 102 special seats for women, and at year's end there were 119 women in the 357-seat parliament. After taking office, President Kikwete appointed eight women ministers (compared with four in the former administration) and three women deputy ministers. There were two members of parliament of Asian origin in parliament. There were no ministers of Asian origin.
In the October 31 elections, the CCM retained its absolute majority in parliament, with nearly 80 percent of the seats. With a total of 47 seats, 24 elected and 23 "special seats" for women, Chadema displaced CUF as the official opposition and selected its chairman, Freeman Mbowe, as opposition leader. The new parliament selected Anne Makinda as the country's first female speaker of parliament.
Twenty five of the 62 high court judges and five of the 16 Court of Appeal judges were women.
The Zanzibar House of Representatives has 50 elected seats, 20 women's special seats, and eight appointed at-large seats. Two of the eight appointed seats were held by women. There are two women ministers and four deputy ministers. There were three persons with disabilities in the Zanzibar House of Representatives.
Section 4 Official Corruption and Government Transparency
The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the government did not implement the law effectively, and some officials engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. The World Bank's Governance Indicators in 2008 reflected that corruption was a serious problem.
On February 11, the parliament passed the Election Expenses Bill, which came into force on March 17. The new law, which is designed to curb the misuse of campaign funds during elections, contains a list of prohibited activities that may disqualify a candidate from participating in an election. For example, candidates are prohibited from bribing individuals with money, employment, or other
valuables to induce them to vote or refrain from voting in a particular manner. During the year the Tanzanian Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB) opened investigations into and began court proceedings against a number of ruling party candidates suspected of bribing voters. There were 10 cases pending in court at year's end.
The government continued to use specialized agencies to fight corruption, but their effectiveness was limited. A three-person unit within the President's Office, headed by a minister of state for good governance, was charged with coordinating anticorruption efforts and collecting information from all the ministries for publication in quarterly reports. During the year the unit drafted the National Anti-Corruption Strategy and Action Plan.
There was little accountability in most government entities; senior government officials estimated that 20 percent of the government's budget in each fiscal year was lost to corruption, including theft and fraud, fake purchasing transactions, and "ghost workers."
During the year Director General of the National Identification Authority Dickson Mwaimu told parliamentarians that the government was losing billions of shillings annually through fraudulent salary payments. According to Mwaimu, the government lost
TZS 26.6 billion ($18 million) in salaries to ghost workers in seven institutions in the past three years.
On April 19, the Controller and Auditor General's office released a report stating that, despite general improvement in the management of government funds, there were still major weaknesses in internal controls and noncompliance with laws and regulations, particularly in the area of public procurement.
The PCCB is responsible for investigating suspected corruption cases and prosecuting offenders in coordination with the DPP and educating the public about corruption. The PCCB has 24 regional offices and an office in every District on the mainland. In the first
six months of the year, the PCCB received 2,896 allegations of corruption, investigated 413 cases, brought 104 new cases to court, and prosecuted 506 cases in which there were 21 convictions. There were 30 ongoing grand corruption cases at year's end.
According to the PCCB, most corruption investigations concerned government involvement in mining, land matters, energy, and investments. NGOs also reported that allegations of corruption involved the Tanzania Revenue Authority, local government officials, the police, licensing authorities, hospital workers, and the media.
The PCCB's mandate does not extend to Zanzibar, and a special unit of the police force in Zanzibar is responsible for corruption cases. However, according to police, there were no investigations as no complaints were received during the year. The Zanzibar Legal Services Center indicated that it received complaints during the year about corruption associated with land disputes involving government officials.
Judicial and police corruption were problems.
During the year the court rejected the appeal of Jamila Nzota, a magistrate in the Temeke District Court, who was convicted of soliciting a bribe in May 2009.
On July 30, in Dar es Salaam, the PCCB interrogated three high-profile government officials after receiving complaints that they were involved in acts of corruption. The government officials included Member of Parliament for Kinondoni Idd Azzan, Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism Shamsa Mwangunga, and Tanzania Communication Regulatory Authority Consumer Consultative Council chairperson Hawa Ng'umbi. Investigations continued at year's end.
On August 11, the PCCB charged Joseph James Mungai, a member of parliament and former cabinet minister, with corruption. Mungai was alleged to have given gifts valued between TZS 2,000 ($1.35) to TZS 20,000 ($14) to 15 CCM officials. The case was pending at year's end.
Although a number of high-profile corruption cases were ongoing and one was concluded, the government continued to be criticized for slow progress on these grand corruption cases.
On May 24, Amatus Liyumba, the former Central Bank director of personnel and administration, was sentenced to two years in prison for abuse of office in connection with the construction of the Bank of Tanzania (BOT) building. Liyumba appealed the decision. The court dismissed his appeal and ordered him to serve his sentence.
In May the resident magistrate of Ilala District Court acquitted BOT Legal Secretary Bosco Ndimbo Kimela after the DPP dropped charges against him. In September 2009 Kinemela, along with three BOT employees, was charged with embezzling TZS 104 billion ($70 million) by manipulating contract prices and printing requests for currency procurement. The remaining three defendants continued to face charges, and the cases were pending at year's end.
On September 13, the Kisutu Resident Magistrate Court adjourned a corruption case facing Costa Rick Mahalu, former ambassador to Italy, and Counsellor Grace Martin. The two were charged with causing the government a loss of two million euros ($2.68 million) during the purchase of an embassy building in Italy. The case was pending at year's end.
The case against more than 20 individuals accused in 2008 of obtaining funds fraudulently from the BOT's external payment account continued at year's end.
In July the 2008 cases against two former ministers of finance and the former permanent secretary in the Ministry of Finance came before the court and continued at year's end.
Government ministers and members of parliament, as well as other public servants, are required to disclose their assets after being sworn into office, at the end of each year, and upon leaving office; however, there was no enforcement mechanism or means to determine the accuracy of these disclosures. At year's end only 33 percent of politicians, 57 percent of public servants, and 27
percent of local leaders (councilors) required to make disclosures had met the deadline.
There is no law providing for public access to government information, and such access remained limited. Government officials routinely refused to make information available. Civil service regulations effectively allow only a handful of high-level government representatives to communicate information to the media.
In September the Policy Forum, a local NGO, introduced a simplified version of the government budget to increase accessibility as well as knowledge of government spending among citizens.
Section 5 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials generally were cooperative and responsive to their views. On the mainland more than 5,000 NGOs were registered and entered into the database maintained by a government-appointed
NGO coordination unit within the vice president's office. The registration process was slow, taking two to five years. International NGOs may operate both on the mainland and Zanzibar. However, NGOs in Zanzibar must apply through the local government for approval, and all religious NGOs must seek approval from the Office of the Mufti, the Muslim religious authority.
Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports that the government of Zanzibar fined, suspended, and removed NGOs that criticized it.
CHRAGG, which was financed by the government, operated without government interference on the mainland and in Zanzibar. Due to budgetary constraints, CHRAGG conducted less outreach than in previous years and consequently received fewer complaints. As of June 30, CHRAGG had received 772 complaints, of which 706 involved issues of good governance and 66
involved human rights abuses. In Zanzibar it received 384 complaints, of which 197 were processed to completion between January and June.
On April 12, a representative from Oxfam and two colleagues from the Ngorongoro NGO Network were arrested and detained by authorities in Loliondo who alleged they were responsible for assisting women from 12 villages in Loliondo, Ngorongoro District, to demonstrate against their 2009 eviction from the Loliondo Game Controlled Area (see section 6).
The union parliamentary committee for constitutional, legal, and public administration is responsible for reporting and making recommendations regarding human rights. Although the majority of committee members were from the ruling CCM party, the committee acted independently of government and political party influence, and most observers viewed it as an unbiased institution. The committee worked closely and cooperated well with CHRAGG.
The government continued to host the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha and was supportive of, and cooperated with, the international court. By year's end there were 21 detainees on trial, two awaiting trial, and nine cases pending appeal. Jean Bosco Uwinkindi, one of 11 remaining fugitives, was arrested in Kampala, Uganda, and transferred to the ICTR
during the year. He is one of the two detainees awaiting trial. During the year the ICRC visited prisoners at the ICTR in Arusha.
In September and October 2009, respectively, Gregoire Ndahimana and Idelphonse Nizeyimana were transferred to the ICTR. Ndahimana's trial began in September 2010 and continued at year's end. Nizeyimana was awaiting trial at year's end. The trial of Augustin Ngirabatware, former minister of planning, which began in September 2009, continued at year's end.
On December 22, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1966, authorizing the creation of a "residual mechanism" for the
ICTR to be located in Arusha. This mechanism will continue the activities of the court on a reduced scale following the closure of the tribunal in June 2012.
Section 6 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons.