Kwa la Bandari, Pongezi TLS. Katiba yetu imenajisiwa. Bunge limetunga Sheria batili. Haki za Watanzania zimeporwa. Kwanini TLS wamenyamaza kimya?

[MKANDAHARI]

R.I.P Magufuli ulitufumbua macho kuhusu utajiri wa taifa letu.

Kenge kweli kweli

 

[Kijungu Moto]

Nawe pia ulichukua hatua gani?

 

[ChoiceVariable]

 

[Hedgehog2]

Paskali kuwa na msimamo ,hueleweki unataka nini.

Yaani nilitaka nimpejibu kama hili, lakin nae nazan kunamna kaelewa ni aina ipi ya msimamo anaotakiwa awe nao.

 

[Hedgehog2]

Mimi ni mtu wa maslahi ya taifa mbele
Kwenye hili la Bandari, msimamo wangu ni very open, kuna vitu sisi Watanzania hatuwezi, lazima tusaidiwe!. Watanzania tujifunze kukubali kuna vitu hatuwezi, tunaposhindwa tukubali kusaidiwa au tukomae? Baada ya Bandari ni ATCL na SGR au Tusubirie?

Ila katika kusaidiwa lazima tusaidiwe kwa haki na wote tufaidike na sio kusaidiwa kwa janja janja, hili pia nimeliweka wazi Japo Bunge Limeridhia, DPW Kuendesha Bandari Zetu, ni Makubaliano Tu, Tukithibisha Kuna Matatizo, Tunarekebisha Mkataba wa HGA, Kazi Nzuri Iendelee!

P

Sijui kama kunamtu atakuelewa........ anyway una uhuru wa kuwa na maoni.

 

[ankai]

Palenga ntane kale nabo

 

[goleticia]

Inakuwaje Bunge tukufu chini ya mwalimu wa sheria linatunga sheria batili??

Tatizo la bunge letu ni la kimfumo, tofauti na mabunge ya nchi kama Uingereza au Marekani ambayo yanafanya kazi ya 'kutunga' sheria, bunge letu 'linapitisha' sheria.

Kila kitu kinafanywa na serikali, sheria zote zinaandikwa na serikali na kupelekwa bungeni 'kupitishwa'.

Hata wakijaa ma profesa watupu, as long as mwenyekiti wa CCM anatarajia bunge 'lipitishe' sheria na maazimio ya kuisifu serikali kwa maslahi ya chama chao, basi madudu haya hayawezi kuisha.

Tanzania nchi ya hovyo sana watawala hawaheshimu katiba ya Nchi hata kidogo ndo maana hawataki katukatu kusikia neno Katiba Mpya hasa ya maoni ya wananchi ya Warioba.

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Kwenye hili hata sisi wananchi tuna matatizo kaka Paskali. Mfano mdogo, tu, ULIYOAMBIWA WAKATI UMEITWA BUNGENI HUJAWAHI KUYASEMA..!! Why?

Kwanza nakubaliana na wewe, sisi wananchi wa Tanzania pia tuna matatizo!,

Ile quasi judicial inquiry ya Bunge, proceedings zake are held in camera, hivyo kama aliyekuita kukuhoji, amenyamaza kimya bila kutoa matokeo, na wewe muhojiwa unanyamaza kimya, unafunga mdomo wako!.
P

 

[Ngalikihinja]

Kwanza nakubaliana na wewe, sisi wananchi wa Tanzania pia tuna matatizo!,

Ile quasi judicial inquiry ya Bunge, proceedings zake are held in camera, hivyo kama aliyekuita kukuhoji, amenyamaza kimya bila kutoa matokeo, na wewe muhojiwa unanyamaza kimya, unafunga mdomo wako!.
P

Nani mwenye jukumu la kusema yaliyojili? Kulikuwa na any written iliyosema kwamba ukitoka huku, funga mdomo milele? Ikitokea mtu anakuhoji yaliyotokea kule ndani, utakataa kusema kisa aliyekuhoji kakaa kimya?

