Robert Amsterdam | Live Coverage with Political Advocacy and International Lawyer

Robert Amsterdam | Live Coverage with Political Advocacy and International Lawyer

Awali ya yote, kwa shingo upande, nakubaliana na Stardam.

Hiyo haina maana namshobokea huyu beberu.

Hatahivyo...

Tanzania ijiondoe tu kutoka hii Jumuiya ya Madola.

Wanaofaidika na Jumuiya hii ya Madola ni Familia ya Mfalme wa Uingereza.

Mwacheni aturahisishie mchakato wa kujiondoa Commonwealth, where the wealth is so uncommon.

Ngoja nirudi kwenye Interview.

..tujiondoe Commonwealth kwasababu za msingi.

..sio kwasababu watawala wetu ni wakatili, wananuka damu.
 
Unaendelea ku-attack watu si issue, wao wanawajibu wa kwenda mbele ya sheria na kujenga hoja zao. Sisi tujadili muktadha wa yaliyotokea kwa kurejea maswali niliyokuuliza kwa kutokana na hoja yako ya mwanzo.
Basi sema:
1: Jaribio la mauaji lilikuwepo au halikuwepo?
2: Nani ashitakiwe?
3: Nani ana haki ya kuua waziwazi?
4: Aliyejaribiwa kuuwawa ana haki ya kutafuta haki yake?
5: Je tumchagulie mtu wa kumwakilisha mahakamani?
6: Tumchagulie wapi pa kufungua kesi?
Wakati wewe una tetea haki ya mtu “kuishi” Wenzio they are far from what you are preaching, Infact they are far from “Maslahi ya nchi” kama ambavyo wanajaribu kutudeceive humu, nchi haikupata uhuru 2017, hayo maslahi ya nchi waliyatoa wapi ghafla hivyo? Ile kampuni ilikuwa ngeni Tz? huo mkataba ulisainiwa 2017? Siku zote hawakuwahi kuusoma? Come on!

Mtu ameshaconclude kuwa TL ni traitor na hakupaswa kuishi, unataka ujadili nae vipi, umuondoe kwenye hiyo dhana umpeleke kwenye sheria, katiba na haki za binadamu? Anataka ujenge hoja yako kutokea wapi? Bado una amini anataka mjadala na wewe?

Maana yake ni kwamba all of your arguments are invalid, haina tofauti na kuongea na chura kiziwi, tofauti ya chura kiziwa na “hawa” ni kuwa wao hujaribu kuwa denialist kadri wawezavyo ama sivyo basi watahamisha mjadala kwa kadri wawezavyo.

This started as a blackmail, Kikundi cha watu wachache kilikuwa kinajaribu kuiblackmail “kampuni husika ya kibeberu” Kwa gap/loop waliloliona mahala. Gap ambalo ni makosa ya waliosign mkataba. Ndio maana we all know aftermath Mwanyika alipewa nini, wakati Lissu “akiitwa majina”

Lissu alibumburua deal la watu ambalo lingefaidisha mpaka vitukuu, Deal lililopewa jina la “maslahi ya nchi” na nyumba nyeupe ikashirikishwa ipasavyo. WaTz kuambiwa tutapewa kila mtu Noah (utani) ni katika kutafuta public support na wala sio Maslahi ya nchi.

Ifike muda wazalendo uchwara wa awamu ya 5 waache uongo, wawe kama wazalendo wa awamu ya 4&6 wanaofanya mambo waziwazi hadharani bila kuogopa.

Mtu yeyote ambaye hana maslahi na hili hawezi kuwa “denialist” kumuona Lissu anatafuta haki yake popote. Haki ambayo nchi yake imekataa kumpatia up to date.
 
Wewe (based on your summary) na huyo Dr. Nhigula, based on your bias summary. Level zenu za utahiira zinafanana.

Hata huyo chawa wa Lissu (Amsterdam) kuna leading questions alizokuwa anauliza alikuwa anaona hawezi ku-commit on their next move.

Mimi ushauri wangu kwa Lissu. Ningekuwa Magufuli ningefanya alichofanya kwa tabia zake kipindi kiłę.

Huyo Dr Nhigula, amekazana na TIGO kila saa, Amsterdam kila saa anamkumbusha kesi ni ya Millicom.

Amsterdam anaendelea kumkumbusha mpaka sasa hawana jurisdiction ya kufungua zaidi ya kujaribu kutumia ‘Harare Declaration’ ambayo uwezi shitaki mtu bali nchi na kuishia kuondolewa common wealth.

Binafsi nimeshaonywa na watu humu kuacha personal conclusion zisizo na ushahidi, I take that abroad. Ila Lissu inabidi ajitafakari zama hizi za kufumbiana macho, maana dhambi alizofanya leo anapumua ni kwa baraka za mungu tu (ingekuwa, mimi ni gęga ya kiłę kiłę alichofanya Magufuli).

Nchi haiwezi vumilia watu wa aina yake.
Kafanya nini ebu tujuze.
 
Wakati mwingine mnastahili..Ndio!!
Kwa mtu msomi, unaexperience na exposure kama wewe
huwezi ukatetea mambo yanayofanywa na viongozi wetu. Ni BIG NO! Zaidi utakuwa mmoja wao unaenjoy maovu.

Kuna gape kubwa sana kati ya watawalaliwa na watawala ambao wamejiona Miungu watu, hawapendi kukosolewa, kupingwa na kushauriwa.

Tuna amani ya kitumwa( woga) na sio ya uhuru binafsi. Tunaamuliwa kila kitu tena kwa kutishiwa.

Nchi hii ukijitanabaisha wewe ni mpinzani tayali umekuwa adui kila baya ni wewe. Uliona wapi mkuu?

Tanzania wajinga ni wengi hata waliosoma ni wajinga kupitiliza.. huwezi kutetea mfumo wetu chini ya CCM kama unaakili timamu.
Kweli kabisa niliwahi kuishi Dodoma haohao wabunge wa Chama tawala, walikuwa wanasema ya moyoni kwamba hawakubaliani na mambo yatendekayo! Wakiwa Bungeni wanaongea unafiki.
 
Wewe (based on your summary) na huyo Dr. Nhigula, based on your bias summary. Level zenu za utahiira zinafanana.

Hata huyo chawa wa Lissu (Amsterdam) kuna leading questions alizokuwa anauliza alikuwa anaona hawezi ku-commit on their next move.

Mimi ushauri wangu kwa Lissu. Ningekuwa Magufuli ningefanya alichofanya kwa tabia zake kipindi kiłę.

Huyo Dr Nhigula, amekazana na TIGO kila saa, Amsterdam kila saa anamkumbusha kesi ni ya Millicom.

Amsterdam anaendelea kumkumbusha mpaka sasa hawana jurisdiction ya kufungua zaidi ya kujaribu kutumia ‘Harare Declaration’ ambayo uwezi shitaki mtu bali nchi na kuishia kuondolewa common wealth.

Binafsi nimeshaonywa na watu humu kuacha personal conclusion zisizo na ushahidi, I take that abroad. Ila Lissu inabidi ajitafakari zama hizi za kufumbiana macho, maana dhambi alizofanya leo anapumua ni kwa baraka za mungu tu (ingekuwa, mimi ni gęga ya kiłę kiłę alichofanya Magufuli).

Nchi haiwezi vumilia watu wa aina yake.
Mosi , unaweza kunitajia dhambi 5 tu ambazo Lissu alifanya ambapo zimejustify kumimiwa risasi na kuuwawa ?

Pili ,je Magufuli alikuwa dikteta au hakuwa dikteta?

Tatu , Tanzania haina mifumo ya haki kwa mtu aliyefanya dhambi/makosa ya kutishia usalama wa nchi hadi apewe adhabu katika mifumo isiyo rasmi?

Nne, je hayo maslahi ya taifa Lissu aliyoyaingilia yalijulikana 2017 tu kabla ya hapo hayakuwepo?

Tano, taja maslahi 5 ya taifa.
 
Wewe (based on your summary) na huyo Dr. Nhigula, based on your bias summary. Level zenu za utahiira zinafanana.

Hata huyo chawa wa Lissu (Amsterdam) kuna leading questions alizokuwa anauliza alikuwa anaona hawezi ku-commit on their next move.

Mimi ushauri wangu kwa Lissu. Ningekuwa Magufuli ningefanya alichofanya kwa tabia zake kipindi kiłę.

Huyo Dr Nhigula, amekazana na TIGO kila saa, Amsterdam kila saa anamkumbusha kesi ni ya Millicom.

Amsterdam anaendelea kumkumbusha mpaka sasa hawana jurisdiction ya kufungua zaidi ya kujaribu kutumia ‘Harare Declaration’ ambayo uwezi shitaki mtu bali nchi na kuishia kuondolewa common wealth.

Binafsi nimeshaonywa na watu humu kuacha personal conclusion zisizo na ushahidi, I take that abroad. Ila Lissu inabidi ajitafakari zama hizi za kufumbiana macho, maana dhambi alizofanya leo anapumua ni kwa baraka za mungu tu (ingekuwa, mimi ni gęga ya kiłę kiłę alichofanya Magufuli).

Nchi haiwezi vumilia watu wa aina yake.
Kwani amefanyaje Lisu?
 
Hii "Paskali" alinifundisha
Sasa naomba mumumtumie ipasavyo, jinsi ya kurekebisha contract iliyopatikana kwa rushwa.


What is contract corruption

What is the anti-corruption clause in a contract

What causes corruption in procurement

What is corruption due to

World Bank
https://documents1.worldbank.org › ...PDF
Warning Signs of Fraud and Corruption in Procurement


There are multiple warning signs that can help identify the risk of fraud, corruption, collusion or coercion in procurement.
4 pages·373 KB

United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
https://www.unodc.org › G...PDF
Guidebook on anti-corruption in public procurement and the ...
 
Hiyo kauli aliiongea shujaa jiwe. Na utuambie hapa Amsterdam na Lissu wanamiliki vikosi na silaha aina gani.

Mmezoea kupambana na raia wasio na silaha wala jeshi huku mkitumia silaha na mbinu za kivita. Huwezi kutetea kwa kuchafua na kuua wanaokukosoa
Kaka bahati mbaya mimi sio ccm wala military related

Nadhani umevurugwa sana hata hujui wa kumshambulia

Lissu is a traitor
 
Nchi inaendeshwaje?

Can you compare tanzania and Kenya where hundreds of gen-Z kids were murdered and buried kwenye makaburi ya jumuiya?

Chakadomoz wanapenda sana kujipa umuhimu usio na maana

This is yet another drama inayozidi kuwaachanisha chakadomos na wananchi wa kawaida

Kosa halipingwiau kukataliwa kwa kulinganisha na kosa la mwingine, simamia kosa lako kwenye kutafuta msingi wa haki.
 
Wewe (based on your summary) na huyo Dr. Nhigula, based on your bias summary. Level zenu za utahiira zinafanana.

Hata huyo chawa wa Lissu (Amsterdam) kuna leading questions alizokuwa anauliza alikuwa anaona hawezi ku-commit on their next move.

Mimi ushauri wangu kwa Lissu. Ningekuwa Magufuli ningefanya alichofanya kwa tabia zake kipindi kiłę.

Huyo Dr Nhigula, amekazana na TIGO kila saa, Amsterdam kila saa anamkumbusha kesi ni ya Millicom.

Amsterdam anaendelea kumkumbusha mpaka sasa hawana jurisdiction ya kufungua zaidi ya kujaribu kutumia ‘Harare Declaration’ ambayo uwezi shitaki mtu bali nchi na kuishia kuondolewa common wealth.

Binafsi nimeshaonywa na watu humu kuacha personal conclusion zisizo na ushahidi, I take that abroad. Ila Lissu inabidi ajitafakari zama hizi za kufumbiana macho, maana dhambi alizofanya leo anapumua ni kwa baraka za mungu tu (ingekuwa, mimi ni gęga ya kiłę kiłę alichofanya Magufuli).

Nchi haiwezi vumilia watu wa aina yake.
Seriously, what has Lissu done to deserve all these??
 
..tujiondoe Commonwealth kwasababu za msingi.

..sio kwasababu watawala wetu ni wakatili, wananuka damu.
Watawala wetu?

Tafsiri yake ni kuwa Ufalme wa Uingereza haukua katili?

Kwamba hawanuki damu?

Ufalme wa uingereza unahusika moja kwa moja na Ukatili-Afrika na mabara mengine.

Hiyo ni sababu tosha kwangu mimi kungo'oka kutoka katika Jumuiya hiyo-Itoshe hakuna faida tunayopata ukizingatia sababu kuu za kuanzishwa kwa Jumuiya hiyo.
 
