Kuhusu swali lako la nafasi ya Abdulwahid Sykes ndani ya TAA wakati Mwalimu Nyerere yuko Makerere ni kwamba wakati huo TAA haikuwapo, ilikuwepo AA iliyoasisiwa na Cecil Matola mwaka 1929. Baada ya Matola kufariki, AA ilikosa uongozi madhubuti hali iliyoifanya AA kuwa kama chombo kilichokosa dira hadi Zanzibar ilipojitoa mwaka 1948 na kuzaliwa TAA. Lakini hata ilipozaliwa TAA, uongozi thabiti ulikuja kupatikana mwaka 1950, Dr. Kyaruzi alipochaguliwa kuwa Raisi wake wa kwanza.
Zali la Mentali, baada ya Wakoloni kumpa uhamisho wa nguvu Raisi wa TAA, shughuli za TAA zilizorota kwa sababu kiongozi mkuu hakuwepo. Kumbuka kwamba Dr. Kyaruzi alipopewa uhamisho wa kwanza hakupelekwa mbali na hivyo aliweza kuendelea kuwasiliana na wasaidizi wake mojawapo akiwa Abduwahid Sykes. Wakoloni walipogundua hilo ilibidi wamhamishe tena wampeleke mbali zaidi ili mawasiliano na wasaidizi wake yawe magumu zaidi na hivyo kupelekea TAA kuzorota hadi ujio wa Mwalimu Nyerere mwaka 1952.
Abdulwahid Sykes, kulingana na maelezo ya
Mohamed Said, alikuja kujulikana tu baada ya kuvamia ofisi za TAA na kufanya mapinduzi kwa kutumia uwezo wake mkubwa katika masumbwi. Cha ajabu ni kwamba hata baada ya mapinduzi hayo hakuweza kuchaguliwa kuiongoza TAA na badala yake akachaguliwa msomi Dr. Kyaruzi. Hakuna popote ambapo Kleist Sykes na mwanawe Abdulwahid Sykes waliwahi kuchaguliwa kuongoza vyama vya AA, TAA wala TANU kama inavyohadithiwa na
Mohamed Said, hapana, huo ni uongo.
Mwalimu Nyerere alipofika Dar es Salaam, kulikuwa na mkanganyiko mkubwa kuhusu nani hasa alikuwa kiongozi mkuu wa TAA kwani kulingana na hali ilivyokuwa, hakuna uchaguzi uliofanyika toka Raisi wake apewe uhamisho. Cha kwanza alichofanya Mwalimu ni kuhakikisha uongozi madhubuti unapatikana na hii ndiyo ilipelekea kufanyika kwa uchaguzi miezi michache baadaye. Kama kawaida Abdulwahid Sykes aliamini kuwa angeweza kuchaguliwa kwani alifahamika kwa wajumbe walio wengi, lakini sifa na uwezo hazikutosha!
Katika moja ya nukuu zake, Abdulwahid Sykes anaelezea jinsi Mwalimu Nyerere alivyoweza kuwabadilisha mawazo na wajumbe kuanza kufikiria uhuru kutoka mikononi mwa Wakoloni. Hivyo uongozi wa TAA, chini ya Raisi wake Mwalimu Nyerere, ukakabiliwa na changamoto ya njia muafaka ya kusonga mbele. Mwalimu Nyerere akawaeleza jinsi katiba ya TAA haikuiruhusu kuendesha mambo ya siasa na hata kama katiba hiyo ingerekebishwa...hivyo ikawa lazima iundwe chama kipya na TANU ikazaliwa mwaka moja baadaye.
Zali la Mentali, jitahidi umpe haya maswali Mwalimu wako wa darsa
Mohamed Said,
- Je, Mwalimu akiwa bado yuko Tabora mwaka 1945, Abdulwahid Sykes alikuwa na wadhifa gani ndani ya AA?
- Je, Mwalimu alipofika mara ya kwanza Dar es Salaam kabla ya safari yake masomoni Uingereza, Abdulwahid Sykes alikuwa na wadhifa gani ndani ya AA?
- Je, kabla ya Abdulwahid kuivamia ofisi ya TAA kwa masumbwi, alikuwa na wadhifa gani ndani ya TAA?
Ukiweza kupewa majibu ya haya maswali, uwe tayari kukiri kwamba hujui lolote kuhusu mambo yanayojadiliwa humu na ingekuwa heri sana ukae kimya, ubaki mtazamaji tu. Nitakuwa naingia humu kuweka tu mambo sawa nitakapoona kuna uongo na upotoshwaji unafanyika...umbea, mipasho na ngojera za mitaani sitazijibu, wengine hatukulelewa katika mazingira hayo.
Saafi sana. Nataka watu wa namna hii sio wale wanaokuja humu kutafuta wanaume kama Gwalihenzi!!!!!! Nya zao zimeoza kiasi kwamba wanahangaika kutafuta mabwana kwa nguvu kila kona.
Sasa turejee kwenye hoja zako moja baada ya nyingine. Kama nilivyojieleza hapo awali, mimi sio mtaalamu wa historia. Lakini nina uwezo wa kutumia logic kudadisi masuala ya kihistoria yaliyowekwa mbele yangu na kuona kama historia hiyo ni sawa au la. Na kama ni sawa, basi wahusika wanaojadiliwa kwenye historia husika walikuwa na akili timamu au nati zao zilikuwa zimefyatuka.
Nitaanza kujadili hoja zako moja baada ya nyingine.
Hoja yako ya kwanza ni hii hapa:
Kuhusu swali lako la nafasi ya Abdulwahid Sykes ndani ya TAA wakati Mwalimu Nyerere yuko Makerere ni kwamba wakati huo TAA haikuwapo, ilikuwepo AA iliyoasisiwa na Cecil Matola mwaka 1929. Baada ya Matola kufariki, AA ilikosa uongozi madhubuti hali iliyoifanya AA kuwa kama chombo kilichokosa dira hadi Zanzibar ilipojitoa mwaka 1948 na kuzaliwa TAA. Lakini hata ilipozaliwa TAA, uongozi thabiti ulikuja kupatikana mwaka 1950, Dr. Kyaruzi alipochaguliwa kuwa Raisi wake wa kwanza.
Jibu langu ni kwamba sawa. TAA haikuwepo. Ilikuwepo AA. Una ushahidi gani unaokufanya uamini iliasisiwa na Cecil Matola zaidi ya yeye kuwa Mwenyekiti na Kleist kuwa Katibu? Weka ushahidi hapa kwamba AA iliasisiwa na Cecil Matola zaidi ya ushahidi kwamba yeye alikuwa Mwenyekiti wa AA.
Tukirudi kwenye swali langu la msingi uliloliweka hapo kwenye kujibu hoja zangu kwamba Abdulwahid Sykes alikuwa nani ndani ya AA wakati Nyerere anaamua kuacha chama chake alichokianzisha na kuamua kujiunga na chama ambacho yeye nafasi yake si zaidi ya kuwa kiongozi wa tawi tu pale Makerere ukilinganisha na nafasi ambayo angekuwa nayo kama muanzilishi wa chama chake? Hujajibu swali hilo!!!!!!!!!
Tuje kwenye hoja yako ya pili kwamba baada ya Wakoloni kumpa uhamisho wa nguvu Raisi wa TAA, shughuli za TAA zilizorota kwa sababu kiongozi mkuu hakuwepo. Kumbuka kwamba Dr. Kyaruzi alipopewa uhamisho wa kwanza hakupelekwa mbali na hivyo aliweza kuendelea kuwasiliana na wasaidizi wake mojawapo akiwa Abduwahid Sykes. Wakoloni walipogundua hilo ilibidi wamhamishe tena wampeleke mbali zaidi ili mawasiliano na wasaidizi wake yawe magumu zaidi na hivyo kupelekea TAA kuzorota hadi ujio wa Mwalimu Nyerere mwaka 1952.
Jibu langu ni kwamba una ushahidi wowote wa kitakwimu kwamba TAA ilizorota baada ya Dr Kyaruzi kuhamishwa mbali?
Kwa nini Kanisa Katoliki liliona kwamba TAA haina watu wasomi wakati kulikuwa na vichwa kama Dr Kyaruzi?
Kwa nini hotuba ya Nyerere ya kuwashukuru viongozi wa AA na baadaye TAA haikuwataja kina Matola na Kyaruzi kama kweli walikuwa na mchango mkubwa kwenye AA na baadaye TAA?
Twende kwenye hoja yako kwamba Abdulwahid Sykes, kulingana na maelezo ya
Mohamed Said, alikuja kujulikana tu baada ya kuvamia ofisi za TAA na kufanya mapinduzi kwa kutumia uwezo wake mkubwa katika masumbwi. Cha ajabu ni kwamba hata baada ya mapinduzi hayo hakuweza kuchaguliwa kuiongoza TAA na badala yake akachaguliwa msomi Dr. Kyaruzi. Hakuna popote ambapo Kleist Sykes na mwanawe Abdulwahid Sykes waliwahi kuchaguliwa kuongoza vyama vya AA, TAA wala TANU kama inavyohadithiwa na
Mohamed Said, hapana, huo ni uongo.
Majibu yangu ni kwamba mimi sijasoma Mnakasha wote na kujua kile ambacho Mzee Mohamed alichokizungumza kwenye hoja hii. Lakini sikuwa na haja ya kusoma kila kitu kwa sababu nimeingia kwenye Mnakasha huu nikiwa huru na ninachangia kutokana na uelewa wangu. Baba yake Kleist Sykes alikuwa Katibu wa kwanza wa AA. Mwanawe Abdulwahid aliendeleza uzi wa Hayati Baba yake kama benefactor katika AA. Kwa nini kina Cecil Matola na Dr Kyaruzi hawakuwa na ndugu au watoto zao walioweza kuendeleza juhudi zao wakati ama wamekufa (Matola) au wamehamishwa (Dr Kyaruzi)? Kwa nini hali hiyo ya uzalendo itokee kwenye familia ya Kleist Sykes peke yake?
Kama Abdul alitumia uwezo wake wa masumbwi kuongoza AA na baadaye TAA. Kitu gani kilichomzuia yeye kuendelea kutumia uwezo wake wa masumbwi kumzuia Nyerere kuwa kiongozi wa juu wa TAA?
Tuje kwenye point yako ya kusema kwamba Mwalimu Nyerere alipofika Dar es Salaam, kulikuwa na mkanganyiko mkubwa kuhusu nani hasa alikuwa kiongozi mkuu wa TAA kwani kulingana na hali ilivyokuwa, hakuna uchaguzi uliofanyika toka Raisi wake apewe uhamisho. Cha kwanza alichofanya Mwalimu ni kuhakikisha uongozi madhubuti unapatikana na hii ndiyo ilipelekea kufanyika kwa uchaguzi miezi michache baadaye. Kama kawaida Abdulwahid Sykes aliamini kuwa angeweza kuchaguliwa kwani alifahamika kwa wajumbe walio wengi, lakini sifa na uwezo hazikutosha!
Jibu langu ni kwamba sasa unaposema kwamba Abdulwahid Sykes aliamini kuwa angeweza kuchaguliwa kwani alifahamika kwa wajumbe walio wengi, huoni kwamba unaji contradict na hoja yako kwamba aliweza kupata madaraka ndani ya AA kwa kutumia uwezo wake wa masumbwi na sio kufahamika na wajumbe wengi?
Na unaposema hakuna uchaguzi uliofanyika tangu Rais wake apewe uhamisho, unaweza kutueleza uchaguzi uliofanyika kumfanya Matola kuwa Mwenyekiti wa AA na Kleist Sykes kuwa Katibu? Unaweza kutueleza uchaguzi uliofanyika ukamfanya Dr Kyaruzi kuwa Rais wa AA?