 

[bagamoyo]

Wenye maono ya miaka mingi mbele Dubai DP World wameona mbali sana kuliko bunge la chama kimoja leo Dodoma Tanzania Juni 10, 2023

DP WORLD wamemaliza dili matumizi ya bandari, gati na reli bure

HISTORIA INAJIRUDIA TENA TANGANYIKA 2023 BADALA YA DAR ES SALAAM NA KIGOMA SASA ITAKUWA KIGALI

The Kigoma Protocol on 5 August 1924 : Goods to and from the Belgian colonies in Central Africa could pass tax-free via the railway. The Belgian government entrusted the operation to a private company, the Belgian East African Agency, which later became the International Maritime Agency (AMI)...READ MORE: Source : Belbases - Une page oubliée du colonialisme Belge en Afrique

The German colonial government in Tanganyika East Africa decided to connect Dar es Salaam with Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, and hence with eastern Congo. The railway
reached Kigoma on 1 February 1914. On Tuesday, 30 June 1914, the line was handed over from the construction company to the railway company.

2
On the previous Sunday,
the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne had been shot in Sarajevo. The subsequent whims of history would inhibit the Germans from using their brand-new railway for what it was meant for: transporting riches from Congo to the Indian Ocean.

3
The First World War was soon exported to the European colonies in Africa. From the
Belgian Congo, which had become a Belgian colony less than six years before the war started, troops under Belgian command invaded German East Africa (Tanganyika) in 1916 and the
town of Kigoma fell in Belgian hands on 28 July of that year (1916). What is now known as the Kigoma urban area has been the main hub connecting the lands and people around Lake Tanganyika with the Indian Ocean and the world economy since around the mid-nineteenth century. First centred in the historical town of Ujiji and linked to Bagamoyo via the central caravan route,

4
later centred in the Bay of Kigoma and linked with Dar es Salaam via the central railway line, the Kigoma urban area as a whole remained the infra-
structural pivot for traffic to and from East-Central Africa until this day.

This role as hub for the region explains why the Germans chose this place as railhead for their iron road to the riches of the Congo. However, this regional and historical importance does not mean that the global commercial and strategic importance of the region continued unabatedly.

Long-distance trade activities had seen ups and downs in the nineteenth century and the same is true for the period under scrutiny in this paper. A new boom in the economic and commercial domain was short-lived but nevertheless undeniable for almost a decade that lasted from the mid-1920s until the Great Depression. By then, however, Kigoma was no longer under Belgian control, but, remarkably, its port still was.

In 1921 the Belgians handed over the area under military occupation, including the town of Kigoma, to the British, but they were granted privileges and a concession in Kigoma’s port. This was part of the deal to have the Belgians evacuate the territory they had occu-
pied during the war. This deal, further including a Belgian port in Dar es Salaam on the Indian Ocean shores and a privileged use of the central railway, gave the Belgian Congo and the new Belgian mandate territories of Ruanda-Urundi an all-Belgian outlet to the
Indian Ocean.

Legally, this Anglo-Belgian agreement is quite straightforward; granting
the Belgians some privileges and concessions on the Tanganyika Territory, which had be-come a British mandate territory in the aftermath of the war.

However, the implementa-
tion on the ground opened a window of opportunities for all parties involved. This led to a short-lived boom of the Kigoma-Dar es Salaam connection in the late 1920s and early 1930s. One could expect Kigoma to be the minor one of the two ports, funnelling goods to and from the proper Indian Ocean port at Dar es Salaam, but in fact it was the other way around with Kigoma being the place where the formalities, transactions, logistics,
shipping, and handling were primarily taken care of, hence being the actual command centre of the Belgian bases (also referred to as Belbases).

In this paper, the focus is on the heydays of Kigoma’s role as an inland Indian Ocean port in the 1920s and early 1930s. The success was made possible by both stretching and not
insisting too much on the legal rights of the Belgians in the port of Kigoma, which de
facto meant that on the one hand all port activities took place in the Belgian-run port,
and on the other hand the Belgians did not make use of prerogatives which would have required a distinction between Belgian and British port activities.

Thus, not only could the agreement as such be seen as an exception to a territorial order in the narrow sense, but also locally, within the port of Kigoma, the spatial organization and the operation of the port was kept ambivalent.

Kigoma’s long tradition of connecting worlds, its infrastructural connectivity, and the institutional peculiarities of the “Belgian” port, which is at the heart of this article, make the town a fine example of what Matthias Middell and Katja Naumann described as
portals of globalization, namely “places that have been centres of world trade or global communication, have served as entrance points for cultural transfer, and where institutions and practices for dealing with global connectedness have been developed.”

5
Thispaper in particular focuses on the institutional and informal construction of the lake port of Kigoma as a Belgian Indian Ocean port on British territory. The story starts with the Belgian occupation during and immediately after the First World War, followed by
privileged presence guaranteed by a British-Belgian treaty, and reaching a decisive turning point in the early 1930s. Primarily highlighting the interwar period, I reveal how
territorial ambiguity and improvised pragmatism defied the lines of sovereignty and territoriality in the colonial period, both on the local and the international level.

As such, this paper can be seen as an exercise in colonial history after the spatial turn.

First World War: Settling European Scores (1914–1921)
During the First World War, troops under Belgian command conquered parts of German East Africa as far east as Morogoro, less than 200 km from the Indian Ocean coast.

However, only in the westernmost part of the colony, including Kigoma and its port, did they install an occupation government, leaving the rest of the territory to the British.

6
By the end of the war, though, it became clear that the Belgians would not be allowed to maintain their control in the area. As a matter of fact, the northwestern part of the
former German East Africa (Tanganyika) had never been Belgium’s first priority; they had hoped to use
these territories as diplomatic currency in order to obtain land close to the mouth of the Congo or to loosen the free trade obligations placed on the Belgian Congo.

7
In the end, however, the Paris Peace Conference would result in Belgium getting the mandate over Rwanda and Burundi, as well as a perpetual lease, for one Belgian franc per year, of the port sites in Dar es Salaam and Kigoma, allowing Belgian transit to and from the Belgian
Congo, Rwanda, and Burundi, free of dues, fees, deposits, or guarantees of any description.

In one way or another, the port of Kigoma would stay under Belgian management
for almost 80 years, despite British rule and Tanzanian independence.

8
The extraterritorial Belgian privileges in the British mandate territory of Tanganyika that was about to be founded were the result of an often neglected chapter of the 1919 Paris peace negotiations, which dealt with the parts of German East Africa (Tanganyika) the Belgian-led troops had conquered and still occupied at the time.

The Belgian-Congolese troops had already given up Tabora but still occupied the western part of the former German East Africa, from Karema in the south to the Ugandan border in the north, including 250 km of the railway, and still having access to Lake Victoria.

Against this background, the
Belgian and British negotiators, Pierre Orts and Lord Alfred Milner, started their negotiations. They both had a strictly territorial agenda.

The outcome of their negotiations also fitted nicely within the legal framework of imperial territoriality. The British got
the whole of Lake Victoria and almost all of Lake Tanganyika’s eastern shore, including the railhead at Kigoma. Belgium got the mandate over Rwanda and Burundi, two semi - autonomous districts in the northwest of the former colony.

9
Territorially the Belgians
got just over five per cent of German East Africa’s (Tanganyika) total surface, but demographically this
represented over 40 per cent of the population.

10
Up until this point, Orts and Milner practised business as usual, carving up the colonial cake amongst European colonizers,
thereby respecting the power relations between them. The devil, however, is in the details. The compromise Orts and Milner struck about Kigoma and Belgian access to the Indian Ocean met both the territorial strategic desires
of the British and the economic strategic desires of the Belgians. Roughly speaking, the Belgians relinquished the land, but could do what they wanted on from then on British territory.

This led to a port of Kigoma – as well as a section of the port of Dar es Salaam Tanganyika that was nominally British but Belgian in its operations. The outcome was an extraterritorial Belgian Indian Ocean port more than 1000 km from that ocean.

11
The Orts-Milner Agreement was an agreement of principle, which was signed on 30 May 1919 and accepted by the Paris Peace Conference. The most important part of the
agreement was undoubtedly the Belgian mandate over Ruanda-Urundi, which became part of the 1923 mandate agreements of the League of Nations.

In the context of this research, however, we are more interested in the deal on Belgian traffic through East Africa, including concessions in Kigoma and Dar es Salaam.

This part of the agreement
was turned into the Convention between Great Britain and Belgium with a View to Facilitate Belgian Traffic through the Territories of East Africa on 15 March 1921.

12
The convention consists of a preamble and 12 articles. In the preamble, the contract-
ing parties declare that the convention, which gives effect to the agreement of principle mentioned above, is an outcome of the joint efforts in Africa during the First World War and is meant to give access to the sea to portions of the Belgian Congo as well as to the
mandate territories of Ruanda-Urundi.

The central article of the convention was Article 2, which specified the underlying principle of freedom of transit to and from the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi across
East Africa. Additionally, it stated that there shall be no distinction with how British
persons, mail, goods, ships, railway carriages, and trucks were to be treated. Traffic to and from the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi was exempt from all customs duty or other similar duties, except for a charge of 25 cents per parcel.

However, if the transit
passed through the Belgian concession ports of Kigoma and Dar es Salaam, even this 25 cents charge was not due. Article 5 stipulated the perpetual lease of suitable sites in the ports of Kigoma and Dar es Salaam for an annual rent of 1 Belgian franc.

Apart from compliance with British law and order, the Belgians were free to do as they consider suitable within the limits of these sites, and had the right to entrust the workings of the sites to concessionaires for dura-
tions of up to 25 years (Article 6).

Article 9 freed the Belgian sites from any interference from the British customs authorities for goods in transit to or from the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi. Moreover, Belgian-sealed trucks or wagons on the Kigoma–Dar es Salaam railway were also exempt
from all British customs formalities (Article 10).

This meant that the Belgians could act independently from British interference as far as transit to and from Belgian colonial
territories through the concession sites and using the central railway was concerned. The British merely had the right to be present at all times.

The convention was signed in London on 15 March 1921. One week later, the Belgians
ended their occupation that had lasted for five years, and handed over the District of
Kigoma to the governor of Tanganyika.

14
Upon return from Kigoma, the governor-general of the Belgian Congo wrote to the minister of colonies: “Les Anglais se rendent compte que Kigoma n’a d’intérêt que pour nous” (The English are aware that Kigoma is only of interest to us).

15 What he omitted, though, is that the Belgian interest in Kigoma was also limited only to the port and railway.
Territorial Ambivalence and Improvised Globalization
in the Golden Decade of the Belgian Bases Pierre Ryckmans, who would become the most influential governor-general and chief
ideologist of Belgian colonialism in the decades to come,16 stayed in Kigoma in 1918.

Congolese troops returned from the military operation of Mahenge Morogoro Tanganyika with meningitis,
which led to a forced quarantine during which Ryckmans kept himself busy with investigations into the history of the region under German occupation. His focus was on Burundi, not on Kigoma.

17
Kigoma was a suitable place from where to look into areas of interest, but did not attract much attention itself. Similarly, it would become a pivotal place through which to connect areas of interest, but was not seen as a place of interest for its own sake or put otherwise, its interest lay in its capacity to connect and dispatch, and it is precisely this attribute that became or remained Belgian. Although it did not
lead to genuine Belgian interest in the local affairs and populations of Kigoma, the crucial function in linking eastern Congo with the Indian Ocean via the lake and the railway was soon recognized by this advocate of Belgian colonialism. In a letter to the minister
of colonies in the summer of 1921, Ryckmans – by then resident and acting royal commissioner in Ruanda-Urundi, and in this capacity responsible for the administration of the Belgian bases in Kigoma and Dar es Salaam 18 made a strong plea to make maximal use of the Belgian connection to the Indian Ocean via Kigoma, Dar es Salaam, and the central railway. He considered Kigoma and Dar es Salaam to be the most “Belgian” connection between Belgium and the Belgian Congo, second only to Matadi (“la plus belge
de toutes sauf Matadi”)

Source :
The Belgian Base at Kigoma’s Rail-head (1920s-1930s). Territorial Ambivalence in an Inland Indian Ocean Port by Geert Castryck

References :

Bodleian Library of Commonwealth and African Studies at Rhodes House, Oxford (RHO), MSS. Afr. s. 900 (1),

History of Central Railway by C. Gillman.

Chrétien, Jean-Pierre, “Le «désenclavement» de la région des Grands Lacs dans les projets économiques alle-mands au début du XXe siècle”, in: Département d’histoire de l’Université du Burundi (eds.), Histoire sociale de l’Afrique de l’Est (XIXe-XXe siècle): actes du colloque de Bujumbura (17-24 octobre 1989), Paris 1991, p. 342-343.

For more information on the nineteenth-century history of the area, see:

Norman R. Bennett, Arab Versus European: Diplomacy and War in Nineteenth-Century East Central Africa, New York 1986, and

Beverly B. Brown, Ujiji: The History of a Lakeside Town, Boston University 1973 (PhD Thesis).

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Mr. Mayalla, makala zako huwa zinakuwa kwenye magazeti yapi maana magazeti mengi ya Tanzania contents zao hata hazivutii kabisa ukiacha THE CITIZEN, ukilinganisha na Magazeti ya Kenya kama DAILY NATION, THE STANDARD, FINANCIAL TIMES na mengine wapo very investigative na flow ya news zao zinavutia sana. Mfano wakati huu wa sakata la bandari huoni hili suala likipewa kipaumbele kwenye magazeti yetu ili kuongeza pressure kwa serikali.

Naandikia Daily News, na Guardian kwa specific issues. Naandikia Raia Mwema na Jamhuri on critical issues. Naandikia Uhuru na Habari Leo positive features, na kila Jumapili naandikia Nipashe issues za maslahi ya taifa.
P

 

[mockers]

Kwa maslahi ya Taifa haya makubaliano ni mabovu hayafai kabisa duniani hadi akhera, waliotapitisha nao pia wana akili mbovu

 

[Qassy boee]

Kaka Paskali,
Nimeshangazwa na baadhi ya mitazamo yako kwenye hili andiko lako. Nina maswali haya ambayo naomba unipe majibu au ufanunuzi wake;

1. TLS ni nani? Rais wa TLS, wanachama wa TLS, au wote rais na mwanachama ndiyo TLS? Kama jibu TLS ni rais wa TLS, kwanini kwenye kujadili lolote lazima aite wanachama? Kama jibu ni Rais na wanachama, kwani hukuyasema hayo yaliyokaliwa kimya wakati wa mkutano?

2. Unasema wewe ni mwanachama wa TLS kwa vile ni mwanasheria, HAYA UNAYOSEMA TLS IMEKAA/ILIKAA KIMYA WAKATI YANATOKEA, HUONI KUWA UNAJISEMA MWENYE KWAMBA ULIKAA KIMYA?

3. Kama TLS wana uwezo wa kukosoa kama ilivyofanya kwenye hili la bandari, kwanini mngoje hadi wakosee ndo muamke kusema makosa? Kwani msiwe sehemu ya kinachokwenda kutokea?

Kaka paskalii mchumiaa tumbooo
CCM Damuni

 

[Retired]

Leo Niko upande wako Ingawa sijasoma yote

 

[Ngalikihinja]

Kaka Paskali,
Nimeshangazwa na baadhi ya mitazamo yako kwenye hili andiko lako. Nina maswali haya ambayo naomba unipe majibu au ufanunuzi wake;

1. TLS ni nani? Rais wa TLS, wanachama wa TLS, au wote rais na mwanachama ndiyo TLS? Kama jibu TLS ni rais wa TLS, kwanini kwenye kujadili lolote lazima aite wanachama? Kama jibu ni Rais na wanachama, kwani hukuyasema hayo yaliyokaliwa kimya wakati wa mkutano?

2. Unasema wewe ni mwanachama wa TLS kwa vile ni mwanasheria, HAYA UNAYOSEMA TLS IMEKAA/ILIKAA KIMYA WAKATI YANATOKEA, HUONI KUWA UNAJISEMA MWENYE KWAMBA ULIKAA KIMYA?

3. Kama TLS wana uwezo wa kukosoa kama ilivyofanya kwenye hili la bandari, kwanini mngoje hadi wakosee ndo muamke kusema makosa? Kwani msiwe sehemu ya kinachokwenda kutokea?

Kaka Pascal Mayalla, mimi bado nasubiri majibu yako kwenye hoja hizi nilizokuuliza kwenye post hiyo hapo juu..!!

 

[Stroke]

Inashangaza na kusikitisha mno kuwa bunge limepitisha mikataba batili.

Watu karibia mia tatu wanahalalisha haramu.

Kama Bunge limeshindwa kututetea katika hili sijui watatutetea katika jambo gani tena.

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Leo Niko upande wako Ingawa sijasoma yote

Mkuu Retired , ni faraja kubwa kwangu pale tunapotofautiana kwenye mambo mengine yote, lakini kwa yenye maslahi kwa taifa, tuko pamoja.

P

 

[Tabutupu]

Wanabodi,

Nikiwa ni mwanachama wa TLS, nimeisoma taarifa ya TLS kuhusu issue ya Bandari na DPW, kiukweli kabisa TLS inastahili pongezi za dhati!, imefunga huu mjadala, ingekuwa mimi ni Mnyamwezi, Kinyamwezi hii inaitwa "funga kalomo", yaani funga mdomo!. Taarifa hii ya TLS ni funga kazi, na huu ndio uzalendo!, hongera sana TLS kwa kutanguliza mbele maslahi ya taifa.

Kama mwanachama mwaminifu wa TLS, kwa heshima ya chama changu cha wanasheria wa Tanganyika, naomba nisikosoe jambo lolote kwenye taarifa ya TLS, ila sio vibaya kuzungumzia baadhi ya hoja ambazo TLS haikuzigusia kabisa!.

Ni baada ya kuisoma taarifa ya TLS, ndipo nikagindua mtu mwandishi wa habari kwanza, halafu ukaingia kwenye sheria, unakuwa na jicho kali zaidi kuliko jicho la mwanasheria mwanasheria tuu ambaye sio mwanahabari!.

Jicho la Mwanasheria linaangazia vifungu vya katiba, sheria, taratibu na kanuni, jicho la mwanahabari linaangalia mtazamo wa jamii, Mwananchi wa kawaida, anaona nini, anataka nini, hivyo jicho la mwanahabari linaona kuliko jicho la mwanasheria.

Baada ya Bunge letu kuridhia, niliandika makala hii, Japo Bunge Limeridhia, DPW Kuendesha Bandari Zetu, ni Makubaliano Tu, Tukithibisha Kuna Matatizo, Tunarekebisha Mkataba wa HGA, Kazi Nzuri Iendelee! humo niliainisha mapungufu ya IGA hiyo kisheria kwa jicho la kiuanahabari.

TLS katika taarifa yao, kuna maeneo mengi wamepita mule mule nilimopita mimi, ila lile kubwa kuliko, "The Capacity" to contract, TLS wamelikwepa na kuliweka kiporo kusubiria wawasiliane na Dubai.

TLS hawakuyaona yale niliyo yaona mimi!. Tanzania ni nchi, inakwenda kuingia mkataba wa kimataifa wa nchi na nchi, yaani Tanzania na UAE, lakini signatories wa Tanzania ni nchi, halali signatories wa UAE ni kampuni ya DPW!, tena imesaini bila POA yoyote toka UAE!.

Kwa maneno mengine ni kampuni ya DPW imejigeuza ni nchi ya Dubai wakati ni kampuni binafsi!, sio nchi, Dubai sio nchi, nchi ni UAE!, nchi yetu haiwezi kuingia mkataba wa kimataifa wa kuwa ratified na Bunge letu kama an international Treaty wakati signatories ni kampuni na sio nchi na hakuna POA yoyote ya UAE kuruihusu DPW to transact an international Treaty on behalf of UAE!.

Nimeipongeza TLS kwa uzalendo kwenye hili, ila nikiri kuwa nimeshangazwa na umakini huu wa TLS katika hili la Bandari.

