Gwalihenzi
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 21, 2011
- 5,125
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Hawa waliumizwa na utendaji mbovu wa idala ya usalama wa taifa kama alivyo umia Dr. Ulimboka hivi karibuni.
Hawa waliumizwa na utendaji mbovu wa idala ya usalama wa taifa kama alivyo umia Dr. Ulimboka hivi karibuni.Na wale wadogo zake Kambona waliokaa jela zaidi ya miaka kumi walikuwa na mgogoro na nani.
Ndio ninaita uvivu wenyewe huo; tafuta vitabu vya historia ya Tanganyika.... kweli mnaamini Mohammed Said ndio mtu wa kwanza kuandika historia ya harakati za Uhuru? This is rather sad. Kama uko karibu na Maktaba yoyote nenda ulizia vitabu vya historia ya harakati za Uhuru wa Tanganyika.
Na ukitaka kutafuta vitabu vya baadhi ya wazee wa Kiislamu walioshiriki kwa kiasi kikubwa watu kama kina Shehe Mohammed Ramia wa Bagamoyo tafuta kitabu cha August Nimtz (kimechapwa mwaka 1980). Ungekuwa karibu yangu niingekuazima vya kwangu. Wengine tunamkosoa Mohammed Said kwa sababu tunajua amewataka nyara watu ambao hawajui kutafuta ukweli wa historia na badala yake wanasoma historia wakiongozwa na hisia.
MIMI naona unaathirika na "fall out ya madras" sasa world wide web kazi yake nini???si ni kushare knowledge hili hata mliochelewa, mu play catch up
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[TD] MM,
Ukweli ni kuwa kabla ya kitabu changu hakuna mwandishi aliyepata kuandika historia ya TANU kwa namna nilivyoandika mimi.
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pole mkuu kwa kazi uliyonayo kubishana na hao watu ni wavivu wa kufikiri wanajua kukariri ile minyoo yu
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[TD] MM,
Hujasema kweli.
Kitabu cha Nimtz kinaitwa ''Islam and Politics in East Africa'' kitabu hiki kinatokana na tasnifu yake, The Role of Sufi Order in Political Change, Ph. D Thesis,Indiana University, 1973.
Nimtz hakuandika historia ya TANU.
Nimtz yeye alijikita katika kutazama ushawishi wa Tariqa Qadiriyya katika siasa na ndiyo maana alikaa sana pale Bagamoyo kwa Sheikh Mohamed Ramiyya ambae kwa wakati ule ndiye alikuwa khalifa wa tariqa hiyo.
Ukweli ni kuwa kabla ya kitabu changu hakuna mwandishi aliyepata kuandika historia ya TANU kwa namna nilivyoandika mimi.
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si vibaya ukitupatia ushahidi wa qalipotatwa hao amabao unadai sii mara ya kwanza kutajwa na mohammed said.
Hawa waliumizwa na utendaji mbovu wa idala ya usalama wa taifa kama alivyo umia Dr. Ulimboka hivi karibuni.
Mohamed Said,
Tunashukuru kwa kuweka sawa ili suala watu walikuwa wameishameza mazima.
Umemjibu kwa hekima sana ukutumia neno muongo.
amewataja baadhi ya wazee wako wa kiiislam waolivyojiingiza katika siasa vilevile kama Shehe Mohammed Ramia? Naona kama kawaida yako unahamisha magoli. Umesema ati baadhi ya wazee wako walikuwa hawajawahi kutajwa katika siasa za Tanzania kuwa hadi wewe ulipokuja ndio kina Shehe Ramiya wanatajwa katika siasa. Sasa umehamisha magoli na kudai haijawahi kuandikwa historia ya TANU kama ulivyoandika wewe.
Sasa hiyo si uamuzi tu wa mtunzi? Kila mtunzi ana namna yake ya uandishi. Wallahi nikiamua miiye kuandika haitofanana na wewe vile vile.
acha uchochez weweRitz,
Kwa kweli huyu Mwanakijiji anahangaika.
Atapata sana shida na mimi.
Nalijua tatizo lake.
Kama hawa nimeishi nao miaka mingi.
Akili yake inakataa kukubali kuwa haya
anayosoma kwangu ni kweli na muandishi
ni mimi.
Umeona kakimbilia haraka kwa Nimtz.
Kwake yeye Nimtz ndiye mjuzi si Mohamed.
Hicho kitabu kilipotoka kaniletea mtu kutoka
Marekani kwa heshima na taadhima tena
hanijui ila alikuwa kanisoma katika Africa
Events.
wewe na genge lako haya mnayoyasimamia yanawasaidia nini?MM,
Karibu ndugu yangu.
N,
Nakuongezea na hizi fikra zangu kutoka kitabu changu:
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[TD="width: 601"] Kandoro and Japhet, [1] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilos visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership.
It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing.
The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a masters degree.
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[TD="width: 601"] An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[2] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
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[TD="width: 601"] Of late there has been interest in Tanzanias political history and Abdulwahids name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[3] newspapers, [4] international magazines,[5] and books.[6] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid.
There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary.
Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten. [7]
There are also those who have dismissed him as being petty bourgeois.
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Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class.
In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
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[TD="width: 601"] ''...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class.'' [8]
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[TD="width: 601"] This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika.
Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis.
Engels defines the term bourgeois to mean the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour. [9] However, Sklar has observed that the bourgeois concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
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''Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production.'' [10]
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[TD="width: 601"] Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahids life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result.
No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists.
This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
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[1] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[3] Yash Tandon, In Defence of Democracy Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[4] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[5] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[6] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.
[7] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[8] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[9] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848.
[10] Richard L. Sklar The Nature of Class Domination in Africa in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.
We will always be grateful to you for bringing us NYERERE,grandmum-rest in peace
wewe na genge lako haya mnayoyasimamia yanawasaidia nini?
Mohamed Said,
Umefanya kazi kubwa sana kuandika hiki kitabu bahati nzuri au mbaya hata wale wanaokumpinga kuna vitu wanajifunza kutoka kwako.
hahaha ndo kinachokuunganisha na CCM neno sina mkuuKujua historia ya wazee wetu hakuna kingine...wewe unayepiga mpaka unatokwa na povu itakusaidia nini?
Ritz,
Kwa kweli huyu Mwanakijiji anahangaika.
Atapata sana shida na mimi.
Nalijua tatizo lake.
Kama hawa nimeishi nao miaka mingi.
Akili yake inakataa kukubali kuwa haya
anayosoma kwangu ni kweli na muandishi
ni mimi. 11
acha uchochez wewe
hahaha ndo kinachokuunganisha na CCM neno sina mkuu