Ukweli ni upi kuhusu Oscar Kambona?

[Jasusi]

Hata kama Tanu ingebeba asilimia 100 ya kura zote hii haimaanishi kwamba Wananchi walitaka TANU ivifute vyama vingine vya siasa, Wananchi kuichagua TANU kwa asilimia hizo labda ni kutokana na kuvutiwa na TANU na uongozi wake, sasa umejuaje pengine Wapinzani hapo baadae wangejijenga, wakajiuza kwa wananchi, wakaleta mbadala wa mawazo kwa wananchi huenda baadae wangekubalika.
Hebu jiulize TANU ilipokuja na azimio la arusha, ukosefu wa Vyama Vingine vya kuleta sera mbadala kwa wananchi kulisaidia Azimio kupita kiulaini na kuwa enforced kupitia vijiji vya ujamaa n.k.

Au Chukulia mfano mgombea Uraisi kupitia TANU (mwalimu) katika uchaguzi kusimama na kivuli, bila shaka angekuwepo mgombea mwingine kupitia Upinzani au hata ndani ya chama chenyewe cha TANU na CCM vingesaidia wigo mpana wa demokrasia.

Mfumo wa Chama kimoja ungepitishwa na Wananchi wenyewe lingekuwa jambo jingine, lakini so far serikali ya TANU kujiamulia kuviondoa bila kuwashirikisha wananchi ni dhahiri demokrasia haikufuatwa.

Gamba,
Unachosema ni sahihi kabisa. Lakini kumbuka wakati ule baada ya ushindi wa 98% TANU iliona hakuna mpinzani. Ni ile mentality ya winner takes all iliyotawala. Zuberi Mtemvu alistaafu kwenye siasa na TANU ikavimba kichwa kwamba hakuna mwingine. Hata uamuzi wa kutangaza chama kimoja cha siasa ulisababisha mrindimo mkubwa kwenye ukumbi wa mkutano. Sidhani kuna mtu wakati huo aliyeangalia hali itakuwaje miaka 10 hadi 20 baadaye. Labda tunaweza kusema kuwa jeuri ya TANU na baadaye CCM ilizaliwa hapo, sijui.

 

[maggid]

Maggid, Ahsante sana kwa mjadala wako mzuri unaotoa historia iliyofichika kwa muda mrefu sasa. Ukipata nafasi jaribu kumtafuta mdogo wake Kambona anayejulikana kama Matia Kambona aliyeko uhamishoni nchini Uingereza. Binafsi nimepata nafasi ya kuongea naye na ana mengi kuhusiana na historia ya Oscar Kambona, kwa sasa yupo nchini kama vile mtalii na anaangalia uwezekano wa kurudi nchini ila bado ana hofu na mfumo wa usalama wa taifa ambao uliwanyanyasa sana kipindi cha Nyerere ila ana matumaini Katiba mpya itapitisha sual la uraia wa nchi mbili ili aweze kurudi rasmi. Ameandika vitabu kama vitatu hivi ambavyo kwa contents zilizopo ndani nahisi huenda vikapata upinzani sana kukubaliwa na wengi ila huo ndio ukweli mchungu ambao inabidi Watanzania tuukubali. Kila la heri Maggid!

Hiphop,
Asante sana.
Kama unavyooa kwenye maandiko yangu. Lengo hasa ni kuirejea historia yetu kwa manufaa ya nchi yetu; kizazi hiki na vijavyo. Na kama uonavyo, katika jitihada hizi za sie tunaotaka kujua, tunakutana na hali ya kukatishwa tamaa na wachache wenye kudhani kuwa wanajua. Labda hawataki wengine tujue wanachodhani wanajua! Nina kiu ya kujua mawili matatu kutoka kwako. Naomba tuwasiliane kwa email hii; mjengwamaggid@gmail.com

 

[Shwari]

Those of you who are trying to rehabilitate Oscar Kambona should at least tell the truth. Otherwise you lose credibility. Even his younger brother Mattiya, in his article below, has made a hyperbolic statement which impeaches his credibility. He unequivocally states: "Our elder brother Oscar, who had been Vice-President (of Tanzania)...."

When was Oscar Kambona vice president of Tanzania? Is it true that his younger brother Mattiya Kambona did not know that Rashidi Kawawa was the vice president?

Such an outlandish claim by Mattiya is inextricably linked with delusions of grandeur the Kambona brothers were afflicted with, in their quest for power, probably even deluding themselves into believing that Oscar was indeed destined to be president of Tanzania right from the beginning.

He also brazenly states: "In the Tanzania that I had left, all those years ago, one scarcely saw anyone smiling: there was little to smile about in those days."

That's a downright lie.

Unihibited, he further states that groups of people - apparently critics of Nyerere - were routinely rounded up and thrown into prison, individuals mysteriously disappeared, and so forth. He says he expected to see that in Tanzanian newspapers when he returned home but saw none of that.

What groups of people were being routinely rounded up in the sixties and seventies? You are talking about groups of people, not just individuals. And can you name a few individuals whom Nyerere killed for criticising him? In his article reprinted below in its entirety, Mattiya Kambona apparently uses the term "disappeared" in another context as well, as a euphemism for "murder," not just for imprisonment.

And nowhere does he mention that his elder brother Oscar was the ring leader of a treasonous coterie whose inner circle included some of Kambona's close relatives; nor does he concede that the plot to overthrow the government and assasinate Nyerere started before July 1967 when Oscar Kambona left Tanzania. Kambona's close associate, Eli Anangisye, was arrested in the same year. His arrest had nothing to do with criticising the government in Parliament. Of all members of parliament, it would have been Chogga who would have been arrested for crticising the government relentlessly. I even remember one time when Kawawa asked Chogga - "is there not one good thing the government has done?" - since Chogga was such a persistent critic of the government.

Mattiya should also be glad that Nyerere left Oscar Kambona alone when Oscar returned to Tanzania. Here is a someone who wanted to assasinate Nyerere. Here is someone who also continued to lie about Nyerere - claiming that Mwalimu stole a lot money during his tenure, among other things. He also lied about Kawawa. He said Kawawa also stole a lot of money. He promised to tell it all in his speech at Jangwani. He never did. There was nothing to tell.

In spite of all that, Mwalimu did not retailiate against him.

It was also Mwalimu who forgave Bibi Titi, Eli Anangisye and others who wanted to overthrow and eliminate him. Tell me any other African leader who has done that.

Eli Anangisye was not taken to court. That is why details about his involvement in the plot to overthrow Nyerere were not provided to the public. But he asked for forgiveness and Mwalimu forgave him and even let him get a very good job after he was released from detention. I talked to him after he was released.

Where else in Africa did you see that when Mwalimu was in power?

Msipotoshe ukweli. Kuna wana Jamii hapa wanao jua mengi kuhusu akina Kambona, Bibi Titi, Chacha, Kamaliza, Chipaka, na hata kuhusu wahaini wengine, kwa mfano Eli Anangisye, ambao hawakupelekwa mahakamani. Mkiongopa, mtanaswa.

And here is Mattiya Kambona:



Exile and Return
Mattiya Kambona

Editorial note: The Salisbury Review has had a
long connection with the Kambona family and three
brothers have now written for it. Oscar Kambona was
a prominent Government Minister in the sixties but
resigned in 1967 in protest at the introduction of the
one party state and the brutal collectivization of the
countryside. He left Tanzania for a 25 year exile in
Britain and terrible reprisals were taken against his
family and friends. (v SR vol 3 No 4, Vol 9 No 4, Vol
12 No 2, Vol 23 No 2, Vol 26 No 4)


When President Julius Nyerere's dictatorship of Tanzania finally came to an end in 1998, my close relatives gradually became more at ease when they spoke to me on the telephone. I had been living in exile in Britain for more than thirty years, and during that time conversations with people ‘back home' had necessarily been very guarded. Then one day I was somewhat surprised when someone asked me, ‘When are you coming home?'

During the dictatorship I had spent more than ten years in prison (without ever having been accused of any crime) so I could not understand why my people seemed so keen for me to return to a place which could be so dangerous. Had my relatives become Government agents? Cautiously I contacted some friends who assured me that it would be safe for me to return. ‘Come back', said one, ‘the dark days are gone. So I decided to visit my country to ‘test the waters'.

In 1968 my brother Otini and I had had to consider escaping from Tanzania, as we had realised that our situations were precarious. Our elder brother Oscar, who had been Vice-President, had already had to flee with his wife and family because he had had a disagreement with Nyerere over establishing Tanzania as a one party state and collectivising the peasants soviet style. (see The Time I Met Mao, SR Summer 1990)

Oscar was bitterly opposed to any such move. One day he had a warning from a friend who was a high ranking official in the police that he would be arrested very soon for opposing the President's wishes. Nevertheless Otini and I had hoped for the best and put our trust in the International community who we hoped would protect us, or at least would speak out for us, if we were arrested, and make the world aware of our situation as they did in Nelson Mandela's case.

The British government which had so painstakingly drawn up our constitution, which provided for a multiparty state, should be concerned. Otini was working as a journalist and I was employed in the Ministry of Industry and Power. I am a Cambridge graduate so we thought perhaps we were safe.

However late at night when I was working at home, I become aware of a tremendous commotion in the street outside. There seemed to be police cars everywhere. Then came the dreaded knock on the door. The police searched my home for several hours, then told me to accompany them to Ukanga prison. I thought that, perhaps, was some mistake as I was not being accused of any crime, but it was to be more than ten years before I saw the outside world again. On that dreadful night, I realized that my brother Otini had also been arrested, although I was not able to talk to him; indeed during the following years when Tanzania was developing into a completely inefficient state where nothing worked, my brother and I, while being shunted around various prisons from time to time, were very efficiently kept apart for the whole of our incarceration. Otini was married to a girl from Martinique and had two small children, my wife was from the Gambia and I had a three-month-old daughter. Both families were immediately expelled and our properties were expropriated. It was to be ten years before we saw anything of them again.

In 1978, we were just as suddenly and inexplicably released - probably through the intervention of Prime Minister Muldoon of New Zealand, who by a fortunate chance had heard of our plight and had made it known to Nyerere that aid from New Zealand would cease unless we were released. This happened almost immediately.

We were still not safe, however, as it was common practice that when people were released from prison the President would order their re-arrest. We knew that we would never be given official permission to leave the country; we would have to escape. One day we went north to Moshi, a town near the border with Kenya. We were not sure where we would go from there, but by another lucky chance, I met a man whom I had known in Moshi prison. He agreed to take us to a path in the forest from where we could cross to Kenya. Under no circumstances, however, could he be seen with us, because as soon as the authorities realised that we were no longer in Tanzania, he would be arrested and put into prison again, as it would be assumed that he had helped us escape. We could only make our way after dark and he would have to return before dawn. And so we managed to reach Kenya.

Here we had friends. President Kenyatta, who knew Oscar, was no admirer of Julius Nyerere. We were able to travel with the help of these friends to London and safety, or so we thought. We applied to the Callaghan government for asylum, which was refused. Then one morning I received a letter from the Home Office signed personally by Dr David Owen, who was Home Secretary, to go to Heathrow Airport, for deportation back to Tanzania. I was in a complete panic: some day I should like to confront Dr Owen and ask him why he was so keen to send us back to certain death.
Fortunately, thanks to the delay pending an appeal there was a change of government at the 1979 election and
Margaret Thatcher's government granted me asylum. I was safe and free at last.

And now thirty years later after working for the Sickle Cell organization and later with Alliance Security and having retired, I decided to return to Tanzania to ‘test the waters'. On the plane from Heathrow to Nairobi I was very happy - I was back in Africa but afterwards my heart began to sink. Had I made a terrible mistake? Had my desire to see my country blinded me to the dangers that I could be facing? As the plane approached Dar-es-Salaam I began to feel that I could be experiencing my last moments of freedom. Would there be government agents waiting at the airport?
After all, I had not had permission to leave the country. Perhaps I was stupid to have returned. As the plane flew
over the city I saw Ukanga prison where I had spent so many months and I felt on the point of collapse. Dear God, help me', I prayed almost aloud. I tried to take comfort from a favourite saying of my brother Otini - ‘God is greater than human beings' but all I could think about was those government agents who would undoubtedly be waiting to take me to Ukanga probably after taking me first to an interrogation room within the airport building.

As I put my foot on Tanzanian soil for the first time in thirty years I was extremely nervous and shaking almost uncontrollably. I felt that I was jumping from a comfortable warm bath into a boiling cauldron. As we entered the airport building I felt that my years of freedom were coming to an end.

I looked around me, but did not recognise any of the officials. I chose to give my documents to a young man who looked about thirty years old - he could have been born when I left the country. In spite of his youth I was expecting that he would call someone to search my belongings after which I would be told to accompany someone to the Land Rover, which I felt just had to be waiting outside to take me to Ukanga. I was so preoccupied with these thoughts that I scarcely heard the Immigration official tell me to go on my way. I thought that I had misheard. Was he really waving
me away?

‘You mean I can go? I heard myself asking ‘Yes of course', came the rather startled reply, ‘What else do you want?'

I could keep my freedom. I surveyed the area again. I could not see a single member of Nyerere's agents around. It was amazing. My legs became light and the heavy lump sitting in my chest began to disappear.

When I left the building I thought for a moment that I must be back in London. I was surrounded by smiling faces! (In the Tanzania that I had left, all those years ago, one scarcely saw anyone smiling: there was little to smile about in those days) As we drove away I kept looking behind. Nobody was following us. Was this really my country? Yet I still could not help feeling that this was some kind of calm before a storm.

Next morning I gingerly looked outside into the street. Apparently there was no informer watching the house. I began to feel that the disappearance of the all-pervasive fear, which I remembered so vividly, had infused my country with sweet fresh air. But as the saying goes ‘old habits die hard'. I was not yet totally convinced and I was still worrying at every
unfamiliar face.

I went into the city centre and bought every available newspaper expecting to see the names of people who had been dismissed from their jobs, which groups had been rounded up and thrown (without trial) into prison, which Trade Union officials were being harassed, which government critic or politician had been arrested or had mysteriously disappeared and had his property confiscated, but as I searched I found nothing. I looked at the faces of the people around me, and gradually realised that of Dar-es-Salaam's four million people, only one - me - was worried about Presidential tyranny. I bought a cold drink and sat in the garden opposite the Cathedral and imagined that I could see
the smiling faces of Angels. Eventually a mood of thanksgiving came over me and I thanked God for the wonderful changes that He had brought about in the wonderful country of Tanzania.

When Julius Nyerere was in power, anyone who criticised him or his government could look forward to perhaps a week of liberty. In the new Tanzania people are free to say what they like and can live and die a natural death. It was wonderful to be home!

Mattiya Kambona worked for the Sickle Cell
Association and Alliance Security.

Source: Mattiya Kambona, "Exile and Return," The Salisbury Review, Autumn 2010, pp. 4 - 5.
www.salisburyreview.co.uk

 

[Jasusi]

Shwari,
Once again thanks for keeping the record straight.

 

[Candid Scope]

Unapotoa mada ambayo ina husu masuala ya kitaifa na watu wenye historia kubwa kitaifa kuna umuhimu wa kuwa na dondoo hakiki katika mada unayotoa Mjengwa. Mengi unayosimualia hapa kuna dalili ya masimulizi ya mitaani ambayo haina documental influence. Kwa mantiki hii kuendeleza majadala kama wa hadithi za abunuwas ambazo zemejengeka kwa mfumo wa usanii wa kufikirika hauwezi kutupatia taswira sawia yenye kujengo hoja ya unayofikiria au unavyotaka kuwavuta wasomaji.

Wasomi wengine hapo awali walikuwa na dalili fulani za kufikiria elimu yao ni haki yao ya kupata vyeo au haki za madaraka serikalini bila stahili.

Tumtemeke Sanga ambaye amefariki miaka michache iliyopita akiwa mbunge wa Bunge la Tanzania, alifanikiwa kupata ubunge baada ya kusota miaka kadhaa huko Ukingani wilayani Makete, siwezi kuwa na hakika nini kilichomsababishia akose kazi ya uhakika serikalini ingawa kuna masimulizi mengi ambayo siwezi kuandika hapa kwa vile masimulizi hayo sijayapata kwenye official document. Hata hivyo subira huvuta kheri, alibahatika kupata walao ubunge kuliko angekimbia nchi na kubaki mkimbizi katika nchi nyingine na hivyo kukosa haki za msingi na nafasi ya kupigania haki katika nchi yake Mwenyewe. Akina Kasanga Tumbo, na wengine wengi tu waliopingana na mfumo wa utawala walibaki na shughuli zao na dirisha la mfumo wa vyama vingi lilipofunguliwa tu wakatia mikono ndani kusajili vyama vyao hadi leo akina Edwin Mtei anafurahia matunda ya uvumilivu kuona Chadema inatikisa nchi.

Binadamu hatuwezi kukubaliana na mfumo fulani kwa asilimia 100, ndio maana ya demokrasi, lakini kwa wakati huo kama influence ya viongozi ilikuwa ujamaa basi bunge liliridhia kupitisha sheria ya kuhamia vijijini ili watu waishi pamoja ili kurahisisha huduma za kijamii kwa pamoja vijijini kama ilivyo mijini. Vijana wengi hapa ama wamekulia mijini na wengine wamezaliwa baada ya vijiji vya ujamaa kuwepo, hivyo adha ya matatizo ya kabla ya vijiji vya ujamaa hawayajui na jinsi viongozi walivyokuwa wanaumia vichwa namna ya kupeleka huduma za kijamii vijijini ambako watu walikuwa wanaishi umbali wa masaa na hata siku nzima kutoka familia moja hadi nyingine. Ilikuwa nia njema kabisa na hata nchi zilizoendelea unaona wamejenga karibu karibu kama ilivyo vijiji ili kurahisisha huduma ingawa kwao ilifanyika zamani kwa utaratibu wao iwe katika nchi za mfumo wa kijamaa au wa kibepari.

Ubinafsi na upeo finyu wa baadhi ya waandamizi serikalini waliua nia njema ya mfumo wa utawala wa awamu ya kwanza wa kupigana na maadui watatu ujinga, maradhi na umaskini.

• Ni kipindi cha Nyerere Tanzania ilikuwa nchi inayoongoza Afrika katika vita ya kupigana na ujinga kwa kuanzisha mfumo wa elimu ya watu wazima.
• Ni utawala wa awamu ya kwanza uliosisitiza mwungano wa vijana katika kujiajiri na kuanzisha viwanda vidogo vidogo na mwalimu au kiongozi wao akiwa shirika la SIDO wenye kutoa mafunzo na kufuatilia maendeleo ya vikundi vya vijana kujiari na kuanzisha viwanda vidogovidogo.
• Haikuishia viwanda hapo tu bali hata viwanda vikubwa vilianzishwa kama viwanda vya kutengeneza viatu BORA na kuwa na matawi nchi nzima kwa kuanzia mikoani.
• Viwanda vya kusindika nyama mikoa yenye wafugani wengi majengo hayo yangali hadi leo na yamefanywa mabucha sasa hakuna wa kuyaendeleza.
• Viwanda vya kuchambua pamba, kutengeneza nyuzi na kufuma nguo Dar na mikoa ya Kanda ya Ziwa eneo ambalo lina wakulima wa Pamba wengi.
• Kiwanda cha kuunganisha magari ya mizigo (SCANIA) huko kibaha ambacho leo hii ni magofu tu. Kiwanda Cha sementi Dar, Tanga na Mbeya.
• Reli ya TAZARA, Barabara Kuu ya TANZAM na Bomba la mafuta toka Dar hadi Zambia kuunganisha kama kiunganishi kikuu cha uchumi kati ya Tanzania na nchi ya Zambia.
• Kiwanda cha Maturubai
• Viwanda vya sukari
• Miradi ya umeme wa Kidatu, Mtera nk
• Viwanda vya mabati, chuma nk
• Makampuni ya usafiri kila mkoa kwa ajili ya usafirishaji wa mizigo na abiria, kama KAULI, KAUMA, KAUMA, KAURU nk. Dar es Salaam usafiri wa UDA ukiwa na ratiba kamili leo hii wajana waliozaliwa baada ya awamu ya kwanza ni historia tu.
• KAMATA shirika ambalo lilikuwa na jukumua la usafiri kitaifa likisaidiana na makampuni ya usafiri wa mikoa na wanafunzi hawakupata adha ya usafiri kama inavyotokea sasa.
• Shirika la reli Tanzania kwa mikoa ambayo haikuwa na reli kulikuwa na mabasi ambayo yalikuwa yanaunganisha usafiri wa reli ingawa lilirishishwa toka Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki lakini ni matunda ya awamu ya kwanza, na hivyo uthibiti wa nauli ilikuwa rahisi kwa vile vyombo vikuu vya usafiri vilikuwa vinamilikiwa na mashirika ya serikali. Na hata mataifa yaliyoendelea usafiri wa kawaida wa uhakika hasa commuter bus ni wa serikali hali kadhaliwa usafiri wa wanafunzi ambao hulipwa kwa mhula badala ya kutoa nauli kila siku.

Ni miradi mingi sana tu ambayo serikali ya awamu ya kwanza ilielekeza nguvu kwa ajili ya vizazi vijavyo na kwa bahati mbaya watendaji wake wamekuwa na ubinafsi mkubwa ambao umelifilisi taifa. Leo hapa Tanzania tungekuwa na kiwanda kikubwa sana cha Scania na kuwa msambazaji wa afrika mashariki na kati na kwa masikitiko makubwa ndoto zimefifia kutokana na ubinafsi wa watendaji serikalini.

Leo tunaweza kuona urahisi wa kufikisha huduma kwenye miji na vijiji, lakini kabla ya uhuru vijijini haikuwezekana kwani ilitakiwa kufikisha huduma kwa mtu au familia moja moja ambazo zilikuwa scattered. Tunaweza peleka huduma za afya, maji, elimu vijijini ni kwa sababu wamekaa pamoja, hizo ni juhudi za Nyerere.

Uamuzi mgumu wa kutaifisha shule za kanisa lake ili wote wapate elimu ya msingi kwa usawa kutokana na kwamba shule nyingi zilikuwa zinamilikiwa na makanisa na waislamu walipata wakati mgumu kupeleka watoto wao kwenye shule hizo kuhofia wasifunzwe maadili ya kikriso, lakini leo hatuoni mazuri hayo ila kumwona tu Nyerere alikuwa na utawala wa imla.

Tunatakiwa kuwatafuta walioua mashirika ya umma, viwanda na miradi mbalimbali iliyoanzishwa katika awamu ya kwanza na leo hii tunahangaika na kupitisha bakuli huku na kule kuomba pesa, badala ya kukinga pesa kwenye vianzo hivyo.

Nia ya kuandika hivyo ni kutokana na mleta mada kuwa na mtazamo hasi tu juu ya awamu ya kwanza. Ingwa nami katika maelezo yangu nimesimama kwa mtazamo wa chanya zaidi kwa lengo la kuweka balance hali ilivyo ili wengi wapate picha inayotakiwa kujadili. Sina maana hakukuwa na mambo hasi lahasha ila nafasi hapa hainiruhusu kutapika yote hasi na chanya, labda next time.

Waandishi wajaribu kuwa na dondoo rejea wanapoandika mambo haya maana yake tukiandika ya kusimuliwa au tulivyokuwa tunaimba nyimbo shuleni hatutawapa picha na historia kamili watoto waliopo madarasani na tunaowaleo leo.

Tukumbuke kabla ya uhuru watawaliwa waliwajibika kuwasifia na kuwaimbia nyimbo nzuri wakoloni na hali kadhalika machifu na watemi, ndio hulka ilivyokuwa enzi hizo. Madhara yake yaliendelea hadi tulipopata uhuru na hili Nyerere aliliona ndio maana alikataa kuitwa Mtukufu na Mheshimia, badala yake alipenda aitwe NDUGU RAIS. Leo Mbunge umwite ndugu, mkuu wa wilaya umwite ndugu, katibu kata umwite ndugu utakuwa umemkosea heshima.

 

[Sooth]

We are 'blamestorming' while the rest of the World is brainstorming. Keep living in the past, let us see where it gets us as a nation.

 

[Candid Scope]

We are 'blamestorming' while the rest of the World is brainstorming. Keep living in the past, let us see where it gets us as a nation.

That's the reality

 

[maggid]

Unapotoa mada ambayo ina husu masuala ya kitaifa na watu wenye historia kubwa kitaifa kuna umuhimu wa kuwa na dondoo hakiki katika mada unayotoa Mjengwa. Mengi unayosimualia hapa kuna dalili ya masimulizi ya mitaani ambayo haina documental influence. Kwa mantiki hii kuendeleza majadala kama wa hadithi za abunuwas ambazo zemejengeka kwa mfumo wa usanii wa kufikirika hauwezi kutupatia taswira sawia yenye kujengo hoja ya unayofikiria au unavyotaka kuwavuta wasomaji.

Wasomi wengine hapo awali walikuwa na dalili fulani za kufikiria elimu yao ni haki yao ya kupata vyeo au haki za madaraka serikalini bila stahili.

Tumtemeke Sanga ambaye amefariki miaka michache iliyopita akiwa mbunge wa Bunge la Tanzania, alifanikiwa kupata ubunge baada ya kusota miaka kadhaa huko Ukingani wilayani Makete, siwezi kuwa na hakika nini kilichomsababishia akose kazi ya uhakika serikalini ingawa kuna masimulizi mengi ambayo siwezi kuandika hapa kwa vile masimulizi hayo sijayapata kwenye official document. Hata hivyo subira huvuta kheri, alibahatika kupata walao ubunge kuliko angekimbia nchi na kubaki mkimbizi katika nchi nyingine na hivyo kukosa haki za msingi na nafasi ya kupigania haki katika nchi yake Mwenyewe. Akina Kasanga Tumbo, na wengine wengi tu waliopingana na mfumo wa utawala walibaki na shughuli zao na dirisha la mfumo wa vyama vingi lilipofunguliwa tu wakatia mikono ndani kusajili vyama vyao hadi leo akina Edwin Mtei anafurahia matunda ya uvumilivu kuona Chadema inatikisa nchi.

Binadamu hatuwezi kukubaliana na mfumo fulani kwa asilimia 100, ndio maana ya demokrasi, lakini kwa wakati huo kama influence ya viongozi ilikuwa ujamaa basi bunge liliridhia kupitisha sheria ya kuhamia vijijini ili watu waishi pamoja ili kurahisisha huduma za kijamii kwa pamoja vijijini kama ilivyo mijini. Vijana wengi hapa ama wamekulia mijini na wengine wamezaliwa baada ya vijiji vya ujamaa kuwepo, hivyo adha ya matatizo ya kabla ya vijiji vya ujamaa hawayajui na jinsi viongozi walivyokuwa wanaumia vichwa namna ya kupeleka huduma za kijamii vijijini ambako watu walikuwa wanaishi umbali wa masaa na hata siku nzima kutoka familia moja hadi nyingine. Ilikuwa nia njema kabisa na hata nchi zilizoendelea unaona wamejenga karibu karibu kama ilivyo vijiji ili kurahisisha huduma ingawa kwao ilifanyika zamani kwa utaratibu wao iwe katika nchi za mfumo wa kijamaa au wa kibepari.

Ubinafsi na upeo finyu wa baadhi ya waandamizi serikalini waliua nia njema ya mfumo wa utawala wa awamu ya kwanza wa kupigana na maadui watatu ujinga, maradhi na umaskini.

• Ni kipindi cha Nyerere Tanzania ilikuwa nchi inayoongoza Afrika katika vita ya kupigana na ujinga kwa kuanzisha mfumo wa elimu ya watu wazima.
• Ni utawala wa awamu ya kwanza uliosisitiza mwungano wa vijana katika kujiajiri na kuanzisha viwanda vidogo vidogo na mwalimu au kiongozi wao akiwa shirika la SIDO wenye kutoa mafunzo na kufuatilia maendeleo ya vikundi vya vijana kujiari na kuanzisha viwanda vidogovidogo.
• Haikuishia viwanda hapo tu bali hata viwanda vikubwa vilianzishwa kama viwanda vya kutengeneza viatu BORA na kuwa na matawi nchi nzima kwa kuanzia mikoani.
• Viwanda vya kusindika nyama mikoa yenye wafugani wengi majengo hayo yangali hadi leo na yamefanywa mabucha sasa hakuna wa kuyaendeleza.
• Viwanda vya kuchambua pamba, kutengeneza nyuzi na kufuma nguo Dar na mikoa ya Kanda ya Ziwa eneo ambalo lina wakulima wa Pamba wengi.
• Kiwanda cha kuunganisha magari ya mizigo (SCANIA) huko kibaha ambacho leo hii ni magofu tu. Kiwanda Cha sementi Dar, Tanga na Mbeya.
• Reli ya TAZARA, Barabara Kuu ya TANZAM na Bomba la mafuta toka Dar hadi Zambia kuunganisha kama kiunganishi kikuu cha uchumi kati ya Tanzania na nchi ya Zambia.
• Kiwanda cha Maturubai
• Viwanda vya sukari
• Miradi ya umeme wa Kidatu, Mtera nk
• Viwanda vya mabati, chuma nk
• Makampuni ya usafiri kila mkoa kwa ajili ya usafirishaji wa mizigo na abiria, kama KAULI, KAUMA, KAUMA, KAURU nk. Dar es Salaam usafiri wa UDA ukiwa na ratiba kamili leo hii wajana waliozaliwa baada ya awamu ya kwanza ni historia tu.
• KAMATA shirika ambalo lilikuwa na jukumua la usafiri kitaifa likisaidiana na makampuni ya usafiri wa mikoa na wanafunzi hawakupata adha ya usafiri kama inavyotokea sasa.
• Shirika la reli Tanzania kwa mikoa ambayo haikuwa na reli kulikuwa na mabasi ambayo yalikuwa yanaunganisha usafiri wa reli ingawa lilirishishwa toka Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki lakini ni matunda ya awamu ya kwanza, na hivyo uthibiti wa nauli ilikuwa rahisi kwa vile vyombo vikuu vya usafiri vilikuwa vinamilikiwa na mashirika ya serikali. Na hata mataifa yaliyoendelea usafiri wa kawaida wa uhakika hasa commuter bus ni wa serikali hali kadhaliwa usafiri wa wanafunzi ambao hulipwa kwa mhula badala ya kutoa nauli kila siku.

Ni miradi mingi sana tu ambayo serikali ya awamu ya kwanza ilielekeza nguvu kwa ajili ya vizazi vijavyo na kwa bahati mbaya watendaji wake wamekuwa na ubinafsi mkubwa ambao umelifilisi taifa. Leo hapa Tanzania tungekuwa na kiwanda kikubwa sana cha Scania na kuwa msambazaji wa afrika mashariki na kati na kwa masikitiko makubwa ndoto zimefifia kutokana na ubinafsi wa watendaji serikalini.

Leo tunaweza kuona urahisi wa kufikisha huduma kwenye miji na vijiji, lakini kabla ya uhuru vijijini haikuwezekana kwani ilitakiwa kufikisha huduma kwa mtu au familia moja moja ambazo zilikuwa scattered. Tunaweza peleka huduma za afya, maji, elimu vijijini ni kwa sababu wamekaa pamoja, hizo ni juhudi za Nyerere.

Uamuzi mgumu wa kutaifisha shule za kanisa lake ili wote wapate elimu ya msingi kwa usawa kutokana na kwamba shule nyingi zilikuwa zinamilikiwa na makanisa na waislamu walipata wakati mgumu kupeleka watoto wao kwenye shule hizo kuhofia wasifunzwe maadili ya kikriso, lakini leo hatuoni mazuri hayo ila kumwona tu Nyerere alikuwa na utawala wa imla.

Tunatakiwa kuwatafuta walioua mashirika ya umma, viwanda na miradi mbalimbali iliyoanzishwa katika awamu ya kwanza na leo hii tunahangaika na kupitisha bakuli huku na kule kuomba pesa, badala ya kukinga pesa kwenye vianzo hivyo.

Nia ya kuandika hivyo ni kutokana na mleta mada kuwa na mtazamo hasi tu juu ya awamu ya kwanza. Ingwa nami katika maelezo yangu nimesimama kwa mtazamo wa chanya zaidi kwa lengo la kuweka balance hali ilivyo ili wengi wapate picha inayotakiwa kujadili. Sina maana hakukuwa na mambo hasi lahasha ila nafasi hapa hainiruhusu kutapika yote hasi na chanya, labda next time.

Waandishi wajaribu kuwa na dondoo rejea wanapoandika mambo haya maana yake tukiandika ya kusimuliwa au tulivyokuwa tunaimba nyimbo shuleni hatutawapa picha na historia kamili watoto waliopo madarasani na tunaowaleo leo.

Tukumbuke kabla ya uhuru watawaliwa waliwajibika kuwasifia na kuwaimbia nyimbo nzuri wakoloni na hali kadhalika machifu na watemi, ndio hulka ilivyokuwa enzi hizo. Madhara yake yaliendelea hadi tulipopata uhuru na hili Nyerere aliliona ndio maana alikataa kuitwa Mtukufu na Mheshimia, badala yake alipenda aitwe NDUGU RAIS. Leo Mbunge umwite ndugu, mkuu wa wilaya umwite ndugu, katibu kata umwite ndugu utakuwa umemkosea heshima.

Ndugu yangu Candid Scope,

Ni simulizi unazoziita za mitaani ndizo zilizochochea mjadala huu unaotusaidia kujifunza mapya. Niliweka bayana, kuwa kuna nyie mnaodhani mnajua, na kuna akina sisi tunaojitahidi kujua. Tuacheni na jitihada zetu. Tuliwaona wazazi wetu wakinong'ona kwa hofu ya taarifa zao kufika kwa balozi wa nyumba kumi.

Tumetoka huko na hatutakubali tena kurudi huko. Tumeimba na kuandika mengi mazuri juu ya Kiongozi wetu mkuu wa Awamu ya Kwanza. Hivi kuna dhambi gani ya kuyasema yale yaliyokuwa na mapungufu? Hata Nyerere mwenyewe, pamoja na kuimbiwa salamu za " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" bado ilifika mahala akaweka wazi kuwa naye alifanya makosa katika awamu yake. Hivi , waliokuwa wakitamka " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" walikuwa hawajui kuwa Nyerere alikuwa ni binadamu kama wao na haiyumkini akawa na fikra sahihi wakati wote?