Watawala wetu?

Tafsiri yake ni kuwa Ufalme wa Uingereza haukua katili?

Kwamba hawanuki damu?

Ufalme wa uingereza unahusika moja kwa moja na Ukatili-Afrika na mabara mengine.

Hiyo ni sababu tosha kwangu mimi kungo'oka kutoka katika Jumuiya hiyo-Itoshe hakuna faida tunayopata ukizingatia sababu kuu za kuanzishwa kwa Jumuiya hiyo.

..Waingereza wangekuwa wakatili tusingepata uhuru miaka 7 tangu Tanu ianzishwe.

..Waingereza hawakuua kiongozi yeyote wa Tanu. Nakuomba ufuatilie viongozi na wafuasi wa vyama vya upinzani waliouwawa na Ccm.

..Ukatili wa Ccm kwa Watanganyika, na Wazanzibari, unazidiwa na ukatili wa Waarabu, na Wajerumani, sio Waingereza.
 
Kiongozi; wewe ni mwanasheria, mwandishi wa habari na mwalimu wetu wa mambo kadhaa jukwaa la siasa.

Sikiliza hiyo interview uone hizo leading question alizokuwa anaulizwa Amsterdam.

Pamoja na unafiki wake Amsterdam yeye mwenyewe on legal matters alikuwa anaogopa kutoa specific answer kama muulizaji alivyokuwa anataka majibu.

Ifike wakati tuwe wakweli.

US shida yao kwa Trump ni national security matters.

U.K. walikuwa wanabadili ma PM kwa sababu ya national security matters.

Sasa national security inaweza kuwa ulinzi, uchumi, rasimali etc.

Kipindi kile Lissu alikuwa tatizo


Hivyo utasemaje mfuata sheria halafu wakati huo huo unaunga mkono mambo mabaya ya aibu kwa nchi aliyofanya Magu kwa Lissu. Lissu alifanya kikubwa kipi kiasi kwamba alihitajika kuuliwa bila kesi yeyote. Kama unasema ungefanya kama Magu na wewe basi usingekuwepo leo tusimchezee Mungu. Ukimuuwa mwanadamu na wewe utachukuliwa damu yako na mwanadamu.

Magu wako yuko wapi? Mama naye akinyanyasa Mungu atakula kichwa tu kuweni makini
 
Makubaliano ya Azimio la Harare 1991 jinsi nchi wanachama wa Jumuiya ya Madola zinavyotakiwa kuzingatia :

Harare Declaration, 1991​



Charting a course to take the Commonwealth into the next century which included a ten point pledge listing areas for priority action.
Image
Harare Declaration

Harare Declaration​

Harare, Zimbabwe, 1991
The Heads of Government of the countries of the Commonwealth, meeting in Harare, reaffirm their confidence in the Commonwealth as a voluntary association of sovereign independent states, each responsible for its own policies, consulting and co-operating in the interests of their peoples and in the promotion of international understanding and world peace.


Members of the Commonwealth include people of many different races and origins, encompass every state of economic development, and comprise a rich variety of cultures, traditions and institutions.


The special strength of the Commonwealth lies in the combination of the diversity of its members with their shared inheritance in language, culture and the rule of law.

The Commonwealth way is to seek consensus through consultation and the sharing of experience. It is uniquely placed to serve as a model and as a catalyst for new forms of friendship and co-operation to all in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.


Its members also share a commitment to certain fundamental principles. These were set out in a Declaration of Commonwealth Principles agreed by our predecessors at their Meeting in Singapore in 1971.

Those principles have stood the test of time, and we reaffirm our full and continuing commitment to them today. In particular, no less today than 20 years ago:
  • we believe that international peace and order, global economic development and the rule of international law are essential to the security and prosperity of mankind;
  • we believe in the liberty of the individual under the law, in equal rights for all citizens regardless of gender, race, colour, creed or political belief, and in the individual’s inalienable right to participate by means of free and democratic political processes in framing the society in which he or she lives;
  • we recognise racial prejudice and intolerance as a dangerous sickness and a threat to healthy development, and racial discrimination as an unmitigated evil;
  • we oppose all forms of racial oppression, and we are committed to the principles of human dignity and equality;
  • we recognise the importance and urgency of economic and social development to satisfy the basic needs and aspirations of the vast majority of the peoples of the world, and seek the progressive removal of the wide disparities in living standards amongst our members.
In Harare, our purpose has been to apply those principles in the contemporary situation as the Commonwealth prepares to face the challenges of the 1990s and beyond.


Internationally, the world is no longer locked in the iron grip of the Cold War. Totalitarianism is giving way to democracy and justice in many parts of the world. Decolonisation is largely complete. Significant changes are at last under way in South Africa. These changes, so desirable and heartening in themselves, present the world and the Commonwealth with new tasks and challenges.


In the last twenty years, several Commonwealth countries have made significant progress in economic and social development. There is increasing recognition that commitment to market principles and openness to international trade and investment can promote economic progress and improve living standards.


Many Commonwealth countries are poor and face acute problems, including excessive population growth, crushing poverty, debt burdens and environmental degradation. More than half our member states are particularly vulnerable because of their very small societies.


Only sound and sustainable development can offer these millions the prospect of betterment. Achieving this will require a flow of public and private resources from the developed to the developing world, and domestic and international regimes conducive to the realisation of these goals. Development facilitates the task of tackling a range of problems which affect the whole global community such as environmental degradation, the problems of migration and refugees, the fight against communicable diseases, and drug production and trafficking.


Having reaffirmed the principles to which the Commonwealth is committed, and reviewed the problems and challenges which the world, and the Commonwealth as part of it, face, we pledge the Commonwealth and our countries to work with renewed vigour, concentrating especially in the following areas:
  • the protection and promotion of the fundamental political values of the Commonwealth:
    • democracy, democratic processes and institutions which reflect national circumstances, the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, just and honest government;
    • fundamental human rights, including equal rights and opportunities for all citizens regardless of race, colour, creed or political belief;
  • equality for women, so that they may exercise their full and equal rights;
  • provision of universal access to education for the population of our countries;
  • continuing action to bring about the end of apartheid and the establishment of a free, democratic, non-racial and prosperous South Africa;
  • the promotion of sustainable development and the alleviation of poverty in the countries of the Commonwealth through:
    • a stable international economic framework within which growth can be achieved;
    • sound economic management recognising the central role of the market economy;
    • effective population policies and programmes;
    • sound management of technological change;
    • the freest possible flow of multilateral trade on terms fair and equitable to all, taking account of the special requirements of developing countries;
    • an adequate flow of resources from the developed to developing countries, and action to alleviate the debt burdens of developing countries most in need;
    • the development of human resources, in particular through education, training, health, culture, sport and programmes for strengthening family and community support, paying special attention to the needs of women, youth and children;
    • effective and increasing programmes of bilateral and multilateral co-operation aimed at raising living standards;
  • extending the benefits of development within a framework of respect for human rights;
  • the protection of the environment through respect for the principles of sustainable development which we enunciated at Langkawi;
  • action to combat drug trafficking and abuse and communicable diseases;
  • help for small Commonwealth states in tackling their particular economic and security problems;
  • support of the United Nations and other international institutions in the world’s search for peace, disarmament and effective arms control; and in the promotion of international consensus on major global political, economic and social issues.
To give weight and effectiveness to our commitments we intend to focus and improve Commonwealth co-operation in these areas. This would include strengthening the capacity of the Commonwealth to respond to requests from members for assistance in entrenching the practices of democracy, accountable administration and the rule of law.


We call on all the intergovernmental institutions of the Commonwealth to seize the opportunities presented by these challenges. We pledge ourselves to assist them to develop programmes which harness our shared historical, professional, cultural and linguistic heritage and which complement the work of other international and regional organisations.


We invite the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and non-governmental Commonwealth organisations to play their full part in promoting these objectives, in a spirit of co-operation and mutual support.


In reaffirming the principles of the Commonwealth and in committing ourselves to pursue them in policy and action in response to the challenges of the 1990s, in areas where we believe that the Commonwealth has a distinctive contribution to offer, we the Heads of Government express our determination to renew and enhance the value and importance of the Commonwealth as an institution which can and should strengthen and enrich the lives not only of its own members and their peoples but also of the wider community of peoples of which they are a part.

Issued at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, Harare, Zimbabwe, 16 – 21 October 1991.
 
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