Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar


Hayo yote unayosema unayaona ni ukweli basi jitahidi wewe na wenzako kuandika sana watu waache kumuamini Mohamed Said.
 

MM,

You have not seen my other works!
Save your judgement until you read ''Reflections.''

It is a masterpiece I am telling you!
 
G,

Mpuuzi ni wewe.
Au hujui?

Shekh MS,
najua wanakuchokonoa na kukutukana ili ukasirike na wewe uwatukane ili ipatikane sababu ya kuufunga huu mjadala! ikiwa hivyo mtakuwa hamtutendei haki watazamaji na wasomaji wengi tuliomo humu! nakuomba Shekh endeleza busara zako za huko nyuma za kuvumilia matusi yao na waonyeshe ule ukarimu wako wa kuwakaribisha jamvini kwa faluda na kahawa!
 

TK,

Nimekusikia Sheikh wangu basi niwie radhi.
Nilitaka niwaonyeshe kuwa mimi si -----.

Yamekwisha.
 
MM,

Talk about thinking...
I have taken all of you in multiples.

And I am still standing...

Well... even the devil still stands.. pamoja na dini zote, na mahubiri yote ya watu wanaomwamini Mungu.. it doesn't matter really if you are still standing.. kama hujibu hoja, huwezi kuzitetea, unarudia yale yale ambayo yameshaoneshwa kuwa hayana mantiki basi kusimama kwake is mere illusion... umeshaanguka hujajua tu...
 
Hakuna uthibitisho wa hayo, zaidi ni "akufikirika" tu

Nikikuuliza ni nani na lini alitangaza rasmi ndani ya ukatoliki ama nje kuwa uislamu tanzania ni adui yao, unaweza kunitajia?
 
Hakuna anaemtukana hapa, jf inasheria zake, watusi na watesi wote wapo baned.

Hapa ni hoja kwa jibu la hoja tu.
 

MM,

Ningeanguka.
Ningejua.

Jumapili nimezungumza kwenye
semina Chuo Kikuu Cha Dar es Salaam.

Hizi ni dalili za kuanguka?
 
MM,
Have you published anything?

Yes... one non fiction and another fiction... but I have written extensively (fiction and non-fiction). Nikiamua kutamba naweza kusema labda ni mwandishi wa kisiasa anayesomwa na watu wengi zaidi kati ya Watanzania. Lakini sitotamba. Kujipima angalia idadi ya watu walioangalia video zako za mihadhara dhidi ya Nyerere na idadi ya watu walioangalia majibu yangu kwa Ustaadh Ilunga.
 

MM,

Sifa zako nimepenyezewa.
Hakika unasomwa sana.
 
Cardinal Lavigerie aliwahi kuwa kiongozi wa Kanisa Katoliki Tanzania?

MM,

Hilo swali nijibu mie kweli?
White Fathers...

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[TD] When the British took over Tanganyika (as Tanzania was then known) from the Germans after the First Word War, by then the Germans had done more than their fair share in opening up Tanganyika for Christian influencthrough various Christian establishments.

Tanganyika was divided among different Christian organisations originating from various European countries.

The Catholic Church, which is the most influential, was already established in Tanganyika.

White Fathers were in Tabora, Karema, Kigoma, Mbeya, Mwanza and Bukoba; Holy Ghost Fathers-in Morogoro and Kilimanjaro; Benedictine Fathers in Peramiho and Ndanda; Capuchin Fathers-in Dar es Salaam; Consolata Fathers-in Iringa and in Meru; Passionist Fathers-in Dodoma; Pallotine Fathers-in Mbulu; Maryknoll Fathers-in Musoma; and Rosmillian Fathers-in Iringa.[1]

For more than a hundred years the Church concentrated its effort in moulding citizens, most of them African Christians, who would be loyal to both the Church and State. It is through the mission-trained bureaucrats that the Church indirectly controls and influence decisions in the government and ruling party, the CCM, with Muslims and Islam increasingly made irrelevant.

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[TD="width: 601"] By the mid-1960s the Church in Tanzania became a multi-million dollar charity institution with donors and well-wishers from all over the Christian World. It now owns its own hospitals, fleet of small private planes, air strips, printing presses and publishing houses, radio stations and newspapers.

The Church was and still is so influential and pervasive, that at times government and party bureaucrats, particularly Christians, are at loss to distinguish where their allegiance and loyalty lies.

Is it with the government or with the Church?

It is this confusion in loyalty and church-state relations which helped to create mistrust between Muslims and the government soon after independence.

The government was perceived by Muslims as a Church institution where Muslims were outsiders and mere spectators.

Soon after independence the Church redefined its role vis-à-vis the new state.

During colonial rule the Church maintained an image of seeming to respect the line of demarcation between religion and politics.

Church-state confrontation was unheard of.

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[1]See Kiongozi No. 6, June 1950. For more information on missionary penetration in East Africa,
see M. Langley& T. Kiggins: A Serving People, Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 1974, p. 19.
 
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