Hapana, walijua, lakini walijifanya hawajui kutokana na mazingira ya wakati huo. Sisi tulioshuhudia yale hatutaki tena watoto na wajukuu wetu waje kuwafanya viongozi wao ' Miungu Watu'. Na ndio umuhimu wa kuyasimulia tuliyoyapitia hata kama yatasimuliwa kwenye vibanda vyetu vya majiko yenye moshi wa kuni kule Kijijini kwetu Nyeregete na kwingineko.
Wikiendi njema.
Maggid

 

[Mkodoleaji]

Ndugu yangu Candid Scope,

Ni simulizi unazoziita za mitaani ndizo zilizochochea mjadala huu unaotusaidia kujifunza mapya. Niliweka bayana, kuwa kuna nyie mnaodhani mnajua, na kuna akina sisi tunaojitahidi kujua. Tuacheni na jitihada zetu. Tuliwaona wazazi wetu wakinong'ona kwa hofu ya taarifa zao kufika kwa balozi wa nyumba kumi.

Tumetoka huko na hatutakubali tena kurudi huko. Tumeimba na kuandika mengi mazuri juu ya Kiongozi wetu mkuu wa Awamu ya Kwanza. Hivi kuna dhambi gani ya kuyasema yale yaliyokuwa na mapungufu? Hata Nyerere mwenyewe, pamoja na kuimbiwa salamu za " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" bado ilifika mahala akaweka wazi kuwa naye alifanya makosa katika awamu yake. Hivi , waliokuwa wakitamka " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" walikuwa hawajui kuwa Nyerere alikuwa ni binadamu kama wao na haiyumkini akawa na fikra sahihi wakati wote?

Hapana, walijua, lakini walijifanya hawajui kutokana na mazingira ya wakati huo. Sisi tulioshuhudia yale hatutaki tena watoto na wajukuu wetu waje kuwafanya viongozi wao ' Miungu Watu'. Na ndio umuhimu wa kuyasimulia tuliyoyapitia hata kama yatasimuliwa kwenye vibanda vyetu vya majiko yenye moshi wa kuni kule Kijijini kwetu Nyeregete na kwingineko.
Wikiendi njema.
Maggid

Maggid what is your motive? Maana ulianza na ile makala ya Mwamwindi naona sasa umekuja na hii Kambona. Siyo kwamba watu wote walikuwa wanayakubali anayofanya Nyerere lakini presentation yako inaonesha una nia fulani ambayo hutaki kuisema waziwazi. Angalia umepotosha watu tayari kwamba Bibi Titi Mohamed alikuja kuonekana wakati wa Mwinyi maana yake. Kwa nini umefanya hivyo?
Anyway nadhani unajua unachokifanya

 

[JokaKuu]

Ndugu yangu Candid Scope,

Ni simulizi unazoziita za mitaani ndizo zilizochochea mjadala huu unaotusaidia kujifunza mapya. Niliweka bayana, kuwa kuna nyie mnaodhani mnajua, na kuna akina sisi tunaojitahidi kujua. Tuacheni na jitihada zetu. Tuliwaona wazazi wetu wakinong'ona kwa hofu ya taarifa zao kufika kwa balozi wa nyumba kumi.

Tumetoka huko na hatutakubali tena kurudi huko. Tumeimba na kuandika mengi mazuri juu ya Kiongozi wetu mkuu wa Awamu ya Kwanza. Hivi kuna dhambi gani ya kuyasema yale yaliyokuwa na mapungufu? Hata Nyerere mwenyewe, pamoja na kuimbiwa salamu za " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" bado ilifika mahala akaweka wazi kuwa naye alifanya makosa katika awamu yake. Hivi , waliokuwa wakitamka " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" walikuwa hawajui kuwa Nyerere alikuwa ni binadamu kama wao na haiyumkini akawa na fikra sahihi wakati wote?

Hapana, walijua, lakini walijifanya hawajui kutokana na mazingira ya wakati huo. Sisi tulioshuhudia yale hatutaki tena watoto na wajukuu wetu waje kuwafanya viongozi wao ' Miungu Watu'. Na ndio umuhimu wa kuyasimulia tuliyoyapitia hata kama yatasimuliwa kwenye vibanda vyetu vya majiko yenye moshi wa kuni kule Kijijini kwetu Nyeregete na kwingineko.
Wikiendi njema.
Maggid

Maggid,

..yakhe usiwe too sensitive.

..hivi si wewe uliyedai kwamba ni MJAMAA, halafu leo unageuka unasema hutaki kurudia enzi za Mwalimu??!

..hawa wanaoku-challenge au kukupinga in reality wanakusaidia ktk kuiboresha kazi unayoifanya.

..every time unapokuwa challenged ktk maandiko yako, chukulia kama ni fursa ya kwenda kufanya research zaidi itakayoboresha kazi yako.

 

[zomba]

Huyo ndio Nyerere, hayo hayakutokea kwa Oscar tu. Yalitokea hata kwa Sheikh Suleiman Takadiri, baada ya huyu Sheikh kumwambia ukweli Nyerere, Nyerere akaanda vikundi vyake kama kawaida yake wakamfata Sheikh Takadiri kwa maandamano huku wakiimba "Shehe mtakadini".

 

[Mzee]

asante mkuu. endelea kutu update

 

[HADJ DROGBA]

Nyerere alifanya ziaza China mwaka 1965. Kilichofuatia ni kuasisi mfumo wa Chama kimoja. Likaja Azimio la Arusha. Kwa namna moja au nyingine, ziara ya Nyerere China itabaki kuwa chanzo kilichoharakisha kuvunjika kwa misingi ya ustawi wa taifa changa la Tanganyika. Tukubali, kuwa Julius Nyerere, katika dhamira yake njema ya kuijenga Tanganyika, alichukua maamuzi ya haraka sana ikiwamo kuua mfumo wa vyama vingi na kuanzisha Azimio La Arusha na utekelezaji wake ikiwamo utaratibu wa Ujamaa Vijijini bila kuwa na maandalizi ya kutosha. Ni maamuzi yaliyotugharimu kama taifa.
Maggid,
Kama mwandishi, unatakiwa kuwa factual. Uamuzi wa kuanzisha chama kimoja cha siasa ulifanyika 1963, na wala si 1965 kama unavyotaka kutuaminisha.

Ni kweli kabisa jasusi ilikua 63 sio 65,pia majid naona ameacha mapengo mengi katika maandishi yake,hasa anapotueleza kwamba Julius na Oscar walifahamiana TABORA kuwa pengine ndio ulikuwa mwanzo wa harakati za kuanzisha TANU!!Nadhani ni vema bwana mwandishi wa habari majid angejifunza kufahamu kabla ya TANU kulikua na chama gani ambacho ndicho kilikuja kuizaa hiyo TANU,akajifunza jinsi julius alivyoingia jijini dar es salaam na kukuta harakati za kudai uhuru zimeshamiri tokea kitovuni kariakoo pale aggrey nyumbani kwa kina ABDULWAHID,ALLY na ABBAS SYKES,jinsi walivyompokea nyerere pale akiwa na kaptura na wakamshonea suruali yake ya kwanza kuanza kiuvaa katika maisha yake....na baadae akajifunza kwa kufuatilia sawasawa uingiaji wa kambona TANU akitokea dodoma ambako alikuwa akifundisha shule ya anglican,hapo atajua kwamba julius na kambona hawakufahamiana Wakiwa TABORA bali alikua ni kambona baada ya kusikia TANU Wanazo nafasi wamepewa za kupeleka vijana Masomoni nadhani YUGOSLAVIA,akasafiri kutoka dodoma mpaka dar es salaam hapo aggrey street ambapo julius na wenzake hao kina sykes walikua wakikutana kila jumamosi kwa mazungumzo na jioni yake wakimsindikiza julius kupanda basi la mwisho kuelekea pugu alikokuwa akiishi,yeye hakua mtoto wa mjini.Na KAMBONA alipofika hapo aggrey street siku hizi,bahati mbaya akakuta kikao kimeshavunjika watu wameshatawanyika nyerere kishaondoka kwenda maneromango,ndipo akakutana na ABBAS SYKES ambae tunaweza kusema kwamba ndio aliemtambulisha Oscar kwa Julius,kwani alimuandikia barua ya kumuomba julius ampokee na kumsikiliza na hakuishia hapo kwa kuwa muda huo aliofika kambona hapo aggrey ilikua ni jioni sana hakukuwa na usafiri wa basi tena kuelekea maneromango kupitia pugu,Abbas akalazimika kumuazima OSCAR baiskeli yake ili aende huko pugu,Huu si uzushi Balozi ABBAS SYKES yupo hai hapo dar es salaam mtafuteni yeye pia hata kaka ALLY SYKES nae yupo,mtayajua mengi,maana huyo ALLY ndio alikua katibu wa kwanza TANU na ndio alichapisha kadi za mwanzo za TANU tena kwa pesa yake na kumpa Julius Kadi namba moja yeye akajipa namba mbili,yote kuonyesha mapenzi na kuaminiana.

 

[Jasusi]

Maggid,
Mbona kazi yako rahisi sana? Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru bado yu hai. Huyu alikuwa Marxist wakati Nyerere akiwa Socialist. Akageuka kuwa right wing capitalist wakati wa enzi za Mwinyi. Mkapa akambeba serikalini na hata Kikwete. Huyu ndiye aliyetunga kauli mbiu ya "Zidumu fikra za Mwenyekiti." Kamhoji huyo badala ya kumbebesha Nyerere lawama kuwa alitaka asifiwe (my opinion) Huyu, without bating an eyelid, kageuka kuwa kabaila wa kutupwa, tena bila aibu. Kambona was simply power hungry na hakufurahi Kawawa alipopewa ukatibu mkuu wa TANU na yeye kupewa wizara ya local government baadaa ya azimio la Arusha 1967 ndipo akaamua kukimbilia London.

 

[Kichuguu]

Majjid,

..kwa kumbukumbu zangu, Bibi Titi Mohamed, baada ya kipindi kirefu cha kutoonekana, aliibuka mwaka 1983/84 kwenye mkutano ambao Mwalimu alitangaza vita dhidi ya walanguzi na wahujumu uchumi. nadhani Mwalimu alimuita jukwaani ili wananchi wamuone.

..hii article yako ina mambo mengi ambayo yanapaswa hajaziliwe. matumaini yangu ni kwamba utafanya hivyo, or ppl will take up your work and advance it.

..moja ya mambo ambayo ingependeza kama ungeya-address ni mjadala mzima kati ya Nyerere vs Kambona. hoja za Kambona zilikuwa zipi? Nyerere naye alijenga hoja gani? Je, hali ilikuwaje ktk mkutano wa mchakato wa Azimio la Arusha? Je, kuna wajumbe zaidi ya hao "mafahali wawili" ambao walichangia mjadala huo? mwisho, Tanu ilipitisha vipi hoja ya Azimio la Arusha.

..pia umeeleza kwamba kulikuwa na kamata-kamata, na Kambona alitoroka yeye na familia yake. hapa nadhani ungesaidia kama ungepata tarehe za matukio ya kamata-kamata, na pia ungeeleza wahusika waliokamatwa. Je, waliokamatwa walikaa ndani muda gani/wapi? Je watuhumiwa hao walipata kushtakiwa kwa makosa yoyote?

..binafsi nadhani unaweza kuja na kitu kikubwa zaidi, chenye mchango mzuri wa kihistoria, kama utafanya research ya kutosha.

Nyerere alifanya ziaza China mwaka 1965. Kilichofuatia ni kuasisi mfumo wa Chama kimoja. Likaja Azimio la Arusha. Kwa namna moja au nyingine, ziara ya Nyerere China itabaki kuwa chanzo kilichoharakisha kuvunjika kwa misingi ya ustawi wa taifa changa la Tanganyika. Tukubali, kuwa Julius Nyerere, katika dhamira yake njema ya kuijenga Tanganyika, alichukua maamuzi ya haraka sana ikiwamo kuua mfumo wa vyama vingi na kuanzisha Azimio La Arusha na utekelezaji wake ikiwamo utaratibu wa Ujamaa Vijijini bila kuwa na maandalizi ya kutosha. Ni maamuzi yaliyotugharimu kama taifa.
Maggid,
Kama mwandishi, unatakiwa kuwa factual. Uamuzi wa kuanzisha chama kimoja cha siasa ulifanyika 1963, na wala si 1965 kama unavyotaka kutuaminisha.

Afadhali na wenzagu pia mmeona udhaifu huoa katika maandishi ya Maggid.

Nilionya siku chache zilizopita kuwa maandishi ya ndugu Mjengwa yako based na hisia zake tu na wala hayafuati msingi halisi wa maarifa kuwa yawe factually correct hata kama hatupendi kusikia facts hizo. Nikasahihisha kauli yake moja kuhusu suti neckess za Nyerere kuwa hazikuigwa kutoka kwa Mao Tse-Tung kama alivyodai. Ni jambo la kusikitisha sana kuwa Mggid kama mwalimu alitakiwa awe anafundisha facts badala ya kufundisha propaganda. Fortunately, nina record nzuri sana kuhusu mgogoro baina ya Nyerere na Kambona ambayo nitaitoa mara baada ya Maggid kumaliza makala zake ambazo zimekuwa na habari nyingi za kutunga tu. Nadhani inapotokea mtu anataka kutoa historia tuwe tunalazimisha kuwa aje na verified references kusupport maneno yake.

 

[Jasusi]

Afadhali na wenzagu pia mmeona udhaifu huoa katika maandishi ya Maggid.

Nilionya siku chache zilizopita kuwa maandishi ya ndugu Mjengwa yako based na hisia zake tu na wala hazifuati msingi halisi wa maarifa kuwa ziwe factually correct hata kama hatupende kusikia facts hizo. Nikasahihisha kauli yake moja kuhusu suti neckess za Nyerere kuwa hazikuigwa kutoka kwa Mao Tse-Tung kama alivyodai. Ni jambo la kusikitisha sana kuwa Mggid kama mwalimu alitakiwa awe anafundisha facts badala ya kufundisha propaganda. Fortunately, nina record nzuri sana kuhusu mgogoro baina ya Nyerere na Kambona ambayo nitaitoa mara baada ya Maggid kumaliza makala zake ambazo zimekuwa na habari nyingi za kutunga tu. Nadhani inapotokea mtu anataka kutoa historia tuwe tunalazimisha kuwa aje na verified references kusupport maneno yake.

Kichuguu,
Tunakusubiria ndugu yetu. Naona Nyerere bado ni mwiba kwa wengi.

 

[Candid Scope]

Afadhali na wenzagu pia mmeona udhaifu huoa katika maandishi ya Maggid.

Nilionya siku chache zilizopita kuwa maandishi ya ndugu Mjengwa yako based na hisia zake tu na wala hayafuati msingi halisi wa maarifa kuwa yawe factually correct hata kama hatupendi kusikia facts hizo. Nikasahihisha kauli yake moja kuhusu suti neckess za Nyerere kuwa hazikuigwa kutoka kwa Mao Tse-Tung kama alivyodai. Ni jambo la kusikitisha sana kuwa Mggid kama mwalimu alitakiwa awe anafundisha facts badala ya kufundisha propaganda. Fortunately, nina record nzuri sana kuhusu mgogoro baina ya Nyerere na Kambona ambayo nitaitoa mara baada ya Maggid kumaliza makala zake ambazo zimekuwa na habari nyingi za kutunga tu. Nadhani inapotokea mtu anataka kutoa historia tuwe tunalazimisha kuwa aje na verified references kusupport maneno yake.

Kuna jambo lingine muhimu la kukumbuka kipindi cha miaka ya 60th & 70th hali ilivyokuwa duniani VITA BARIDI. Vita baridi viliathiri sana hali ya kisiasa katika nchi nyingi na ni kipindi ambacho kulizuka nchi ambazo zilikuwa na mfumo wa kutofungamana na upande wo wote.

Hali ya usalama ilikuwa tete duniani. Kila mtu aliambiwa ni mlinzi shiriki katika eneo alipo. Hali ya wasiwasi wa usalama kitaifa na kimataifa. Hatuwezi kuona hoja ya wasiwasi waliokuwa nao watu wakati ule ni utawala la hasha, ila vita baridi tukitilia maanani ni miaka michache tu watu wametoka kwenye vita vikuu vya dunia.

 

[Candid Scope]

Ndugu yangu Candid Scope,

Ni simulizi unazoziita za mitaani ndizo zilizochochea mjadala huu unaotusaidia kujifunza mapya. Niliweka bayana, kuwa kuna nyie mnaodhani mnajua, na kuna akina sisi tunaojitahidi kujua. Tuacheni na jitihada zetu. Tuliwaona wazazi wetu wakinong'ona kwa hofu ya taarifa zao kufika kwa balozi wa nyumba kumi.

Tumetoka huko na hatutakubali tena kurudi huko. Tumeimba na kuandika mengi mazuri juu ya Kiongozi wetu mkuu wa Awamu ya Kwanza. Hivi kuna dhambi gani ya kuyasema yale yaliyokuwa na mapungufu? Hata Nyerere mwenyewe, pamoja na kuimbiwa salamu za " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" bado ilifika mahala akaweka wazi kuwa naye alifanya makosa katika awamu yake. Hivi , waliokuwa wakitamka " Zidumu fikra sahihi za Mwenyekiti wa CCM" walikuwa hawajui kuwa Nyerere alikuwa ni binadamu kama wao na haiyumkini akawa na fikra sahihi wakati wote?

Hapana, walijua, lakini walijifanya hawajui kutokana na mazingira ya wakati huo. Sisi tulioshuhudia yale hatutaki tena watoto na wajukuu wetu waje kuwafanya viongozi wao ' Miungu Watu'. Na ndio umuhimu wa kuyasimulia tuliyoyapitia hata kama yatasimuliwa kwenye vibanda vyetu vya majiko yenye moshi wa kuni kule Kijijini kwetu Nyeregete na kwingineko.
Wikiendi njema.
Maggid

Kuna jambo lingine muhimu la kukumbuka kipindi cha miaka ya 60th & 70th hali ilivyokuwa duniani VITA BARIDI. Vita baridi viliathiri sana hali ya kisiasa katika nchi nyingi na ni kipindi ambacho kulizuka nchi ambazo zilikuwa na mfumo wa kutofungamana na upande wo wote.

Hali ya usalama ilikuwa tete duniani. Kila mtu aliambiwa ni mlinzi shiriki katika eneo alipo. Hali ya wasiwasi wa usalama kitaifa na kimataifa. Hatuwezi kuona hoja ya wasiwasi waliokuwa nao watu wakati ule ni utawala la hasha, ila vita baridi tukitilia maanani ni miaka michache tu watu wametoka kwenye vita vikuu vya dunia.

Mazingira ya leo na wakati ule tofauti sana, kwani enzi hizo kulikuwa na effect nyingi zilizotokea katika maisha na jamii za waafrika ambazo ni kichocheo cha woga. Nilibahatika kufika Mkoa wa Rukwa wilaya ya Namanyere miaka ya 1980, rafiki yangu kanichukua kwenda kutembea kijiji fulani maeneo ya Kate karibu na milima ya kuteremkia Ziwa Tanganyika Kipili, kuna watu walitukimbia wakisema sisi ni makapukila maana yake machinjachinja. Hii ni kwa nini nilimwuliza rafiki yangu, akaniambia eneo hilo liliathiriwa kidogo na biashara ya utumwa enzi hizo na hivyo watu wamerithishwa woga huo kama wanaona sura ngeni.

Hiyo ni moja tu ya picha ambayo enzi za miaka ya 60th na 70th hali ya woga ilivyosababishwa na matukio kadhaa ya awali ambayo yaliadhiri social life, vita kuu na pia vita baridi.

Tunatakiwa waandishi kuwa werevu wa kusoma mazingira, historia na mifumo mbalimbali ya kisiasa ilivyosababisha migongano ya kimataifa na kusababisha vita baridi hadi wananchi wakawaida wakaathiriwa badala ya kutetea hoja dhaifu kwamba viongozi wa wakati huo walisababisha woga.

 

[bitimkongwe]

Hadithi zako ni kama za tamthilia za Shigongo ni za kufikirika zaidi kuliko ukweli wenyewe japo zinavutia.

Hivi vya Nyerere na Kambona viko kwenye declassified reports za CIA. Wao walikuwa wanafuatilia sana issues za Tanganyika na Zanzibar kwa kipindi kile na hasa interest iliyoonyeshwa na Nyerere ya mrengo wa kushoto. Jaribu ku google kama bado utazikuta lakini mimi niliwahi kuzisoma kwenye mtandao. Vile vile kitabu cha Amrit Wilson kimeelezea mambo mengi ya kipindi hicho

 

[manz98]

Bwana magid, ebu tupe facts , naona unaleta zile zile hadithi, za kambona kashinda bahati nasibu. JOKA KUU umeongea la msingi,. kambona vs nyerere 1967 kwa hoja. je unazo hoja za kambona? kwa misingi gani alikuwa anapinga Azimio la Arusha? Je azimio la Arusha lilihusu vijiji vya ujamaa peke yake?
je si kweli kwamba alikuwa hakubaliani na miiko ya uongozi? kama vile kutokuwa na nyumba ya kupandisha kwa viongozi.
na yeye tayari alikuwa nazo mbili kama si tatu.