Tuje kwenye hoja yako kwamba Katika moja ya nukuu zake, Abdulwahid Sykes anaelezea jinsi Mwalimu Nyerere alivyoweza kuwabadilisha mawazo na wajumbe kuanza kufikiria uhuru kutoka mikononi mwa Wakoloni. Hivyo uongozi wa TAA, chini ya Raisi wake Mwalimu Nyerere, ukakabiliwa na changamoto ya njia muafaka ya kusonga mbele. Mwalimu Nyerere akawaeleza jinsi katiba ya TAA haikuiruhusu kuendesha mambo ya siasa na hata kama katiba hiyo ingerekebishwa...hivyo ikawa lazima iundwe chama kipya na TANU ikazaliwa mwaka moja baadaye.
Jibu langu ni kwamba unafahamu kwamba juhudi za AA kudai uhuru zilianza kabla hata Nyerere hajaingia AA? Unafahamu kwamba AA ilishakwenda mpaka UN kudai Uhuru wa Tanganyika kabla Nyerere hajajiunga na AA na kwamba ni hotuba ileile waliyoitumia kudai Uhuru wa Watanganyika kabla Nyerere hajajiunga na AA ambayo baadaye alikuja kupewa Nyerere kuiwakilisha UN na ikakubalika?
Kama hujui hilo, fuatilia habari hii hapa iliyoandikwa na Mzee Mohamed. Source:
TAA strikes fear in colonial hearts
By Mohamed Said
Tanganyika was handed over to Britain under sections 76 and 77 of the constitution of the United Nations after the Second World War. As the administrative authority, Britain was expected to take charge of the political, economic and social development of Tanzania until such a time as the people would be ready for self rule.
But the British failed to do so, instead focusing on protecting their own colonial interests and those of white people as they continued to ignore the majority Africans.
Europeans and Asians had their own exclusive community groupings-the European Association and the Indian Association-to champion the interests of their people.
African interests were totally neglected, though they were represented on the legal committee by Father Gibbons, a missionary who worked at Minaki Mission, some distance outside Dar es Salaam.
He had nothing to do with the Africans he was supposed to be representing. On realising that they had neither representation nor a forum to fight for their rights, Africans decided to form their own party, which they named the African Association.
Governor Donald Cameron, who was in charge of Tanganyika from 1925 to 1929, started the first law-making committee during the period of indirect rule. Though he did not object to the launch of the African Association, he was adamant that the organisation should not engage in politics.
But how would Africans liberate their country if they were not allowed to take part in politics? Africans who had returned from the Second World War and those who had been studying at Makerere College in Uganda objected to this idea.
Come 1950, these young men made great changes in the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), as it was known before a name change in 1948. In elections held in Dar es Salaam, Mr Vedasto Kyaruzi became president and Mr Abdulwahid Sykes the secretary.
There are no records showing that the African Association had any plans to get involved in politics. To understand the direction of politics then, we would have to analyse the conduct of the leaders of TAA and how they dealt with issues that concerned the people.
The first thing the new leadership did on coming to power was to form the TAA political sub-committee that had the following members: Tanganyika and Zanzibar Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, Said Chaurembo-who was the local head man in charge of cases at the Kariakoo courts-Mr John Rupia and Mr Stephen Mhando.
The sub-committee's work was to engage with all political issues in Tanganyika, marking the start of the nationalist struggle.
For 21 years, The African Association's constitution steered clear of politics. In 1950, however, the new leadership moved closer to being a political party-but by forming a political committee within the association rather than changing the constitution.
Sheikh Hassan bin Amir of Zanzibar was the mufti of Tanganyika and represented Muslims, who led the campaign against the government.
Mr Chaurembo represented the Zaramo of Dar es Salaam and communities in the city's vicinity. Mr Rupia, from Mission Quarter, was a rich man and used his wealth to support the party. Mr Mhando, from Muheza, was well known for his hardline stance and represented graduates of Makerere University. There was also Mr Sykes, the benefactor of the association, whose father was the founding secretary of The African Association.
With the committee in place, Mr Sykes wrote to TAA branches countrywide inviting them to get involved in activities. One of the major challenges of the time was Tanganyika's status and its relationship with the United Nations.
