Sharif Ritz,
Namuwekea rafiki yake
Yericko hii hapa chini labda inaweza kumsaidia akaelewa hali ya siasa ilikuwaje pale New
Street kuanzia mwaka 1950 hadi TANU ilipoasisiwa 1954:
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Nyerere had barely finished reading Abdulwahids handover notes when, on 1 August, 1953, the colonial administration published Government Circular No. 5 banning African civil servants from politics. [1] Legally, of course, there was no political party in Tanganyika.
The Governor did not need to go to the Registrar of Societies to check the simple fact; it was known the Africans in Tanganyika had not gone beyond formation of welfare associations.
Ushahidi kuwa TAAhaikuwa chama cha kisiasa ingawa kilikuja anza ingiza siasa .....
"...barely finished...".Barely finnished ni kukuza tuu mambo...Tukirudi ktk tabia za Nyerere...Huyu Mzee/Kijana wa enzi hizo alikuwa book worm sijui ungempa notes gani alizozipenda au kuona umuhimu halafu ashindwe zisoma haraka na kwa utulivu.Hapo ndipo mapishi ya upotoshaji yalianza .
Hii ilikuwa kweli kwani nchi nzima palikuwa na vyama vya ushirika na kijamii tuu.Hapakuwa na vya kisiasa na hivyo siasa zilipitia huko.
......But the government was forced to react in the way it did because of developments after 1950 when the Makerere intellectuals took over the TAA. The government decided to react against TAA because it was aware of its political character.
Waliotoka makarere ndio hawa akina Nyerere na Si akina
Abdulwahid ambao walishabweteka na walisubiri deal la vita tuu km ingebidi, na mara nyingi ni pale maslahi yao y akibiashara yakiguswa..hata Abushir alikuja juu baada ya biashara ya Utumwa kuguswa.Hapa contradiction zinaonekana.
Since 1950 when Abdulwahid and Dr Kyaruzi assumed power, TAA headquarters began to capitalize on the social discontent in the country in order to legitimise its own existence in the eyes of the people of Tanganyika.
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[TD="width: 752"] The formation of the Political Sub-Committee in TAA, its involvement in the Constitutional Development Committee of Governor Edward Twining and in its submission of proposals to the government and its conduct in the Meru Land Case smacked of behaviour typical of political organisations. The colonial government was also aware that Mwapachu was in contact with the Fabian Society and was contributing radical articles to The Sentinel and was exchanging correspondence with ultra-leftists of the Labour Party in Britain.
Ni radicalism gani ilikuwa ktk Barua?Je ilikuwa na reaction gani kwa waingereza?
Na correspondense gani hiyo....kwani wenzetu vyama haviwezi wasiliana na mataifa ua vikundi hasimu na nchi yao.Pasipo kuwa na maslahi ya taifa.Na inawezekana kabisa Labour Party,ilikuwa ni alternative way ya waingereza kujua goals na shida za watanzania,bila ku compromise superiority yao, na baadaye watumie info kukabiliana na watanzania.
In his capacity as the secretary of TAGSA, Ally Sykes had established contact with the Secretary-General of the Pan African Congress of Northern Rhodesia, Kenneth David Kaunda. [2] Abdulwahid had met the Indian High Commissioner to East Africa in Nairobi in 1950 in his official capacity as secretary of TAA. The colonial government was probably aware that since 1950 Abdulwahid and Ally were in constant contact with the Asia Socialist Conference and its Anti-Colonial Bureau. This behaviour by the Association and its leadership had transformed it into a de facto political party.
By the time wahindi walikuwa wameletwa wengi tuu na waingereza na india ilishakuwa ktk model itakayotumika Africa mashariki.
Na nikisoma hapa chini kuna clue nyingine ambayo haimtoi Nyerere ktk hiyo movement km central icon.
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By the time Nyerere was taking over leadership of TAA, Governor Edward Twining had ample evidence of TAAs involvement in politics and the circular which the government had issued was to check this new development. Up to that moment no one could accuse Nyerere of meddling in politics, even with his election as president of the TAA. If the government had wanted it could have interdicted almost the entire leadership, save Nyerere and a few others, and banned TAA.
The circular therefore threatened the very existence of the association and its direction. Most of the educated Africans who were in the civil service left the Association. Remaining close to Abdulwahid, Nyerere and TAA were a few die-hards-Ally Sykes, Dossa Aziz and John Rupia.
Ktk red, kuna clue za exceptinalism kwa Nyerere...Waingereza walijua Nyerere alikuwa mwanasiasa,na Tayari alikuwa anaungwa Mkono na wamissionary waliokuwa wakitaka Tanganyika huru.Ila walimwamini kuliko hao wengine.Walijuwa Nyerere alikuwa na akili timamu na alipenda usawa wa matabaka yote.Alikuwa ni mtu ambaye alishaonyesha peaceful ways.Na tayari waingereza walijua asingeweza kabisa chukua njia za Maumau.Tofauti na hao radicals niliokuuliza hapo juu.
By that Time Nyerere alishaaminika na camp zote,na pia alikuwalika na wale ambao walimchukia kwa dini yake,rangi yake ila walimkubali ktk haki atoayo, na msaada autoao n amajibu aliyokuwa nayo ktk mambo yaliyomzunguka.