Sheria Kuu kuliko zote nchini kwetu ni katiba, katiba ndio sheria Mama, sheria nyingine yoyote inayokwenda kinyume cha katiba ni sheria batili!. Kinachoibatilisha hiyo sheria yoyote kinyume cha katiba, ni katiba yenyewe!.

1. Serikali yetu ime draft sheria batili, inayokwenda kinyume cha katiba, ikaipeleka Bungeni kutungwa kuwa sheria!, kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.
2. Bunge letu likaitunga hiyo sheria batili inayokwenda kinyume cha katiba, kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?.
3. Rais wa JMT akaisaini hiyo sheria batili kuwa ni sheria!, kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.
4. Mahakama Kuu kupitia kesi ya Mtikila, ikatamka sheria hiyo ni batili na kuitaka serikali iifute. Kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.
5. Ubatili wa sheria batili yoyote unabatilishwa na katiba, Mahakama Kuu ikiisha tamka sheria fulani ni batili kwa kwenda kinyume cha katiba, automatically sheria batili hiyo inakuwa imebatilika from there and then. Kazi ya serikali ni procedures tuu za kuifuta!. Kwanini TLS walikaa kimya na sheria batili hiyo mpaka sasa bado iko kwenye sheria zetu licha ya Mahakama Kuu kutangaza ni batili?.
6. Serikali yetu ikakata rufaa kupinga uamuzi huo wa Mahakama Kuu, ikashidwa!, kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.
7. Serikali yetu baada ya kubwebwa, ikafanya kubwa kuliko, ikapeleka Bungeni mabadiliko ya katiba kwa hati ya dharura, batili ile ikachomekewa kiubatili ndani ya katiba yetu!. Kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.
8. Bunge letu likafanya mabadiliko ya katiba na kuichomeka hiyo batili ndani ya katiba yetu!. Hivyo katiba yetu imenajisiwa kwa kuchomekewa ubatili!, kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.
9. Mchungaji Mtikila hakukubali katiba yetu inajisiwe, akafungua shauri kupinga mabadiliko hayo ya katiba, Mahakama Kuu ikampa ushindi na kutangaza mabadiliko hayo ni batili!, kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.
10. Serikali yetu ikakata rufaa Mahakama ya Rufani kupinga uamuzi huo wa Mahakama Kuu, serikali ikashinda, kwanini TLS walikaa kimya?!.

Mpaka leo ninapoandika hapa, Katiba yetu bado inacho kifungu batili hicho!, sheria zetu bado zina ubatili huo na TLS wako kimya!.

Nimalizie kwa pongezi tena, TLS kwa hili la Bandari, ila kuna makubwa kuliko hili la Bandari, TLS bado hamjachelewa!.

Mungu ibariki TLS
Mungu Ibariki Tanzania

Paskali
Rejea
1. Sheria ya Uchaguzi Ni Bad Law! Kuendelea Kuitumia ni Ujinga? Kuwabebesha Masikini Gharama za Uchaguzi ni Dhambi!
2. Shurti la kudhaminiwa na chama kugombea uchaguzi, ni shurti batili kwa mujibu wa Katiba, linatutia hasara, tulifute!.
3. Mgombea Kudhaminiwa na Chama ni Ubatili Uliochomekwa Kiubatili na Bunge Letu Ndani ya Katiba Yetu!. Tuache Ubatili Huu Uendelee Ndani ya Katiba Yetu?

Ila tunawabunge wa hovyo sana..

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Kaka Pascal Mayalla, mimi bado nasubiri majibu yako kwenye hoja hizi nilizokuuliza kwenye post hiyo hapo juu..!!

Mkuu Ngalikihinja ,ni vile hujijui tuu, wewe kwangu ni zaidi ya Mwalimu wa sheria, maana pale UDSM, kwenye zile prerogative orders tulifundishwa nne tuu certiorari, mandamus, prohibition na habeas corpus, ni wewe ulionifundisha quo warranto, na procedendo, hivyo wewe kwangu ni zaidi ya Mwalimu!, sasa mwalimu anapomuuliza maswali Mwanafunzi, maswali magumu, mwanafunzi lazima ajitafakari sana!. Bado najitafakari ila nitakujibu mwalimu.
P

 

[Per Diem]

Paskali nj Kama popo