Nini chimbuko la Vita vya Uhujumu Uchumi - 1983-84?

[Zakumi]

Wanabodi,
Inabidi niendeleze mjadala huu kwa sababu kutokana na mawazo ya Zakumi nashindwa kabisa kuelewa kwa nini viongozi na wasomi wetu wanashindwa kuelewa hali halisi ya nchi yetu..anajaribu sana kupandikiza mbegu za kulaumu watu na uwezo wa nchi badala ya mfumo..
Nimemsoma sana Zakumi lakini kila mara naona kwamba anatumia sana kitabu badala ya kuangalia watu na mazingira ktk hali halisi kufuatia miaka hiyo..
Imefikia hata kusema kulikuwepo na Tatizo la Umeme mikoa ya Mwanza miaka hiyo jambo ambalo nashindwa hata kumwelewa..Mwanza wala Musoma haikuwa na matatizo ya Umeme wakati wa Nyerere, kwa sababu tulikuwa tukizalisha umeme zaidi ya matumizi yetu na ndio umeme huo huo umetumika hadi miaka ya hivi karibuni pamoja na kupanda kwa population, uwejekeshaji na kadhalika X2..

Amekazania sana kusema vitu vilivyokuwa vikisafirishwa nje vilikuwa havitoshi hata kama vingebakia nchini akiwa hana takwimu za kuonyesha hivyo isipokuwa kutumia nadharia inayoonyesha demand na supply inavyocheza..
Leo hii watu wanaingiza magari toka nchi za nje haina maana huko nje kuna Upungufu wa magari kwa sababu tu kuna Operation ya kukamata watu wanaosfirisha magari nje hasa nchi za kiafrika..Anashindwa kufikiria kiini au sababu hasa ya vita kama hii kuwa inatokana na mfumko wa wizi wa magari haya kuyapeleka nchi za Afrika na haihusiani kabisa na hali ya uzalishaji wa magari nchi hizo.
.
Pia nitarudia kwamba fikra za criminal hata siku moja haziwezi kupimwa na Uchumi kwa sababu huwa wako one step ahead ya somo la kiuchumi..nayo ni kuwepo ktk hali halisi ya watu na mazingira yanayoohusika na uchumi tunaounzungumzia.
Kwa mfano, kabla na wakati wa Uhujumu Uchumi tulikuwa tukichukua Prawns toka Chakula barafu kwa Tsh 600/Ib wakati thamani ya shilingi ilikuwa Tsh.21 kwa Us dola. Sasa Ukitumia hesabu za Kisomi utakuta bei hiyo ilikuwa kubwa ajabu (almost Usd 30/Ib) na unaweza bisha hadi kesho ukaanza kutumia mfumko wa bei kutokana na demand... lakini hata hivyo huko nje prawns hao hao waliuzwa dollar 10 kwa Pound! sasa hawa watu wanauza vipi...mahesabu hayapandi kabisa.
Lakini kwa wabaingazaji walijua bei ya dola Mtaani ni Tsh 175 hivyo inaponunua Apound of Prawns kwa 600 ni sawa na Usd 4 tu.. Soko Harare lilikuwa Zd 10 na chenji ilikuwa 1Zd =1Usd..
Hapa nyumbani bei ya prawns under price control chini ya Tsh. 50/Ib hivyo, mfanya magendo akiingia Chakula barafu tu wajomba wanashangilia wanajua wataingia 600/ib wakati zinazokwenda mfuko wa Chakula barafu ni Tsh 50 /ib..pato la ziada Tsh.550/Ib wanagawana wahusika ndani ya ofisi ya Chakula barafu..Kama kutakuwepo na Upungufu wa prawns mahoteli yetu ya Kitalii, mfanya magendo na Mpokea rushwa hawatazai hilo isipokuwa kiwango cha fedha anazoweza yeye kutengeneza kutokana na sheria ambazo hazikuzingatia hali halisi.

Magendo hayatazami uzalishaji na ugawaji wa prawns Tanzania isipokuwa soko lake nje lipo vipi, Na hatukupeleka Kenya kwa sababu ilikuwa hailipi kama Zimbabwe na South Africa..Hatukutazama kama sisi tunazalisha in excess au less ya demand ya ndani ila tulichofahamu ni biashara haramu..Uharamu wake unakuja kwamba hairuhusiwi kusafirisha prawns nje bila kuwa na kibali pamoja na mlolongo wa regulations kupitia benki kuu..Hivyo hivyo kila siku walanguzi walikuwa wakitafuta masoko nje kutokana na ukweli kwamba mali hizo zilizalishwa nchini..

Chimbuko la Magendo nchini lilitokana na siasa ya Ujamaa ktk Biashara..Vitu kama price control, Export regulations na kadhalika ndivyo vilichangia sana watu kuanza kupitia mlango wa nyuma kinyume cha sheria kwa sababu soko lilikuwepo nje lakini sheria hazikuruhusu watu kufanya biashara hizo free kwani viwanda vilivyokuwa mali ya serikali na mali iliyozalishwa ilikuwa kwa malengo ya huduma za ndani nchini na kama Export basi serikali ndiyo ilihusika pia kwa sababu nyinge ya kisiasa kuwa unafanya biashara na nchi yenye kukubaliana na mrengo ama utawala uliopo. Politics ndizo zilikuwa zikiendesha Uchumi wa nchi badala ya Uchumi kuendesha Politics..

Haya mambo menngine mtasema weeee... lakini ukweli upo on the ground..
1 Magendo - ni ku supply vitu kinyume cha sheria.
2. Rushwa - ni kutoa/kupokea malipo ya ziada ktk huduma..
3. Uhujumu Uchumi - ni pamoja na crimes zote zinazohusiana na Uchumi wa nchi iwe moja kwa moja au kwa kupitia (indirectly)..

Mkandara:

Kabla ya kukujibu suala la umeme ningependa kukushukuru kwa kusema ujamaa ndio uliosababisha. Kwa sababu bila ujamaa tusingekuwa na viwanda vya kiserikali na serikali isingekuwa na sababu ya ku-control price. Na hizo hoteli za kitalii ingebidi ziwe zina compete na wanaopeleka prawns Zimbabwe. Na kwa mashindano hayo mvuvi atanogewa na mapato na kuongeza productivity yake itakayofanya bei kujisahihisha yenyewe.

Hili suala la umeme hata ndugu Mwanakijiji alinibishia lakini sikutaka kwenda mbele, lakini ngoja nijaribu ku-prove point yangu once again.

Kama nitakuwa sikosehi Mutex ilifunguliwa 1981. Wakati kinafunguliwa kiwanda hiki, mji wa Musoma ulikuwa unatumia umeme ulizalishwa kwa kinu cha diesel ambacho kilikuwa hakitoshelezai mahitaji ya mji au kiwanda.

Na vilevile Mwanza ilikuwa nayo inategemea kinu cha diesel kuzalisha umeme. Hivyo uzalishaji wa Mwatex nao ulikuwa unaathirika sana na kukosekana kwa umeme wa uhakika.

Umeme wa uhakika ni ule uliokuwa kwenye gridi la taifa ambavyo vinu vyake ni vya maji. Lakini umeme huu ulifika mikoa ya Mwanza na Mara mwishoni mwa 80s au Mwanzoni mwa 90s.

Hivyo umeme wa uhakika ulifika Musoma mjini miaka kumi baada ya kiwanda cha Mutex kufunguliwa rasmi.

Ninaweza kukubaliana na wewe kuwa kwa miaka hile. Umeme uliozalishwa ulikuwa wa kutosha. Lakini ni lazima ukumbuke kuwa umeme hausafirishi wirelessly. Ni lazima kuwepo na miundo mbinu ya wire za kusafirisha umeme. Kwa bahati mbaya mikoa ya kanda ya ziwa ilichelewa kupata. Hivyo hivyo kila mji ulikuwa na magenerators yake.

Na nikirudi kwenye swali la Mwanakijiji alilouliza tofauti kati ya 3MW za kinu cha diesel na 3MW za kinu cha maji, tofauti hipo na tena kubwa sana.

Katika matumizi ya energy wataalamu hawapo interested sana na output ya kinu. Na kama wangekuwa basi 3MW ya kinu chochote isingekuwa na tofauti sana.

Umeme kama energy unapatikana kwa kubadilisha energy iliyokuwemo kwenye vyanzo kama vile maporomoko ya maji, mafuta ya kuendeshea magenerator, mionzi ya juu n.k. Hivyo uwiano wa gharama za vyanzo(input energy) na thamani ya umeme unaozalishwa (output energy) ni lazima uwe wa kueleweka kiufundi na kibiashara.

Na kama uwiano sio kitu cha muhimu basi kulikuwa hakuna gharama za kujenga gridi za umeme. Kila mji ungekuwa na generator za kuzungushwa na punda au ng'ombe.

Kutokana na shida ya mafuta iliyokuwepo na uwiano mbaya wa kuzalisha umeme kwa kutumia magenerator ya diesel. Viwanda vya Mwanza, Musoma na miji mingi iliyokuwa na shida za umeme ilikuwa kutimiza majukumu ya kisiasa lakini sio ya kiuchumi au kibiashara.

Unashindwa kunielewa kuwa Mwanza na Musoma zilikuwa na matatizo ya umeme kwa sababu unashindwa kuelewa kuwa matumizi ya nyumbani ni madogo sana kuliko matumizi ya viwanda. Kumbuka katika miaka ya 80s, 90s sehemu kubwa ya umeme wa majumbani ilikuwa ni kwenye taa, radio na kupiga pasi.

Hivyo generators zilikuwepo kule Nyakato zilikuwa zinaweza kutosheleza matumizi ya majumbani bila matatizo. Lakini kwenye uendeshaji wa mashine, gharama ni kubwa. Na wakati huohuo nchi ilikuwa kwenye mgao wa mafuta.

Najua bado utabisha tu. Tuachane na viwanda vya Musoma. Kuna kiwanda vya Polyster Morogoro. Mategemeo ya kiwanda hiki yalikuwa kiwe kikubwa kuliko viwanda vyote vya nguo Afrika Mshariki na ya kati. Pamoja na kuwa Morogoro ina umeme wa kutosha na sehemu nzuri kiusafirishaji, kiwanda hiki na vinginge vilivyokuwepo Morogoro vilichemsha BIG TIME.

Najua utaendelea kubisha. Kwa sababu utaendelea kutafuta external factors tu za kushindwa kwetu. Lakini sehemu kubwa ya kushindwa mambo mengi ni kwa sababu tunacheza bahati nasibu.

Vilevile kutokana na mazungumzo yako. Inaonyesha kuwa umefanikiwa kimaisha. Mafanikio ya mradi unaoendeshwa na mtu mmoja unaweza kuwa na mafanikio makubwa. Lakini mbinu zinazotumika kuleta mafanikio ya mradi huo, zinakuwa na mafanikio machache sana kwenye miradi iliyo complex na yenye kuhitaji manpower ya watu wengi.

Unasema kuwa najaribu sana kutumia kitabu. Nafanya hivyo kuondoa myths.

Kama uzalishaji kwa kutumia njia za kiserikali ungekuwa na mafanikio makubwa, basi nchi ya kwanza kufanya hivyo ingekuwa Marekani.

Moja ya tofauti kubwa ya serkali za karne ya 20 na zile zilizopita, ni juhudi za serikali nyingi hata zile za kibepari kuendesha miradi katika massive ambayo haijawahi kutokea duniani.

Nakutaka Mkandara kwa dakika moja tu fikiria complexity ya miradi ya kumpleka mtu mwezini na kurudi dunia salama. complexity ya ku-manage miradi hii ina tabia zinazofanana na complexity ya ku-manage uzalishaji wa bidhaa za watu kutumia majumbani nchi Tanzania.

Hivyo suala lenye kuonyesha uzaifu katika poor management sioni sababu ya kulitafutia sababu za kulaumu watu wengine kwa sababu price control is manageable na man-made.

Kwa maoni yangu gharama za kuwafunga wafanyabiashara na kuwaita wahujumu uchumi zilikuwa kubwa kuliko ya kuendeleza vitu kuwa bei rahisi kwa sababu tu ujamaa unataka hivyo.

 

[Zakumi]

Mkandara,

..sasa kama uzalishaji haukuwa na kasoro zozote zile , ilikuwaje uchumi wetu ukatitia kiasi kwamba wakati Mwalimu anaondoka madarakani hazina ilikuwa imekauka, na tulishindwa hata kugomboa meli moja ya mafuta pale bandarini?

..kwasababu kwa theories zako, viwanda vilikuwa vinazalisha kiwango cha kutosha ila tatizo bidhaa zote zilikuwa zinakwapuliwa na walanguzi kabla hazijamfikia mlaji.

..kama hilo hapo juu lingekuwa kweli basi tungeweza kuona expansion ya namna fulani ya viwanda na makampuni ya umma. badala yake viwanda hivyo ndiyo kwanza vilikufa.

NB:
..swali lingine kwa wachangiaji: kwanini viwanda vyetu vilikufa wakati vilikuwa na soko la uhakika kutokana na monopoly? fikiria kiwanda kama UFI ambacho kilipewa jukumu la kuzalisha majembe nchini.

Jokakuu:

Naona unajenga hoja kwa kutumia implications. Na hicho ndio kitu kisichoingia akilini mwa Mkandara.

Viwanda vya Tanzania vilikuwa vinategemea dollar kununua energy, expertise, malighafi na mitambo kutoka nje?

Kama hazina haina akiba ya fedha za kigeni, je uzalishaji utaendelea vipi?

Na nina takwimu hapa zinazoonyesha kuwa kipindi hicho, Brazil kama mzalishaji wa kahawa ilipatwa na ukame mkubwa uliofanya kahawa kupanda bei sana duniani. Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda na Kenya zilifaidika sana. Lakini Tanzania ilishindwa kufaidika na bei hiyo. Kulikuwa na ongezeko la bei ya mafuta lakini wenzetu walitumia kahawa ku-offset ongezeko hilo. Lakini sisi tulipingwa mabado makubwa makubwa.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Hoja nyingine tutazunguka hapa hapa tu na kubishana: Niseme hivi:

a. Huwezi kusoma historia kwa vipande (unachagua uchumi tu kuelezea historical situation)

b. Unapochagua kitu complex kama uchumi huwezi kuchagua supply, demand na price kuelezea mambo yote; uchumi unaathiriwa na vitu vingi sana. Sasa kuwa fair ni lazima anayejaribu kuelezea tatizo la eneo mojawapo hapo juu awe deep mno.

c. Je kuporomoka kwa uchumi wa Tanzania mwaka 1984 kulikuwa kukubwa kulinganisha na nchi gani nyingine ya kiafrika? Hali ya Uchumi wa Kenya ilikuwaje, Uganda kulikuwaje, na uchumi wa dunia ulikuwaje. Kwa maneno mengine tusiuangalie uchumi wa Tanzania in isolation.

Mengine nimechoka.

 

[Mkandara]

Jokakuu,
Mkuu ni muhimu sana kufuatilia historia ya Uchumi duniani kabla hujafikia conclusion ya kitu gani kilitokea..Kuna hoja mbili hapa kwanza ni ile iliyotangulia vita ya Uhujumu Uchumi ambayo inahusiana na Magendo. Pili, kulikuwa na hali mbaya ya Uchumi nchi zote duniani na hasa nchi za Kijamaa ambazo zilishindwa ku sustain kimbunga cha depression iliyokuwepo Hata Marekani walitetereka Kiuchumi lakini wao kutokana na Ubepari serikali zao ziliweza kuweka vikwazo vya ununuzi wa mali toka nje hasa magari hivyo kuinua uchumi wa ndani.