TAA invited Mr Earle Seaton, a lawyer from Bermuda who lived in Moshi, to become a member of the committee so he could advise on legal and constitutional matters to effectively challenge the colonial government. Mr Seaton was expected to direct TAA on how to pursue the agenda of freedom from the United Kingdom.
The Trustee Committee of the United Nations sent an initial delegation to Tanzania in 1948 to assess whether the citizens were ready for self-rule. Nothing much came out of that visit but it was evident from 1950 that TAA headquarters in Dar es Salaam, under Mr Kyaruzi and Mr Sykes and backed by the political committee, was waking up from a deep slumber and had set some targets.
TAA's leadership got its first challenge via the Constitutional Development Committee that was formed by Governor Edward Twining and the land dispute among the Wameru. Twining invited proposals from famous people, social development committees and native authorities on how Tanganyika should be governed. TAA sent proposals signed by all members of its political committee.
TAA recognised that many of the problems to do with the rights of Africans had a legal basis and required advice from lawyers. With the help of Mr Seaton, TAA presented proposals that were backed by facts and figures that demonstrated oppression during the colonial era that ran contrary to the agreement with the United Nations.
TAA's presentation to the constitutional development committee, which was of high standard, proposed that Africans should comprise 50 percent of the membership of the Legal Committee for 12 years. Membership would subsequently be decided by the vote.
Governor Twining rejected the proposals and the government continued with its long term plans to back the minority Whites and Asians contrary to the United Nations rules on nations under the protection of the United Nations.
Many Africans had believed that TAA's proposals would ultimately be the foundation of the constitution of a Tanzania that belonged to all races. Still, TAA's proposals did not die. They were brought out again at a meeting to launch TANU on July 7, 1954. The same proposals were incorporated into the speech Julius Nyerere read to the Board of Trustees of the United Nations in New York in March 1955.
Isitoshe, TAA ilikuwa inabanwa kujiingiza kwenye siasa moja kwa moja na wakoloni. Hivyo wasingeweza kujitokeza wazi kwamba chama chao ni cha siasa. Ndio maana walilazimika kuunda idara ya Siasa ndani ya Chama badala ya kukifanya Chama kuwa cha Siasa moja kwa moja ili kuepuka kupambana na wakoloni moja kwa moja. Sasa hapa ndipo ujangili wa kisiasa unapoanza kuchukua sura yake. Kwa nini wakoloni waliruhusu chama cha Siasa cha TANU kuanzishwa baada ya kuona kwamba Nyerere ndio kiongozi wa juu na sio kabla wakati wa uongozi wa kina Sykes? Kwa nini hotuba ileile iliyowasilishwa na TAA ya kudai Uhuru wa Watanganyika ilikataliwa lakini alipoipeleka Nyerere ilikubaliwa? Ni wazi kwamba Nyerere alitayarishwa na Waingereza na mataifa ya magharibi ili Uhuru ukabidhiwe kwa Mkristo badala ya Muislam.
Tuje kwenye ombi lako kwama
Zali la Mentali, jitahidi umpe haya maswali Mwalimu wako wa darsa
Mohamed Said.
Jibu ni kwamba nimeshaelezea humu kwamba mimi sina mwalimu. Niko independent. Unapotaka kujadiliana na mimi achana kabisa na masuala ya kuniunganisha na mtu mwingine. Natumia ubongo wangu kutathmini hoja za watu wote including Mzee Said na wewe na nakuja na mtazamo wangu huru bila kutegemea akili za mtu mwingine. Hivyo kuanzia leo uache huo ujinga wako wa kudhani kwamba kwa sababu kichwa chako kinaendeshwa na watu wengine basi na mimi nitakuwa hivyo hivyo.
Sasa kama wewe una akili timamu, basi utaelewa kwamba una jukumu la kunijibu hoja zangu moja baada ya nyingine kama mimi nilivyofanya kukujibu hoja zako. Ukishindwa kufanya hivyo, usirudie tena kujadiliana na mimi na ukae kimya.
Msalimie
Jasusi. Naona ameamua kupambana na mimi kwa kukimbia majadiliano yangu mimi na yeye na kuishia kugonga "LIKE" kwenye maeneo dhidi ya hoja zangu :frusty: