Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Mzee Mohammed Said, huku niliko ilinipa shida sana kukumbuka kile kitabu ambacho niliona "ume-quote passages" nani kakiandika kwa vile nilikinunua Tanga mjini duka fulani (Mwongozo Shop)sikumbuki lini yawezekana 2008. Nimesafiri, sipo Tanga kwa sasa, zile passages zimenipa ushawishi sana wa kukagua kwenye internet na nimeamka ku-google; Sykes na wewe. Okay, now at least i can confirm ni wewe ulikiandika. Well, nilikisoma zamani (kama 4 years ago). Simulizi zako kwa maana ya mtiririko wa mawazo yako na kuunganisha matukio niliuona ni mzuri, na ni kitabu chepesi mtu kukielewa. Mimi wajibu wangu kama mwanataaluma (tofauti na fani yako) ni kukupongeza kwa jitihada zako. Baada ya kuyasema hayo, utaona kuwa tupo wengi tunaoangalia matukio hayo hayo tofauti na wewe. Na hiyo ndio ubinadamu. Ni muhimu sana ikajulikana kuwa utengano wa mtazamo wangu hauna lengo la kushusha thamani wala heshima ya kazi yako mbele ya jamii wala wasomaji wengine. Sasa tuendelee na mada na darsa lako. Iam all ears!!!!

Wickama,
Darsa ya vuguvugu la wafanyakazi Insha Allah linaendelea:

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[TD] Abdulwahid Sykes and Dockworkers' Union, 1948 [/TD]
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[TD]''Abdulwahid wanted to settle the simmering dispute amicably and in the most orderly manner possible.

But the dockworkers were in no mood for niceties.

They demanded strike action to solve their labour dispute once and for all.

While Abdulwahid was trying to solve the dispute and diffuse tension between his leadership and union members, a go-slow strike was effected by dissidents against the companies without his authority or consent.

After realising that dockworkers were not ready for any compromise short of strike action, Kleist advised Abdulwahid to resign his post so as to avert a collision with the government.

It was obvious to him that the port labour movement was getting out of control and his son was unable to contain it.

Kleist had experience in labour politics and between 1939 - 1947 he had witnessed three strikes.

As a trade unionist and AA Secretary he was summoned to appear before a tribunal appointed by the government to investigate the industrial unrest.[1]

[/TD]
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[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]As an experienced politician and trade unionist, Kleist asked his son Abdulwahid to restrain the movement.

He was worried about the safety of his son and of the political implications of the strike.

He knew that neither the African Association nor the nucleus of the labour movement led by Abdulwahid could stand government reprisals.


It was obvious to him that sooner or later the mighty hand of the government with its unlimited resources would fall on his son, the dockworkers and the whole movement.
[/TD]
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[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]At that time Barakat rented a room in a house in Kariakoo among some of the dockworkers.

He received information from the dockworkers that the mzungu (white man) was inciting them to rebel against the leadership of Abdulwahid and calling them to strike.

At the same time rumors filtered to Abdulwahid that Hamilton was also instigating dockworkers to call for his resignation.

Union members complained that Abdulwahid was a sell-out, not militant enough, and should therefore be ousted or made to resign his post immediately.

Hamilton became a problem and a big liability to both Abdulwahid and Barakat.

The two were flabbergasted, and the rumours about Hamilton seemed to make no sense at all.

How could a white colonial officer on a colonial assignment possibly, take sides with the dockworkers, who, in the eyes of the government were trouble makers?''

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[1]Iliffe, ‘A History of Dockworkers...'
 
Haya bana, kwa kasi uliyonayo wakirudi leo hawa jamaa wanaweza kukuchukua tena ktk ships zao, only this time minyororo itakua ni dini. Ndio maana naona watu hapa wanashabikia kwenda arabuni kama mbinguni.

Tukirudi katika mada kuu ninashauri Moh aviweke vitabu stika ya "HALAL" au aviandike "histohisia za wazee walodhulumiwa" ili sie wengine wenye tabia ya kusoma mambo critically tusokubali lishwa vya walolishwa tunaposoma vitabu hivi tusipate shida. Maadam kanihakikishia kwamba ni historia iliyosahaulika ya wazewe mie I have less interest in that... haidhuru. ila nikuulize kama kitu unakielezea kwa mara ya kwanza kuna haja gani ya kusistiza kusahaulika kwake au am I missing something here. Au kuna kitu kinatafutwa hapo.

Again kusema tujikite ktk masimulizi hayo hainisaidii kila mtu ana wazazi wake. Yeriko hajaandika details za 'wazee wake' (japo ingeleta maana zaidi) na kwa sababu wazi : no good can come out of that for us all. Tunaposoma historia ya wazee wa fulani tukaishangilia then what tunajenga minara au? barabara zenyewe zimeanza kuitwa Mwaikibaki.

