Aliwahi kusema hatuhitaji wakuu wa wilaya, alafu akateuliwa ukuu wa wilaya akakubali.
Humphrey Polepole aelezea sababu za Kibeberu ya nchi moja kufunga ubalozi
Humphrey Polepole aelezea sababu za Kibeberu ya nchi moja kufunga ubalozi
- Thread starter mwanamabadiliko
- Start date
Adam-Saffi
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- Aug 13, 2010
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Well said huyo kijana awekwe ndani he is more dangerous than Mbiowe. Atajulia wapi ya canids. Denmark ni wale 110% progressive countries. Ana pings hata chanjo, hata hata basis. Anampinga speaker. Ni chanjwa no erection, ni kweli? Upumbafu mtupu. Enzi za Nyerere angekuwa kizuizini huyo. Siku hizi watu watapika anything and no action from the govt. this guy is more dangerous .
Mama inabidi akae na wadau wa Sweden Norway na Denmark kwa sisi watu wazima hawa walitusaidia sana TZ kupitia SIDA, NORAD na DANIDA.
Hizo tuhuma za Pole Pole against Denmark mbona hazisemi wazi analeta porojo.
Sikatai kuna vitu vingine vya muhimu ameongea lakini kuna mengine hayuko sahihi.
Huyu Pole Pole kuna clip alikuwa anakejeli watu kwa kuwauliza watazamaji unaijua Toyota Land Cruiser V 8 wewe na haya magari
ya kifahari na ghali sana pamoja na vipuri vyake ndio yananyonya sana waTZ .
Kuhusu Corona hayuko sahihi awaache wataalam wa afya asiingile fani isiyo yake.
tamsana
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- Jan 13, 2012
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Mkuu ume quote comment yangu na ulichoandika hata hakiendani na nilicho comment.
Hakainde
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- Jul 30, 2020
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Beberu
Ndebile
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- Sep 14, 2011
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Ukiona hapa JF uzi unajibiwa kwa vijembe na mitusi (personal attacks) ujue kuna nondo za maana!
Kwa wenye ufahamu tayari tumepata kitabu "The Looting Machine" by Tom Burgis Ngoja niendelee kufaidi "shule ya uongozi"
Africa: the world’s poorest continent and, arguably, its richest. While accounting for just 2 percent of global GDP, it is home to 15 per cent of the planet’s crude oil, 40 per cent of its gold and 80 per cent of its platinum. A third of the earth’s mineral deposits lie beneath its soil. But far from being a salvation, this buried treasure has been a curse.
‘The Looting Machine’ takes you on a gripping and shocking journey through anonymous boardrooms and glittering headquarters to expose a new form of financialized colonialism. Africa’s booming growth is driven by the voracious hunger for natural resources from rapidly emerging economics such as China. But in the shadows a network of traders, bankers and corporate raiders has sprung up to grease the palms of venal local political elites. What is happening in Africa’s resource states is systematic looting. In country after country across the continent, the resource industry is tearing at the very fabric of society. But, like its victims, the beneficiaries of this looting machine have names.
For six years Tom Burgis has been on a mission to expose corruption and give voice to the millions of Africans who suffer the consequences of living under this curse. Combining deep reporting with an action-packed narrative, he travels to the heart of Africa’s resource states, meeting a warlord in Nigeria’s oil-soaked Niger Delta and crossing a warzone to reach a remote mineral mine in eastern Congo. The result is a blistering investigation that throws a completely fresh light on the workings of the global economy and will make you think twice about what goes into the mobile phone in your pocket and the tank of your car.
Kwa wenye ufahamu tayari tumepata kitabu "The Looting Machine" by Tom Burgis Ngoja niendelee kufaidi "shule ya uongozi"
The Looting Machine, by Tom Burgis
A shocking investigative journey into the way the resource trade wreaks havoc on Africa, ‘The Looting Machine’ explores the dark underbelly of the global economy.Africa: the world’s poorest continent and, arguably, its richest. While accounting for just 2 percent of global GDP, it is home to 15 per cent of the planet’s crude oil, 40 per cent of its gold and 80 per cent of its platinum. A third of the earth’s mineral deposits lie beneath its soil. But far from being a salvation, this buried treasure has been a curse.
‘The Looting Machine’ takes you on a gripping and shocking journey through anonymous boardrooms and glittering headquarters to expose a new form of financialized colonialism. Africa’s booming growth is driven by the voracious hunger for natural resources from rapidly emerging economics such as China. But in the shadows a network of traders, bankers and corporate raiders has sprung up to grease the palms of venal local political elites. What is happening in Africa’s resource states is systematic looting. In country after country across the continent, the resource industry is tearing at the very fabric of society. But, like its victims, the beneficiaries of this looting machine have names.
For six years Tom Burgis has been on a mission to expose corruption and give voice to the millions of Africans who suffer the consequences of living under this curse. Combining deep reporting with an action-packed narrative, he travels to the heart of Africa’s resource states, meeting a warlord in Nigeria’s oil-soaked Niger Delta and crossing a warzone to reach a remote mineral mine in eastern Congo. The result is a blistering investigation that throws a completely fresh light on the workings of the global economy and will make you think twice about what goes into the mobile phone in your pocket and the tank of your car.
Ngongo
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- Sep 20, 2008
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Watoto wa shule za Kata wanaweza kuingia kingi
Samiaagain2025
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- Dec 2, 2020
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Angalia wewe na familia yako.
Yaani TZ ni wepesi sana kuingilia maamuzi ya nchi zingine, ila wao wakiingiliwa wanaziita chokochoko na ubeberu.
Kama Slow Slow katumwa na serikali aseme haya aliyosema, inabidi serikali ijitafakari maana kuna kila dalili za kupoteza muelekeo.
Swali la kujiuliza ni kwanini Denmark haijafunga ubalozi wake kwa nchi ndogo kama Uganda, lakini ubalozi wao TZ wanaufunga? Labda TZ ina foreign policy issues za ku-address. Mfano, political space in TZ is shrinking very rapidly. Ikimbukwe kuwa msingi mkuu wa ushirikiano kati ya TZ na nchi za magharibi ni Demokrasia. Tusikimbilie kulalamika bila kufanya tafiti za kina.
Humphrey Polepole someni jinsi nchi za kiJamaa walitumia njia gani kujikwamua toka kwa mabeberu hasa ktk masuala ya teknolojia ya kukuza kilimo, uhandisi wa mitambo na viwanda katika muda mfupi kwa kutumia rasilimali watu, wasomi wao na maliasili inayopatikana ( Ujuzi, watu) ndani ya Urusi na nje pia. Inatakiwa nchi iongozwe na wenye uwezo wa kufikiri kwa kina na siyo kuimba uwezekano wa maendeleo kwa fikra na maoni mepesi kama ya kina Humphrey Polepole.
Soviet Planning Praxis: From Tractors to Territory
by Christina E. Crawford
Land socialization was one of the first legal acts instituted by the Bolshevik government in 1917, and it was a measure that initiated a feverish period of theorization and construction of new spatial models.If capitalist urbanism was dense, centralized, and exploitative, Soviet physical and economic planners asked, how might socialist space be organized differently to engender fair economic and social relations?
While actualized socialist cities of the early Soviet period—known in their time as social-industrial settlements—have been criticized by architectural historians for their failure to instantiate revolutionary forms, my research establishes the import of these sites as vital nodes in a network of living laboratories for urban experimentation.
I argue that early Soviet planners were motivated not by form but by process—and specifically praxis, that is, the critical engagement with existing conditions in order to affect systemic change. The settlements designed by these practitioners must be investigated as mutable research sites that actively and iteratively produced knowledge about possible trajectories for socialist urbanism.
From these experiments emerged a codified set of practices that drove planning work in the USSR and far-flung sites under the Soviet sphere of influence through the twentieth century.
To reveal the development of early Soviet planning praxis broadly and comparatively, my research spans from land socialization to the conclusion of Stalin’s First Five-Year Plan for national industrialization (1917–1932).
The socialist settlements I investigate in depth are located in three Soviet republics: Baku, Azerbaijan; Magnitogorsk, Russia; and Kharkiv, Ukraine.
1 For the purposes here, I will follow the design and construction of a tractor factory settlement in Kharkiv from 1929 to 1931, to demonstrate that deep analysis of a material artifact—the method of the architectural historian—can uncover salient political, economic, and cultural themes. Specifically, this factory settlement reveals how the American model of industrial standardization enabled and empowered the Soviets to enact distinctly socialist urban patterns.
Physical planning took on a critical role in the USSR during the fulfillment of the First Five-Year Plan, 1928–1932.
To achieve “Socialism in One Country,” foodstuffs and technology had to be generated within Soviet borders, an effort that required intelligent utilization of the vast territories, natural resources, and population of the USSR.
Avant-garde spatial theory and hard-nosed economic strategy converged on a polynuclear settlement pattern that would simultaneously reduce crowding in pre-revolutionary cities, diffuse economic development among many sites, and control the immense territories now under Soviet power.
The ambitious timetable set by the state’s economic planners for the Plan did not allow for a period of internal architectural research and development.
Pragmatism, forced by the schedule, led the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy (VSNKh) to Detroit architect Albert Kahn, the designer for Henry Ford. In May 1929, the Soviet government signed a contract with Kahn’s firm to design and oversee construction for a single tractor factory in Stalingrad, one that would produce 40,000 tractors annually.
The reference map of the Plan sent to Kahn’s office featured a descriptive key filled with industrial “types”—electric stations, steel combines, tractor factories—that were scattered across the Eurasian continent in an immense multinodal constellation. Many of the locations earmarked for heavy industry were undeveloped sites of mineral wealth far removed from existing transportation infrastructure. “Pop up” industrial complexes, the purview of American expertise, jibed with the Soviet aspirations to rapidly develop far-flung production sites. [Figure 1]
Figure 1: The Five-Year Plan of Economic Development of the USSR, 1930. Map credit: Russian State Library Map Collection
Progress toward the First Five-Year Plan’s formidable capital construction goals was, nonetheless, repeatedly thwarted by a lack of both timely drawing sets and building materials as well as skilled foremen to oversee and workers to build the complexes.
On December 26, 1929, two concurrent decisions pushed the Soviet construction industry toward a model of national standardization. The Council of People’s Commissars (SNK) issued a decree “On measures to cure the ills of building affairs,” which commanded immediate rationalization of professional practices.
2 The same day, the SNK signed a draft for an expanded contract with Albert Kahn, Inc. to direct the design and supervise construction for all industrial projects in the USSR for a period of two years. [Figure 2] In his previous contract with the Soviet government for the design of the Stalingrad factory, Kahn retained rights to the architect’s instruments of service—drawings, specifications, and the intellectual property contained in the design—as is common practice in the United States. Under the new agreement, Kahn’s firm would provide the client, the VSNKh, “standard factory layouts, detailed drawings, specifications, and other technical documentation ‘typical for architects working in America,’” all of which would become the lawful property of the VSNKh at the end of the term.3
Figure 2: Consultants to the Soviet Government, 1930. Image credit: Detroit Free Press, held by Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan
The importance of this proviso, and the timing of the agreement, cannot be understated. When Kahn signed the expanded agreement, just two months had passed since Black Tuesday, which called into question the future of Kahn’s work in the United States. The Stalingrad Tractor Factory was also nearing completion.
4 Although the Stalingrad factory was designed under the restrictive American-style contract, once the client-favoring agreement was put in place Kahn’s blueprints seem to have fallen under the new legal regime. Just nineteen days after the contract was inked, construction began on a new tractor factory outside Kharkiv, the capital of the Ukrainian Socialist Republic.
The Kharkiv Tractor Factory, constructed upon designs formulated by Kahn’s Detroit office for the Stalingrad one, provides a view into early stages of architectural standardization in the USSR. Kharkiv was not a carbon copy of Stalingrad in terms of either material or labor, and these differences signal the reformulation of American industrial practices to meet the capacities of a stilldeveloping socialist context. At play here is the concept of circulation des saviors, which insists that expertise—in this case architectural—is expanded and transformed through the looping interaction of specialists in varied political, economic, and cultural contexts.
5 American techniques were utilized for ends not anticipated by their creators, demonstrating, perhaps, the flexibility and receptivity of the techniques to serve various masters.
As the construction at Kharkiv unfolded, significant material changes were made between the original factory at Stalingrad and its nascent twin. Leon Swajian, the construction foreman from Kahn’s office for both tractor factory sites noted: “Kharkov [sic] was supposed to follow the designs made for Stalingrad, but this proved impossible. Imports of the steel had to be economized, so the Kharkov plant was built largely of reinforced concrete.”
6 A Soviet history fills in the details. The economics and timeline of the Kharkiv factory did not permit imports of all fabricated steel products from the United States, as had been the case in Stalingrad, nor was importation sustainable over the long term.
And the nascent Soviet steel industry was incapable of providing identical sections to those designed for Stalingrad, or even the required amount of reinforcing bars for a fully concrete version.
As a consequence, the Kharkiv Tractor Factory was effectively redesigned as a hybrid complex with three structural systems: steel, steel on top of concrete foundations, and reinforced concrete.
7The long-term implications of the tractor factory standardization experiment become clearer at the Union scale. Kharkiv was a model project for the priviazka system of typological replication that continued well after Kahn’s staff left the USSR in 1932. Priviazka, directly translated, is a tightening, or binding; in the Soviet architectural context it came to mean modification of a standardized design to meet specific site conditions.
This Soviet version of standardized architectural production assumed that strategic adjustments of the original model would be necessary, changes that would permit the final product and its model to bear a family resemblance even if the material and labor conditions under which they were created differed drastically.
As technology historian Yves Cohen writes in his study comparing the American and Soviet versions of Ford tractors, “Compared side by side, a Fordson and Fordzon-Putilovets resembled each other like brothers…I do not at all mean to say that standardized products have to be identical.
On the contrary: it is this very paradox of mass production that Henry Ford was the first to solve; to be identical at the level of the complete product, its constituent parts need to not be identical.”8 Cohen notes that what is important to control in this imperfect replication process is tolerance, the reasonable dimensional distance between the original and its copy, such that the two act satisfactorily alike. [Figure 3]
Figure 3 (clockwise from top left):
Fordson Tractor, Ford Factory, Dearborn, MI. Image credit: Henry Ford Foundation
Stalingrad Tractor Plant, Albert Kahn, Inc. Image credit: Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan
Kharkov Tractor Factory (KhTZ). Image credit: Golovko, G.V. Narysy Istorii Arkhitektury Ukrainskoi Rsr, 1962
Fordzon-Putilovets Tractor, Putilov Factory, Leningrad USSR. Image credit: www.novate.ru
Can Cohen’s notion of tolerance be applied to Stalingrad and Kharkiv? The complexes differ greatly in material composition, methods of construction, and finally, even outward appearance. But a close comparison of each factory’s architectural DNA—the plan—reveals the projects to be typologically related. How does one assess tolerance in such a case, and at what point is tolerance exceeded to make the second iteration so different that it can no longer be considered a replica? Perhaps we can pose the question to our protagonist.
Would Albert Kahn, well versed in Ford’s philosophy of mass production, have considered Kharkiv his own project, despite the copious design changes? In fact, he did. In a 1939 American monograph entitled Industrial Architecture of Albert Kahn, Inc., a double-page spread illustrates a map of the world peppered with cities in which Kahn architecture resides.
9 Kahn projects are found on all six habitable continents, with the US and the USSR sharing the highest density of building. Stalingrad and Kharkiv are both indicated as Kahn sites. In total, Kahn office records confirm that 531 factories based upon their drawings and specifications were completed in the USSR by the time their two-year consultancy was over, and more than 4,000 Soviet technicians were trained by Kahn management in Detroit, Moscow, and in the satellite construction offices.
10 The number of unconfirmed facilities based on plans or details developed by Kahn’s office, priviazka copies of brotherly resemblance, will probably never be known, but is likely to be in the thousands.
Soviet economic planners’ desire to quickly replicate industrial concerns and residential quarters across vast territories met success through the interscalar standardization of architectural details, standard building types, and predesigned settlement modules.
Finally, the diffuse socialist settlement diagram justified by citations of Marx and Engels and promoted by socialist urban theoreticians was instantiated by an immense and attenuated act of American-styled, but Soviet-modified, architectural replication across the Eurasian continent.
Christina E. Crawford is a Graduate Student Associate and a PhD candidate in architecture and urban planning at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. Her research interests include: history and theory of urban planning and architecture; design in transitional periods; and Soviet avant-garde practices.
Source : Soviet Planning Praxis: From Tractors to Territory
CHINA CASE :
The Great Leap Forward
Industrial development was carried out under the slogan of “walking on two legs.” This meant the development of small and medium scale rural industry alongside the development of heavy industry. As well as the steel furnaces, many other workshops and factories were opened in the countryside. The idea was that rural industry would meet the needs of the local population. Rural workshops supported efforts by the communes to modernize agricultural work methods. Rural workshops were very effective in providing the communes with fertilizer, tools, other agricultural equipment and cement (needed for water conservation schemes).10 READ MORE : Monthly Review | Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?
Shehullohi
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- Jul 21, 2020
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Je Polepole aliweza kukokotoa gharama za chanjo ya covid 19 akaweka ulinganifu na bajeti ya serikali ya madawa kwa mwaka akaona tunao uwezo huo? Ama ni yale maamuzi ya kukurupuka tu.
mzeempili
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- Aug 16, 2021
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Kwa miaka 60, CCM imetawala nchi hii, without and with people's mandate. CCM waambiwe sisi hatujawahi kutawaliwa na Denmark hata kwa sekunde moja. Wakumbushwe kuwa wao ndiyo wameitawala hii nchi kwa miaka 60.
Kwa miaka 60, CCM Waonyeshe walichofanya na siyo kusingizia mabeberu. China, Malaysia, Singapore, nk, wanatengeneza kila aina ya bidhaa na kuuza dunia nzima. waache porojo.
Kwa miaka 60, nchi nyingi za Afrika zimetawaliwa na wezi, madalali wa rasilimali, wahujumu, wauaji, vibaka, call them by any name.
Kwa miaka 60, CCM Waonyeshe walichofanya na siyo kusingizia mabeberu. China, Malaysia, Singapore, nk, wanatengeneza kila aina ya bidhaa na kuuza dunia nzima. waache porojo.
Kwa miaka 60, nchi nyingi za Afrika zimetawaliwa na wezi, madalali wa rasilimali, wahujumu, wauaji, vibaka, call them by any name.
Blueprint 9
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- Jul 3, 2017
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Huyy jamaa bado ana akili za kiawamu 5 enzi za mwendazake
Boniphace Bembele Ng'wita
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- Dec 25, 2013
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Hum ndan kunawatu wanatukana nahisi hawajamsikiliza HP, ama wamefunga mawazo yao kwenye nguzo ya umeme wakaenda kuwasha taa kwenye mnara, Kama si hvyo watakuwa na mtazamo wa kutokuwa na mawazo mbadala, sijaona kibaya kwake, Kama mtanzania amefungua mjadala, wanaopinga waje na hoja, tuzisikilize kwa umakini, Sasa hum sijui watt Ni wengi?? Sawa kusoma watu Ni wavivu na kusikiliza pia?? Wakuu msikilizeni HP anajambo zito, Kama Huna Mb omba...
Boniphace Bembele Ng'wita
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- Dec 25, 2013
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Mkuu umemsikilza au umetumia maneno ya waengne?? Unajua ametumia mda gan kuongea?? Ameongea nn?? Wapi kakosea(kwa mtazamo wako?) Shida ipo wapi?? Kutukana tu bila kuwa na justification Ni sawa na kutabasam gizani..
Blueprint 9
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- Jul 3, 2017
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Hivi unayajua matusi kweli? Haya wapi nmetukana hapo?
Pointi hii ya kwanini tu masikini CCM lazima waijibu na mhadhara huu wa mbunge Humphrey Polepole hajasema sababu za kweli, CCM lawama zote watasingizia mabeberu. Nchi kama Qatar, Oman, Singapore, Uruguay, South Korea zote zilitawaliwa n.k zimewezaje kujinasua toka umasikini?
Mzalendo2015
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- Aug 14, 2012
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Polepole au Bwana Slow slow aache ujinga, enxi za mwenda zake is no more!!
Denmark siyo wajinga kama yeye kibaraka wa CCM na Mwendazake!!!
Denmark ni moja ya nchi muhimu sana katika maendeleo ya Watanzania na ni moja ya nchi za NORDIC Countries. Norway, Denmark na Sweden.
Hizi ni nchi zinazopenda MAENDELEO lakini pia zinapenda kuona HAKI, USAWA DEMOKRASIA NA UHURU ukitamalaki ndani ya nchi zinazonufaika na misaada ya nji hizo. Kwa sasa Tanzania inanuka kwa uonevu,uminyaji wa Demokrasia hasa UONEVU WA VYAMA VYA SIASA. Denmark wanajua kilichompata Tundu Lissu na sasa kinachoendelea kwa Mwenyekiti (T) CHADEMA. Sasa kama hawaridhiki na wanachotendewa wapinzani wana haki ya ku-quit na kustisha uhusiano wa Kibalozi na Tanzania?!!