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Abdulwahid risked losing his job as Market Master at the Kariakoo Market. Being a missionary employee, Julius Nyerere ironically, was not affected by the circular, although as we shall see later, his leadership of the popular mass movement was in contradiction to the stand of the Church on the African politics.
Hapa tayari kuna kaarufu kengine ka upotoshaji...Abdulwahid anasemwa km tajiri na funder wa projects.Nyerere naye anasema pia kuwa, wazee wengi walikuwa hawa tena hofu ya kupoteza kazi na walikuwa wafanya biashara.
Halafu hapa mnatulea habari zingine kuwa ali risk...ali risk nini wakati risk yenyewe tayari si applicable?Unless km alikuwa disperate sana kw ahiyo kazi halafu iwe ktk hatari ya kupotea.
Serikali haikumbana kwa vile hakuwa mwajiriwa wao ,ingawa kwa kiasi fulani wangeweza wabana wamissionary wamchomoe.
Nyerere hapa anaonekana kuwaudhi kanisa ambalo African politics zilijaa siasa za dini za kiislam,km za CUF leo ,kwa kuonyesha ukaribu hadi wakapoza imani naye.Hapa pana clue ingine,dhidi ya claims za waislam kuwa Nyerere alilifanyia kazi kanisa.Kwa miendeno yake ni wazi alionekana kuvuka mipaka.
He was giving in too much, hadi alipokuja fikia chukua shule na mahospital ili kuwaridhisha waislam ambao leo hii wamewekeza nguvu zao zote kunchafua,km adhabua ya kujichafua mbele ya wakristu na wavuja jasho wengine waliojenga miundombinu yao kwa ubora wa hali ya juu.Matakwa ya waislam kuendelezwa ili wakubali uhuru yakawa yametimilizwa,ila waislam bado hawajabadilika ikilinganishw ana wengine.Hata walionyang`anywa waliamua kimbia na muda si mrefu wakazidi walichony`anyang`anywa.
The political movement which had existed in Abdulwahids mind from the end of the World War II when he was in Burma serving under the British command faced premature death. It was obvious to Abdulwahid that the TAA leadership and the future of Tanganyika faced a do-or-die situation. They could either succumb to threats and nip the movement in the bud, or stand up against the government and face whatever would be the consequences.
Abdul wahid hapa anaonekana hakuw ana kili timamu..kwani hakuwa amesoma parameters zake vyema.Na anaonekana kuwa na couse nyingine.Hakujua kuw awaingereza walikuwa na kazi ya kuandaa taifa na hawakuwa watu wa kukaa muda mrefu.Ingawa walikuwa wakijijiengea mazingira ya kusema bado
Nyerere aliona hilo na akajipanga kuwapiga bao,kwa kuwathibitishia mapema UN kuwa tupo tayari.Na alifanya mambo yake kwa taiming na akili sana.Kwa ujumla hao wengine hawakuwa na tofauti na magari au nyenzo ya kazi.Kwani kila kitu successful kilipangwa na Nyerere.Na hili lilionekan hata baadaya Uhuru.
Hotuba yake ya UN ilikuwa ni cutting edge.Aliwaacha members na fikra mbadala na huruma kwa wanamapinduzi wa Africa.Wakati waingereza hawakuwa na furaha tena.
Pengine Akin Sykes na Kyaruzi,wangesema km walimwandikia.
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After assessing the political climate and making the necessary consultations with the TAA inner circle, (Abdulwahid, Ally, Tewa, Dossa, Rupia, Nyerere and the elders), TAA leadership at the headquarters resolved to stand up to the colonial government. In an unprecedented gesture, TAA declared itself a political party working for the development of the people of Tanganyika. Further more, it called for a dialogue with the colonial government. TAA President Julius Nyerere wrote a letter to Governor Edward Twining which in part read:''...the vast majority of the educated Africans in this territory are in the Civil Service and banning them from membership of political organisations is equivalent to banning the Tanganyika African Association, the only political organisation in the Territory. This, Your Excellency, is a serious blow to our political development.'' [3] Governor Twining must have been startled by Nyereres letter and the initiative to call for a dialogue between the government and TAA. Within seven days Twining wrote back to Nyerere informing him that he would grant an interview to a TAA delegation.[4] This was a complete change to the response which TAA had been receiving from the government for many years. Governor Twining had probably read the signs of the times. The colonial goverment could no longer afford to ignore TAA.
Hii barua ilikuwa very iconic na crucial...alisema maneno sahihi ktk muda sahihi.....ilikuwa game changer.Hii haikuw ana mkono wa mtu wala kuhitaji sijui idadi gani ya waislam,wakristu au familia ya sykes..Ni km magoli ya Messi anapoamua kukata msitu na kufunga.
Hapa Chini panathibitisha perfect timing ya barua ya Nyerere....pengine swali ambalo ungejiuliza ni km Nyerere alijua time au ilitokea bahati mbaya?
The government was put in a situation in which there was only one line of action open. It could allow open political organisation in Tanganyika and avert a crisis, or ban political activities and face violent resistance as experienced in 1947 and 1950 by the port labour movement. That situation could also deteriorate to what the government was facing in Kenya where KAU was banned, all political activities suspended and the state of emergency declared.
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