Pia kama bonus nikueleze both katika historia na vilevile kazi nyingi tu za literature kunakuwa na star anayebeba sifa katika mapambano mfano : wayahudi wao wanamuona king David kama ndiye symbol ya taifa lao na shujaa wao ndio maana bendera yao ina 'nyota ya daudi' Africa ya kusini 'madiba' ana stand out kwanza wengi hatuijui vizuri historia ya South Africa suffice it is to say Madiba sums it up for many of us. China kuna dynasties nyingi zilikuwepo kabla ya Mao ila Mao anatosha kwa wengi. Ninachojaribu kisema hapa ni kwamba mwanadamu kwa kawaida anatafuta symbolism na heroes katika kila jambo hata katika commercial branding kuna dhana ya flagship na hata historia inauza zaidi kukiwa na hero anaye stand out. Hii haimaanishi details hazipo na Moh anacheza na hii kitu kijanja sana aidha kwa kujua au kutojua kwamba : si kila kitu kitapata front row in history kwa sababu wazi. Kama hawa wazee hawakuwa wajanja kujua historia huwa inanoga na heroes wakamwachia Mwalimu ashine au walijua hilo ila hawakua na namna kutokana na influence aliyonayo hiyo ni shauri lao.


Na ndio maana umeambiwa kama unaona haina maana wewe ipuuze tuh historia hii,hujashikiwa bakora kuikubali wala kuikataa,Na kama unahis Yericko ana historia ya wazee wake unajidanganya,yericko hana cha kukuambia wewe kwakuwa nyerere si mzee wake,kwa maana hata wana familia waa nyerere kina Adrew na makongoro wamemkan hapa jamvin kwamba hawamfaham..
Wewe kama unayo ya wazee wako sawa andika tuone,kelele kelele zisizo na tija kama bata za nini??
 
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Mr. Gwalihenzi, shukrani sana. Awali ya yote haipo nchi duniani iliyoweza kuiandika historia yake YOTE ikionesha kila mtu nchini humo hiyo alifanya nini na lini na wakati gani ili kuikomboa au kuiangamiza. HAIPO. Kwa hiyo siyo kila unalolichangia eti liwe kwenye mitala ya nchi. Marekani wanafunzi wa historia hawamsomi Collin Powells kama mitaala. Suluhisho huwa ni wahusika kuandika memoirs zao katika taasisi zao. Memoir ya daktari bingwa wa KCMC itaisaidia KCMC kihistoria na kitaaluma itawasaidia madaktari wengine pia. Kwenye siasa hali kadhalika, Memoirs za wazee wa TAA, TANU, AFRO SHIRAZ, AMNUT, leo zingefurika idara za siasa za vyuo vikuu vyetu na vyama vya siasa; jeshi (k.m. memoirs za majenerali waliopiganisha vita); dini (masheikh, maaskofu). Na hata vitabu kabisa. Kinachotokea hapa ni kuwa kwa vile wazee wa TAA na TANU hawakuandika kumbukumbu zao, wameuacha mwanya ambao kina SISI sasa tunajaribu kuuziba lakini kwa kudai haki kwa niaba yao. Hii pekee yake sio tatizo. Tatizo ni pale unapohuisha fikra kuwa watu fulani waliwahujumu baadhi ya wazee hawa au hata wewe kwa vile wanaokuhujumu wanaabudu kitofauti na wewe au tofauti na hao unaowatetea. Au tena ukataka sote tukubaliane na wewe eti kutokana na baadhi ya wazee wetu kutokuwapo Dar enzi hizo za harakati (wengine walikuwa Mubondo, Shirati,Mbozi na kwenye mikonge Tanga nk),au eti kwa vile baadhi yao hata dini hawakuwa nazo basi haiwezekani wakawa waTanganyika kama wewe uliyekuwapo Dar na dini yako huku hukatai kupokea michango yao ya pesa toka bara ili kisiasa usikwame. Hii haikubaliki.

Wickama,
Kitabu changu kina haya yafuatayo hapo chini.

Nimeandika na jinsi harakati zilivyokuwa katika majimbo.
Tafadhali hebu pitia:
[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=1]Part One[/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=2]Abdulwahid Sykes 1924-1968[/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 1. The Sykes: Origins 1894-1929 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Old Town of Dar es Salaam and its Elites [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Kleist Sykes, Pioneer and Man of Ideas: 1894-1949 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · World War One 1914-1918 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Founding of the African Association and Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (Muslim Association of Tanganyika), 1929-1933 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=1]Chapter 2.The Second World War and Tanganyika’s Political Foundation, 1938-1945[/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Burma Infantry, 1942 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 3. Dar es SalaamDockworkers Movement 1947-1950 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Dar es Salaam Port, 1947 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Erika Fiah [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Dockworkers’ Union, 1948 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 4. The Genesis of Open Politics in Tanganyika 1950 -1954 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Tanganyika African Association, 1950 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · TAA Political Subcommittee, 1951 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Tanganyika as a Mandate Territory [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Kenyan Nationalists in the Struggle of Tanganyika,1950 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · TAA and KAU: Attempts at Linkage and Solidarity, 1950 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Meru Land Evictions, 1950 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 5. Julius Kambarage Nyerere [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Story of Julius Nyerere, 1952 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Tanganyika African National Union (TANU)-The Party of Independence, 1954 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 6. The Pan African Congress of Northern Rhodesia, 1953 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Ally Kleist Sykes [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=1]Part Two[/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=2]Mass Mobilisation and Independence 1954-1961[/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 7. Mass Mobilisation 1954 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Elders’ Council and Nyerere’s Visit to the United Nations, New York, 1954 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Idd Faiz Mafongo [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The African Press-Ramadhani Mashado Plantan, 1950 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Ahmed Rashad Ali-Radio Free Africa (Radio ya Afrika Huru), 1952 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Propagandists-The Bantu Group,1955 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Incorporation of Swahili Women’s Societies into the Struggle, 1955 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Football As a Political Weapon [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 8. The Formation of the Party in the Provinces [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Central Province, 1955 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Southern Province, 1955 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Western Province, 1955 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Tanga Province, 1956 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · TANU in Mombasa, Kenya, 1957 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 9. The Tabora Conference-The Road to Independence, 1958 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Tanga Strategy, 1958 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Debate for Tripartite Voting [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Pan-African Movement of East and Central Africa (PAFMECA), 1958 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Independence, 1961 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=2]Part Three[/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=2]Conspiracy Against Islam 1961-1970[/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 10. The Muslim Factor in Post-Independence Tanzania 1961-1970 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Islam: The Ideology of Colonial Resistance [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The First Muslim Congress, 1962 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Resistance to Change [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Second Muslim Congress, 1963 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Proposal for an Islamic University, 1964 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Politics of Islam, Church, State and the African Christian [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] Chapter 11. The East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) ‘Crisis’ [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Fomentation of the BAKWATA ‘Crisis’ [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Nyerere, Tewa, Bibi Titi Encounter, 1968 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · The Islamic National Conference, 1968 [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Omissions Analysed [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Betrayal of Ideals [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Conspiracy Theory [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Epilogue [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] · Bibliography [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"] [h=2] [/h] [/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]
 
Ritz,
Hujanielewa. Of course nusu ya Saudi Arabia si waafrika(watumwa) kwa sababu hawa hawakupewa haki yao ya kuzaana.
Wale ma ustaadh waliokuwa na harems hawakutaka makafiri wawashughulikie bibi zao. Ndio maana idadi ya weusi Saudi Arabia ni ya kuhesabika. Lakini Mungu alivyo mwema, hawakuweza kufuta kabisa historia ya kukamata watumwa kwani mpaka leo kuna mwana mfalme, aliyekuwa balozi hapa Marekani ni mweusi kama Maalim Seif.

Jasusi,

Umeipata wapi hii ndugu kuwa nusu ya Wasaudia Arabia ni watumwa hivi unadhani muarabu mpaka uwe mweupe.

Vipi Omar Bashir, rais wa Sudan mweusi kama wewe naye ni mtumwa?

Hoja dhaifu sana umekuja nayo kuwa hata mwana wa mfalme ni mweusi kama Seif huu ndiyo ushahidi..

Katika taifa la waarabu ambao walikuwa wanashirikiana na wazungu katika biashara ya utumwa ni Oman, kwa mfano wako huo dhaifu basi tungeona Oman nusu ya watu wangekuwa ni watumwa.

Ngoja nikupe darsa waarabu weusi wapo toka enzi za Mtume Mohamed hapo Saudi Arabia, muazini wa msikiti wa Mtume kipindi hicho alikuwa mweusi anaitwa Bilal msome kwa hadithi unashangaa balozi huyo kuwa mweusi.
 
Nguruvi,
Mimi si mtu wa ubishi na ndiyo maana nimejizuia kwa muda mrefu kukuuliza
nyumba ya African Association Kleist aliifisadi vipi?

Kuhusu utumwa wala si jambo mtu yoyote likampendeza ila ninachosema mimi
ikiwa tunataka kuuzungumza utumwa basi usiishie kwa Waarabu tuuzungumze
na ule wa Transatlantic.

Huo ndiyo uadilifu.

Ikutoshe tu katika meli za watumwa zilizokuwa zinakwenda Amerika moja ikiitwa
''Jesus.''
Mohamed, ule wa Atlantiki wala siyo siri. Obama alipokwenda Ghana kule Cape Cost habari ilionyeshwa dunia nzima. Tena alishangaa kuona kuwa ndani ya jengo lenye mlango wa kuingilia melini na kupelekwa Marekani, juu kulikuwa na kanisa la kwaombea watumwa na kuwatakia heri katika safari yao.

Michelle Obama ni mjukuu wa zao la utumwa na watu wameshatafiti family tree.
Oprah na wengine wengi wanasema hayo.
Kuna profesa wa historia (professor in a real sense) amehamia Ghana, na wakati wa ziara ya Obama alionekana akiwa ameshika kuta na kusema ''thank you, thank you'' kwa maana ya kuwashukuru mababu waliopteza maisha kwa utumwa. Yeye alifanikiwa ku-trace family tree yake.

Katika kinyangiro cha uchaguzi wa hatua za awali (primary election) Obama, Hillary, Richardson n.k waliulizwa swali, je ni kitu gani ambacho marekani ilikifanya kibaya. Kila mmoja alisema aliyosema.
Mwisho wa yote wanahabari wakasema biahara ya utumwa ni tendo ovu sana marekani iliwahi kufanya.

Ulaya na kwingineko wanaomba radhi na hakika hakuna mzungu anayeweza kusema biashara ile ilikuwa halali hata hao KKK.

Jambo la kusikitisha sana ni hili la Mohamed kudhani kuwa isipotajwa Marekani basi Waarab wana uhalali wa kufanya hivyo. Kwamba kila kitu lazima kim-match kati ya wazungu na Waarab hata kutafutia uovu na ushetani wa namna hii hoja dhalifu dhalilili na kituko kama hizo. Mohamed, vijana deserve better than that.

Ushezni wa biashara ya utumwa Uarabuni haondolewi na biashara hityo hiyo ya kishenzi across the Pond.

Huu utumwa wa kufikiri ,Mohamed ndio ule ule wa kusema Hospitali zinapata ruzuku, akiulizwa yake ipi ili apate ruzuku hana. Kwamba hoja haisimami ila kwa kuangalia nini mwenzako kafanya.

Angalia vijana wake wameleta jedwali la kuonyesha misamaha ya kodi, ruzuku za Hospitali n.k. Tukiuliza wapi kuna Hospitali ya inayofafana na ya upande wa pili iliyonyimwa ruzuku, hakuna.

Watu badala ya kujadili kuhusu mahakama ya kadhi kama sehemu ya ibada na iachwe iendeshwe na waislam wenyewe kwa taratibu zao, wameng'ang'ania wanataka ruzuku.
Kisa cha kudai ruzuku si ibada bali kwanini wakristo wanapewa ruzuku.
Hoja nzima inakuwa haina maana wala mashiko kwasababu tu ya kufikiria kwa mtazamo wa wale na si kile kilichoshahihi. Sasa ukipewa ruzuku na kuwa ndani ya katiba si utakuwa BAKWATA nyingine?

Jokakuu, tatizo ni kuwa agenda za waislam zimebebwa na wrong people! huwezi kudhani biashara ya utumwa itakuwa nzuri uarabuni kwasababu ilfanyika hivyo Atlantiki halafu ukawa na uwezo wa kujenga hoja. Shame!
 
Jasusi,

Umeipata wapi hii ndugu kuwa nusu ya Wasaudia Arabia ni watumwa hivi unadhani muarabu mpaka uwe mweupe.

Vipi Omar Bashir, rais wa Sudan mweusi kama wewe naye ni mtumwa?

Hoja dhaifu sana umekuja nayo kuwa hata mwana wa mfalme ni mweusi kama Seif huu ndiyo ushahidi..

Katika taifa la waarabu ambao walikuwa wanashirikiana na wazungu katika biashara ya utumwa ni Oman, kwa mfano wako huo dhaifu basi tungeona Oman nusu ya watu wangekuwa ni watumwa.

Ngoja nikupe darsa waarabu weusi wapo toka enzi za Mtume Mohamed hapo Saudi Arabia, muazini wa msikiti wa Mtume kipindi hicho alikuwa mweusi anaitwa Bilal msome kwa hadithi unashangaa balozi huyo kuwa mweusi.

Hujanielewa kaka,
Sijasema nusu ya Saudi Arabia ni watumwa. Nimesema mwanamfalme aliyekuwa balozi wa Saudi Arabia Marekani ana damu ya Kiafrika, licha ya kwamba Wasaudi walikuwa wakiwahasi waafrika waliochukuliwa utumwani huko. Ndio maana huoni kuna idadi kubwa ya waarabu weusi Saudi Arabia. Wanaoonekana ni wale waliosalimika kisu cha kuhasiwa. Hata Oman idadi ya weusi ingekuwa kubwa zaidi kama si kisu cha kuwahasi weusi.
 
Kwahiyo Nyerere alipoingia madarakani ndipo vita hivyo vikasimama? na kikao cha kusuluhisha makabila yaliyokuwa yakipigana kilifanyika wapi? ni Nyerere ndie aliesimamia au alimtuma Kambona na Kawawa kwaniaba yake wakasuluhishe? hembu tupe darsa la vita vya makabila ya Tanganyika somo jipya hili! huko kwetu Kibosho mpaka leo kuna kuibiana kuku na vifaranga kati ya Wakibosho na Wamachame na kati ya wa Kirua na wa Kishmundu na panatokea kukatana mapanga mpaka mauaji lakini sijasikia hata siku moja vikiitwa ni vita vya makabila ya Tanganyika au ugaidi!
Kadogoo, mtu anayesema vitu vya kipuuzi huitwa nani? na kwahiyo wewe unayeandika huu upuuzi hapa uitweje? maana nachelea nikikuita mpuuzi utanza kutokwa mapovu bure! bora ni kuite mwerevu uliyebobea katika kejeli za kitoto! Mpumbavu mwenzio Ritz alikuja na upuuzi wake hapa kwamba kabla Nyerere hajazaliwa hakukuwahi kuwepo vita vya makabila hapa! nikamuonesha uongo wake kwamba makabila mbalimbali yalikuwa katika vita. Wewe kwa ushabiki wako usio hata ya chembe unakuja na hizo kebehi zako na unataka tukusifie "what a shame!". Vita vya makabila viliisha baada ya ukoloni wa wawajeremani kuyaunganisha makabila hayo katika koloni moja lililokuja itwa "German East Africa". Sasa kwa ulivyo mpumbavu somo hili hutalielewa mpaka pale zee lako jinga Mohamed litakapo afiki.
 
Mkuu,
huu si wakati wa kunyoosheana vidole! kabla mambo hayajaharibika kuna ulazima wa kukaa chini na kujadili matatizo yote kwa uwazi na ukweli! na kama pande zote zitakaa kwa nia njema basi huenda pakawa na muafaka! nakuhakikishia kuwa Waislamu TZ hawatakuwa watu wa kwanza kuleta machafuko!
Zee lenu lilikiri hapa kwamba waislam mulimtuma Sheikh Ilunga apite Tanzania nzima kuelezea Mfumo Kristo (kazi aliyiifanya kwa ufanisi mkubwa!) unavyowaumiza waislam, Ilunga hakuishia kuelezea ubaya wa mfumo wa kufikirika mfumo kristo bali alikwenda mbali zaidi kwa kutoa hatua za kuchukua dhidi ya mfumo huo... Kisasi, akaamru viongozi wa dini ya kikiristo wauawe! Kadogoo, unataka tumsifu mzee Mohamed Saidi aliyeanzisha ajenda mbaya na ya hatari kama hiyo?
 
Mzee Said, Shukran kwa maelezo yako, kulikuwa na maelezo ya awali ya kumfananisha huyu Pharaoh-mummy na Sadat. Nadhani ilikuwa toka kwa Kadogoo. sasa Kumbe ni wewe? au nilikosea? kama siye yeye itabidi Kadogoo uniwie radhi. Lakini kilisemwa kitu kama hicho na nilikuwa tu nachanganyia hali tete ya hao mummy wa Misri. Niliisoma mahali siku za nyuma.

Sasa ndugu yangu nikushukuru kwa download yako. La msingi hapa ni kuwa kitabu hiki ni mawazo yako na uchambuzi wako binafsi. Hiki kitabu sio "ripoti huru ya kitafiti" yenye "methodology" inayojulikana na isiyoshaka katika kukusanya data. Mfano, hakuna anayejua ulipuuza simulizi za wakiristo wangapi wakati unakusanya materials za kitabu chako. Hakuna anayejua kama makuli wa bandari ni wote 100% walikuwa waislamu? (lete orodha), hakuna anayejua kama waliogoma TRAU wote 100% walikuwa waislamu (orodha tafadhali). Sasa, tuje zile kura tatu (wakati wa uhuru) hivi, zilipigwa maeneo ya waislamu pekee yao au hata kusikokuwa na waislamu? Utasema kuwa kule ambako hakukuwa na waislamu basi TANU walishindwa? Hivi, AMNUT walishinda katika maeneo yenye waislamu? Jibu unalijua vizuuriiii sana. Ndio maana japo napongeza juhudi zako lakini sikubaliani na tafsiri zako.
 
Na huyu je??
Slavery always existed in Africa as part of a social system but trade started with Arab raiders arriving around the 9th century to take Africans to markets in Mesopotamia, India, Persia and Arabia. In the 19th century slave trading was a flourishing commercial practice with regular and massive deportations organised by Arab slavers helped by local tribes such as the Nyamwezi who became their redoubtable partners. The most renowned Arab trader was Tippu Tip (Hemedi bin Muhammad el Marjebi), born in Zanzibar, who at 18 began slave and ivory trading between the interior and coastal towns,
. In East Africa all the main routes, such as the above, lay in Tanganyika: a route in the North passed through Karagwe and North of Lake Victoria and divided to head north to Bunyoro and north-east towards Buganda. A less frequented route in the south exploited by the Yao, led from Lake Nyasa to Kilwa.
The movement to abolish the slave trade started in England after publication of John Wesley's Thought upon Slavery in 1774 followed by Scottish economist Adam Smith's work The Wealth of Nations published in 1776. The latter laid to rest once and for all the 200 year-old economic belief that slave labour was cheaper than free men's work.
It still took more than a century for Slavery to be totally abolished. The Moresby Treaty in 1822, the Hamerton Treaty in 1845 and finally on 5th June 1873 the treaty signed between the British Consul in Zanzibar, Sir John Kirk, and Sultan Barghash made slave trading illegal. By 1889 all former slaves were declared free men and the status of slave was abolished in 1907 in British East Africa. Compensation claims, the last step to offset the intricate human-economic impact brought about by the abolition, were not considered after 31 December 1911.
In Tanganyika the status lasted another 15 years until the end of German rule when the country became a British Protectorate in 1922

Slavery always existed in Africa as part of a social system but trade started with Arab raiders arriving around the 9th century to take Africans to markets in Mesopotamia, India, Persia and Arabia. In the 19th century slave trading was a flourishing commercial practice with regular and massive deportations organised by Arab slavers helped by local tribes such as the Nyamwezi who became their redoubtable partners. The most renowned Arab trader was Tippu Tip (Hemedi bin Muhammad el Marjebi), born in Zanzibar, who at 18 began slave and ivory trading between the interior and coastal towns,
Moja ya Dhulma kubwa iliyoenea ulimwenguni ni kukataa ukweli na kuwasingizia watu mambo ya uongo kwa faida y kundi fulani katika jamii.Huu uzi umekuja kwa kumsingizia Mohammed na uchochezi baada ya kufungwa ule uliozungumzia ukweli.Hata hivyo hata tukifika kurasa 1000 ukweli aliozungumzia Mohammed utabaki na Mwanakijiji na Nguruvi hata walete ngonjera gani hawatoweza kuufuta.
Sababu ya kusema hivyo ni kwa vile Mohammed amekutana na kuhojiana na makumi kama si mamia waliokuwa na Nyerere na wote hao wamezungumza ukweli walioujua ambao Mohammed ametuletea.Mbali na hivyo Mohammed mwenyewe ameshuhudia mengi akaunganisha na wapigania uhuru hao.
Tutakuwa na akili gani tusikilize ngonjera za watu ambao hawajahusika na wapigania uhuru kama ilivyo kwa Mohammed.
Kuhusiana na Tippu Tip (Hemedi bin Muhammad el Marjebi) tutakuwa wapuuzi wa mwisho kama tutawasikiliza wamishionari tu waliokuwa na ajenda ya kuupiga vita uislamu na tusimsikilize Tippu Tip mwenyewe.
Alipokuwa mzee yuko nyumbani kwake mji mkongwa Zanzibar alisikia mengi yaliyokwisha kuandikwa na rafiki zake kuhusiana na yeye na ndipo akapata ilhamu ya kuandika historia yake mwenyewe.Katika sehemu moja ya utangulizi kaandika hivi;na mimi nimeandika kabla
Nalipopata miaka thenashara ,nalishika safari za karibu.Hafanya biashara ya sandarusi pamoja na ndugu yangu Muhammed bin Masud el Wardi na mjomba wangu Bushiri bin Habib wa Abdallah bin Habib el Wardijan.Nachukua bidhaa kidogo,maana kijana.Nao wao ndugu yangu na wajomba wangu wakichukuwa bidhaa nyingi kidogo.Hafanza biashara ya sandarusi mwaka mmoja╡
Hapa hajajitaja kuwa alifanya biashara ya utumwa.Yeye alikuwa machinga wa siku hizo

and by 1880 he had built a large commercial empire between the Upper Congo, Lake Tanganyika and Bagamoyo on the coast, where the slaves were shipped-off to Zanzibar for sale to foreign merchants,
Hawa foreign merchants ndio Bakhresa na hawakuwa waislamu wala waarabu.
 
Na ndio maana umeambiwa kama unaona haina maana wewe ipuuze tuh historia hii,hujashikiwa bakora kuikubali wala kuikataa,Na kama unahis Yericko ana historia ya wazee wake unajidanganya,yericko hana cha kukuambia wewe kwakuwa nyerere si mzee wake,kwa maana hata wana familia waa nyerere kina Adrew na makongoro wamemkan hapa jamvin kwamba hawamfaham..
Wewe kama unayo ya wazee wako sawa andika tuone,kelele kelele zisizo na tija kama bata za nini??

Hao wazee wa Mo wake? Mie nikajua anamwita kila mzee mwislamu mzee wake nae Yeriko hata mie naweza kuleta ya wazee wangu 'wakristo'. Na kwahiyo unaamini Makongoro angeandika ingeleta maana zaidi sio nadhani msg sent.
 
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Mzee Said, Shukran kwa maelezo yako, kulikuwa na maelezo ya awali ya kumfananisha huyu Pharaoh-mummy na Sadat. Nadhani ilikuwa toka kwa Kadogoo. sasa Kumbe ni wewe? au nilikosea? kama siye yeye itabidi Kadogoo uniwie radhi. Lakini kilisemwa kitu kama hicho na nilikuwa tu nachanganyia hali tete ya hao mummy wa Misri. Niliisoma mahali siku za nyuma.

Sasa ndugu yangu nikushukuru kwa download yako. La msingi hapa ni kuwa kitabu hiki ni mawazo yako na uchambuzi wako binafsi. Hiki kitabu sio "ripoti huru ya kitafiti" yenye "methodology" inayojulikana na isiyoshaka katika kukusanya data. Mfano, hakuna anayejua ulipuuza simulizi za wakiristo wangapi wakati unakusanya materials za kitabu chako. Hakuna anayejua kama makuli wa bandari ni wote 100% walikuwa waislamu? (lete orodha), hakuna anayejua kama waliogoma TRAU wote 100% walikuwa waislamu (orodha tafadhali). Sasa, tuje zile kura tatu (wakati wa uhuru) hivi, zilipigwa maeneo ya waislamu pekee yao au hata kusikokuwa na waislamu? Utasema kuwa kule ambako hakukuwa na waislamu basi TANU walishindwa? Hivi, AMNUT walishinda katika maeneo yenye waislamu? Jibu unalijua vizuuriiii sana. Ndio maana japo napongeza juhudi zako lakini sikubaliani na tafsiri zako.

Wickama,
Hayo yote ya methodology na mengine yanajia nini ndugu yangu?

Mie nimeandika habari za wazee wangu na jinsi walivyokabiliana na
shida za ukoloni.

Mimi sikuandika nije nishindane na mtu.
Nimeihifadhi tu historia ya wazee wale.

Wewe usishughulishwe na Uislam wao.

Kama ni Waislam ndiyo walikuwa Waislam huo ni ukweli si wewe wala
mtu yeyote anaweza kuubadili.

Kwako wewe kunambia hukubaliani na mie inanistaajabisha.
Mathalan namzungumza babu yangu Salum Abdallah, Kleist Sykes na yote
waliyoyafanya.

Sasa ukubaliane nini na mimi na kuhusu nini?

Soma ndugu yangu na kama una swali niulize nikujibu lakini ukija
na fikra kuwa ninayoyazungumza siyajui...

Mfano mdogo nitakupa.
Makuli wa bandarini niwazungumzao mie takriban wote walikuwa Waislam.

Hawa walikuwa Wazaramo, Wandengereko, Warufiji, Wangindo, Wanyagatwa,
Wamatumbi, Wakwere, Wadigo nk.

Unaponidai jedwali ni kutaka kunitia katika ubishi usio na maana yoyote na mie
si mtu wa ubishani.

Huu ndiyo ukweli wa mambo.
Mwisho wa habari.

Uislam usikutie hofu katika historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika.
Hutaweza kuuondoa kwa kuwa hivyo ndivyo ilivyokuwa.
 
Nguruvi,
Sipo hapa kwa ajili ya ubishi.
Mzee ms,

Maswali kama haya ni muhimu sana kwa sie tunaotaka tupate darsa kutoka kwako.
Ila ukikwepa kwa naman yoyote ile unajishushia sana.
Jibu swali la nguruvi, kuhusu sensa ya huo mwaka acha ujanja ujanja.
Kama hutambui sema sijuwi.
 
Hao wazee wa Mo wake? Nani hajui kua anamwita kila mzee mwislamu mzee wake nae Yeriko hata mie naweza kuleta ya wazee wangu 'wakristo'

Geeky,
Ni tofauti ya utamaduni tu.

Ndiyo maana nilimtetea Yericko alipomtakidi Nyerere kama mzazi wake.

Pale Kipata nilipozaliwa nilikuwa na baba, mama, shangazi nk. lukuki.

Halikadhalika nilikuwa na bibi ndiyo usiseme, wake zangu chungu mzima
tena wenyewe wakijifaharisha kwa kuniita "bwana," "mume wangu," "laaziz."

Huu ndiyo utamaduni niliokulia mimi.
 
Mwanakijiji hawa vijana wa Mo hawawelewi kwanini mtu anatumia uwezekano.

Nilichokuwa naongelea ni statistics na nilikuwa naonyesha probability inayoweza kutokana na statistic kwa jinsi zinavyotafsiriwa. Hapa ni upungufu wa kuelewa wa vijana wa mzee.

Unakumbuka hapo nyuma nilisema huyu anayefundisha kutengeneza sehemu za ngano kwakweli si mtaalam.
Kukiwa na kitu kinaitwa study kinachohusu vitu kama takwimu, lazima uangalie assumption, probability n.k.

Nilichowambia ni kuwa probability ya distribution population kuongezeka au kupungua ni vitu kadha wa kadha.
Kwamba hivyo ni vitu vya kuangalia, na kwasababu Mohamed na kundi lake hawakuangalia basi matokeo ndiyo hayo ya kuwa na takwimu kama namba na wala siyo stats kwa kiwango cha mtu kusema utafiti na stats zinasema abcd.

Endapo ningesema ''kuna uwezekano'' warioba alikuwa waziri wa sheri wakati anateuliwa kuwa waziri mkuu, au ningesema Warioba alikuwa mwanasheria hapo ni kweli kuwa neno inawezekana ni kiashirio cha kutokuwa na uhakika.
Lakini nilisema Wakati anateuliwa alikuwa waziri, na kabla ya hapo mwanasheria mkuu na pia alikuwa Mbunge facts ambazo Mohamed hakujaribu hata kuuliza. Anajua Nyerere hakumchukua Warioba kutoka machungani.

Mohamed anaposema inasemekana Nyerere alifanya abcd, inasemekana Wakristo walifanya abcd au inasemekana TANU iliundwa hapo ni kuwa hana ushahidi kwasababu haongelei probability.

Nadhani umesema vizuri, kama mimi nikisema inawezekana takwimu zingekuwa abcd hilo linaonekana kama kutokuwa na uhakika basi wanapaswa kumwambia Mohamed nusu ya kitabu chake hakuwa na uhakika kwasababu ametumia ''inasemekana'' mara nyingi sana
Tumeonyesha inasemekana za kutosha tu.

Wasi wasi wangu ni kuwa akina Mohamed wanazeeka sasa vijana wanaotarajiwa kuchukua mikoba kama ndio hao basi tutarudi kule kule kwa kundi la watu wenye fikra za kuonewa kujifungia mahali na kutafuta namba halafu kuja nazo hadharani kama utafiti. Kinachofuata ni aibu na soni!

Vijana wa Mohamed na yeye waliomba tafsiri ya sensa nikaweka, hakuna aliyehoji hata mmoja akiwemo mwalimu wao.
Nimeweka jedwali nikaligeuza upside down, hakuna hata mmoja aliyesimama kulitetea. Maana yake wanakubali lakini wafanyeje?
Nashangaa wanasema ''hakuna uhakika'' wakati hakuna, narudi hakuna hata mmoja aliyenukuu mstari na kuuelezea tofauti.

Wacha porojo Nguruvi!.Mwenzako Mwanakijiji socratic Method yake ilipofeli kuonesha kuwa kukanusha kuwa uislamu ulikuwepo kabla ya ukristo na Yesu (A.S) amekaa kimya.
Wewe bado unajigaragaza kwenye tope la statistics na sensa.Sioni shida kukumbusha haya ya karibuni.Yale ya definition ya mfumokristo naona tabu hata kukumbusha kwa vile huwezi kabisa kujibu.
Hapa naomba jibu vitu hivi kwa staili ile ya kujaza mapengo ili tupate kuelewa unachokusudia.Hakuna sababu ya maelezo ya ngonjera.
Hata hivyo asichoelewa Mohamed ni ukweli kuwa idadi si kitu kinachokwenda sambamba na ubora.
  • (Quatity is not necessarily direct proportioanl to Quality).

    Inaweza kuwa hivyo endapo
    1. Wanafunzi walioandikishwa darasa la 1 walimaliza la 7
    2. Wanafunzi hao walipata elimu bora kwa kulinganisha na minority
    3. Wanafunzi hao waliingia katika chumba cha mitihani..​

  • 1.Wanafunzi waliandikishwa ndio maana Kitwana Kondo aliona uwingi wao.Jee wewe ulionaje kwamba hawakumaliza......................................................................................................................
    2.Umeona wapi kwenye chumba kimoja cha darasa minority wakapewa elimu bora na majority wakapewa elimu duni?.Najua huna utafiti lakini kama una mfano wowote kutoka popote tupime................................................................................................................................................
    3.Wanafunzi waislamu walikuwa na shida gani mpaka siku ya mtihani wasiingie kwenye chumba cha mtihani.........................................................................................................................................





 
Mzee ms,

Maswali kama haya ni muhimu sana kwa sie tunaotaka tupate darsa kutoka kwako.
Ila ukikwepa kwa naman yoyote ile unajishushia sana.
Jibu swali la nguruvi, kuhusu sensa ya huo mwaka acha ujanja ujanja.
Kama hutambui sema sijuwi.

Mgashi,
Najishusha sana.

Kipi kimekufanya udhani mie niko juu?

Niache ujanja
Ujanja upi?

Sitambui kipi?

Ubishi hauna maana.
Mimi si tabia yangu kubishana.
 
Mgashi,
Najishusha sana.

Kipi kimekufanya udhani mie niko juu?

Niache ujanja
Ujanja upi?

Sitambui kipi?

Ubishi hauna maana.
Mimi si tabia yangu kubishana.
Mzee Ms,

Hapo hakuna unaebishana nae, ila mpo kutupa darsa.
Sasa ili tuelimike zaidi usikwepe maswali na si ubishani.
Ila nachokiona ni ujanja wa kukwepa maswali na kukimbilia ubishani hapa habishiwi mtu ila unahitajika ukweli tu.
Ukisema we unajua hili au umelipotosha fasta wanaibuka wajuvi wenzako wanaweka msitali sawa hakuna kubishana mzee wangu.
 
Mbona kila tunapokaribia na weekend tunaanza kutapika matusi?

Kadogoo,
Ngoja nikupe mikasa ya Wamisri.

Wamisri ni watu wa mashkhara sana na vichekesho.

Anaweza akakueleza habari za Firauni kumbe anamkusudia
Hussein Mubarak.

Ikhwan wana kujeli na vichekesho vya kuvunja mbavu.

Wanasema Abduhalim Hakim aliyekuwa Mkuu wa Majeshi Misri
chini ya Nasser alipojiwa kaburini na Munkar wa Nakir alipoulizwa
nani Mola wake alijibu Mola wake ni Nasser.

Palipita kishindo na Abdulhalim alipobanwa kisawasawa akawauliza
Munkar wa Nakir, "Kwani nyie mabwana mnatoka wapi?

Alipojibiwa kuwa wao wanatoka kwa Allah akasema, "Mbona hamkusema
toka mwanzo? Mie nilidhani nyie askari wa Nasser mmekuja kunipeleleza."

Hapo ndipo Abdulhalim akajibu kuwa Mola wake ni Allah.
Hivyo ndivyo vijembe vya Wamisri.

Sasa nilipokuwa Misri jamaa wakifika Egyptian Museum kumuona Firauni
wanamlaani.

Sasa si kuwa walikuwa wakimlaani Firauni bali Sadat.
Ilipojulikana ile chamber ikafungwa.
 
Well,niseme mimi kama mimi nikubaliane na hoja yako,,
Nakuuliza swali,kama harakati hizo zilisukumwa na suala la uzalendo kuliko imani za kidini,iweje sasa wengine wafutwe na kupuuzwa huku wengine watukuzwe na hadi kufikiwa kupewa ubaba wa taifa??
Na kwanin wale waliopuuzwa wengiwao upo ushahid unaonesha kuwa walikuwa ni watu wa imani ya Mohammed na wale waliotukuzwa wameonekana sana ya kwamba walikuwa ni watu wa iman ya jesus of nazareti?
Kuna nini hapo?Mohammed lost and jesus won? or jihad failed and crusade won?
Nyie wenyewe mmeyasababisha,watu wakichambua yakiwa makavu makavu mnasema wachochez,sasa hiyo akili au matope??
Sasa mkiitwa nyie ni wapuuzi mnakasirika!umeandika kitu gani hapo?tangu mwanzo wa mjadala huu umeoneshwa kwamba washiriki wa mapambano ya kudai uhuru hawakushiriki kwa imani zao bali kwa umoja wao kama watanganyika. Historia huwa haibagui mshiriki bali nafasi yake ya ushiriki ndio humpaisha au kumshusha. Dereva wa Nyerere hawezi kuwa juu ya katibu wa TANU, mwimbaji na mhamasishaji wakati wa mapambano hayo (Mzee Makongoro) wala hakumbukwi labda mkisikia Nyimbo zake. Historia inayoandikwa haiwezi kuwataja watu wote walioshiri. Mpiga picha hawezi kuonesha pande zote za jengo kwa picha moja. Tatizo lako umetanguliza uislamu wako kama ajenda ya mjadala na ndio maana huwezi kuona ukweli wowote zaidi yakuona waislam wanaonewa, wanabaguliwa na mfumo kiristo wa Mohamed Saidi mchochezi na mbabaishaji.
 
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