Tanzania kama nchi maskini hatukuwa na uwezo wa kujikwamua kwanza sisi wenyewe masikini na tumeishi ktk price control ambyo ilikuwa ikimfyonza mfuko wa taifa kwa kila huduma iliyofanyika.. Kifupi biashara yetu ilikuwa biashara ya kishihiri yaani unakula vitu vyako mwenyewe dukani.. Kwa hiyo kushindwa kwa Nyerere kulitokana na sio viwanda kushindwa kuzalisha au vilikufa kwani viwanda vilikuwa safi hadi ameingia Mwinyi isipokuwa hatukuwa na akiba - forex kuweza kuviendesha. Viwanda haviendeshwi na mali unayozalisha, yaani kiwanda cha ngozi hakifanyi kazi kwa sababu kuna ngozi tosha isipokuwa mauzo.. na hata kampuni inapofilisika haina maana mashine zake mbovu au uwezo wa mashine hizo kuzalisha umepungua kulingana na demand..
Demand ya vitu inaweza kupungua na Ukazalishaji bado mkubwa lakini bado ukaanguka kibiashara ya kuflisika kwa sababu mali yako haina soko. Na ndio somo la kuanguka kwa tanzania kiuchumi.. tulikosa fedha za Kigeni kwa sababu mali yetu ilikuwa haina soko tena nje na hali ya uchumi duniani ilikuwa ngumu..Kumbuka miaka hiyo Barrel moja pia ilifikia over dollar 100 ni 1982..sasa fikiria dollar 100 ya miaka hiyo thamani yake ilikuwa sawa na magunia mangapi ya kahawa ambayo imeshuka bei..Binafsi naamini 100 dollar ya 1982 ni sawa na 300 to 500 ya leo..
Mkuu ndio maana unaona nchi kama Marekani huchoma moto ngano ziada badala ya kuipeleka hata Afrika kwa wenye njaa.. Hivyo tulishindwa kiuchumi kwa sababu ya UJAMAA na pili hali ya Uchumi duniani tazama historia...Hata kama tungekuwa na mali ktk maghala yetu mali hiyo ilikuwa haina soko, mazao yote yalishuka bei kiasi kwamba matumizi yetu ya ndani yalikuwa zaidi ya malipo na baada ya muda tuli collapse kiuchumi..sababu ni mia kidogo mkuu wangu mia kidogo..

Zakumi,
Mkuu yote unayozungumza sio miaka kabla au 83/84... labda unachanganya nyakati hapa..!983/84 nilikuwepo Tanzania na hata siku moja sikusikia maswala haya. Umeme ulikuwa ukikatika kwa sababu ya transformer moja imelipuka au kuna tatizo ambalo liliweza kuwekwa sawa baada ya muda mfupi.. Mkuu ktk Ubangaizaji tumepitia mengi na nakumbuka vizuri miaka hiyo kwani ndiyo miaka shemeji yangu alitengeneza Utajiri wake pale Mwanza kwa kuuza Khanga.. Musoma kuna familia yangu na nilikuwa nikienda mara kwa mara..Kama unawafahamu kina kina Kigera, Kitundu, Mgai, Musulunzya (Bunda), hawa wote damu yangu..Hivyo story za Mwanza na Musoma wala usinambie kwani ktk miji yote ya kanda ya Ziwa hakuna mji uliokuwa na umeme wa uhakika kama Musoma...

Kwa hiyo mkuu wangu sio kwamba nakataa na kubisha kwa kutumia external factors laa hasha isipokuwa pale tunapozungumzia Uhujumu Uchumi na sababu zilizotangulia.. Nakubaliana na wewe unaposema uendeshaji wa viwanda ni gharama kubwa na haihusiani kabisa na uzalishaji ikiwa gharama za uzalishaji zinazidi kipato..
Uwezo wa kuzalisha ulikuwepo na total units zinazotakiwa ziliweza kuzalishwa isipokuwa mauzo yake hayakuweza kulipa gharama za uzalishaji.. Kwa hiyo kimahesabu ni loss haijalishi kama unaweza kuzalisha zaidi au laa!..Hivyo kiuchumi tungeanguka tu hata kama mali zile zisingechukuliwa kimagendo nje kwa sababu soko lililokuwepo ndani haliwezi kulipia gharama za uzalishaji kutokana na price control ambayo serikali yetu iliweka kiwango kidogo sana badala ya kutazama uhai wa viwanda ilitazama zaidi uhai wa wananchi wake..Kosa kubwa la Ujamaa kiuchumi ndio hilo, kuweka focus nje ya kuviwezesha viwanda vyetu sio tu ktk kuzalisha bali kijiendeleza pia.. Tulivi treat viwanda vyetu kama ngo'mbe anayekamuliwa maziwa kila kukicha tukifikiria kazi kubwa ni kumopeleka malishoni tu system yake ndio hutengeneza maziwa..
Hata hivyo this has nothing to do with Uhujumu Uchumi as a crime!..Katika hali mbaya ya Uchumi hata Marekani waliuza silaha Iran maadui wao wakati wakiwasaidia Iraq..Hiii ilikuwa scandal kubwa na sidhani kama ilihusiana na uzalishaji mkubwa ama mdogo..soko la silaha lilikuwepo nchi hizo na watu wakachukua advantage kinyume cha sheria...
Sijui kama tumeelewana..

 

[Zakumi]

Hoja nyingine tutazunguka hapa hapa tu na kubishana: Niseme hivi:

a. Huwezi kusoma historia kwa vipande (unachagua uchumi tu kuelezea historical situation)

b. Unapochagua kitu complex kama uchumi huwezi kuchagua supply, demand na price kuelezea mambo yote; uchumi unaathiriwa na vitu vingi sana. Sasa kuwa fair ni lazima anayejaribu kuelezea tatizo la eneo mojawapo hapo juu awe deep mno.

c. Je kuporomoka kwa uchumi wa Tanzania mwaka 1984 kulikuwa kukubwa kulinganisha na nchi gani nyingine ya kiafrika? Hali ya Uchumi wa Kenya ilikuwaje, Uganda kulikuwaje, na uchumi wa dunia ulikuwaje. Kwa maneno mengine tusiuangalie uchumi wa Tanzania in isolation.

Mengine nimechoka.

Mwanakijiji:

Hili ni somo kubwa sana na hatuwezi kuliezea lote. Kwa upande wangu nitachagua factors ambazo zili-trigger au ku-dominate. Hili ni suala sawa na mgonjwa wa kinga mwilini, mgonjwa ataandamwa na magonjwa mengi. Lakini ukosefu wa kinga ndio kiini chenyewe.

Mada ilianza baadhi ya wachangiaji kuonyesha kuwa wafanyabiashara waliojulikana kama wahujumu uchumi ndio walikuwa chanzo cha upungufu na ukosefu wa bidhaa. Ninaweza kuwa nilitoa hoja nyingi lakini lengo langu kubwa lilikuwa moja tu. Lengo langu ni kuonyesha kuwa wafanya biashara walikuwa ni SCAPEGOATS. Wafanya biashara walikuwa wana-take advantage ya situation iliyokuwepo tu.

Vilevile wenzetu wanatumia tools mbalimbali kuangalia matatizo ya kiuchumi wanayowakabili kwa siku, kwa wiki, kwa mwezi na kwa mwaka. Na wanafanya maamuzi kutoka na matokeo ya tools hizi.

Kuna tools nyingi za kuonyesha inventories za bidhaa zilizozalisha (supply and demand), price control na tools zingine muhimu. Hivyo huwezi kuacha watu wanateseka na ukosefu wa bidhaa kwa miaka minne na baadaye kuja ku-react kwamba wafanya biashara wanahujumu uchumi wa nchi.

Mkiondoa suala la wafanyabiashara kama wahujumu uchumi nadhani tunaweza kuangalia suala zima kutoka pembe mbalimbali.

 

[Zakumi]

Zakumi,
Mkuu yote unayozungumza sio miaka kabla au 83/84... labda unachanganya nyakati hapa..!983/84 nilikuwepo Tanzania na hata siku moja sikusikia maswala haya. Umeme ulikuwa ukikatika kwa sababu ya transformer moja imelipuka au kuna tatizo ambalo liliweza kuwekwa sawa baada ya muda mfupi.. Mkuu ktk Ubangaizaji tumepitia mengi na nakumbuka vizuri miaka hiyo kwani ndiyo miaka shemeji yangu alitengeneza Utajiri wake pale Mwanza kwa kuuza Khanga.. Musoma kuna familia yangu na nilikuwa nikienda mara kwa mara..Kama unawafahamu kina kina Kigera, Kitundu, Mgai, Musulunzya (Bunda), hawa wote damu yangu..Hivyo story za Mwanza na Musoma wala usinambie kwani ktk miji yote ya kanda ya Ziwa hakuna mji uliokuwa na umeme wa uhakika kama Musoma...

Kwa hiyo mkuu wangu sio kwamba nakataa na kubisha kwa kutumia external factors laa hasha isipokuwa pale tunapozungumzia Uhujumu Uchumi na sababu zilizotangulia.. Nakubaliana na wewe unaposema uendeshaji wa viwanda ni gharama kubwa na haihusiani kabisa na uzalishaji ikiwa gharama za uzalishaji zinazidi kipato..
Uwezo wa kuzalisha ulikuwepo na total units zinazotakiwa ziliweza kuzalishwa isipokuwa mauzo yake hayakuweza kulipa gharama za uzalishaji.. Kwa hiyo kimahesabu ni loss haijalishi kama unaweza kuzalisha zaidi au laa!..Hivyo kiuchumi tungeanguka tu hata kama mali zile zisingechukuliwa kimagendo nje kwa sababu soko lililokuwepo ndani haliwezi kulipia gharama za uzalishaji kutokana na price control ambayo serikali yetu iliweka kiwango kidogo sana badala ya kutazama uhai wa viwanda ilitazama zaidi uhai wa wananchi wake..Kosa kubwa la Ujamaa kiuchumi ndio hilo, kuweka focus nje ya kuviwezesha viwanda vyetu sio tu ktk kuzalisha bali kijiendeleza pia.. Tulivi treat viwanda vyetu kama ngo'mbe anayekamuliwa maziwa kila kukicha tukifikiria kazi kubwa ni kumopeleka malishoni tu system yake ndio hutengeneza maziwa..
Hata hivyo this has nothing to do with Uhujumu Uchumi as a crime!..Katika hali mbaya ya Uchumi hata Marekani waliuza silaha Iran maadui wao wakati wakiwasaidia Iraq..Hiii ilikuwa scandal kubwa na sidhani kama ilihusiana na uzalishaji mkubwa ama mdogo..soko la silaha lilikuwepo nchi hizo na watu wakachukua advantage kinyume cha sheria...
Sijui kama tumeelewana..

Mkandara:

Ninakwambia kama unachukau generator la diesel kwa matumizi ya majumbani, umeme Musoma kwa kipindi kile ulikuwa unatosha . Lakini kuendesha kiwanda ulikuwa hautoshi.

Mkandara consistently umeweza kuonyesha jinsi price control na upungufu wa vitu, basi hili ni somo linaloeleweka. Na kama sio somo linaloeweka basi tukupe Phd. kwa ugunduzi huo. Swali kwanini basi takwimu zionyeshe price control inasababisha upungufu wa bidhaa, lakini hatua achukuliwe mfanyabiashara? Kwanini basi wasijaribu kuongeza bei? Mbona bei ya sigara na bia zilikuwa zinaongezwa kila siku.

 

[JokaKuu]

Lengo langu ni kuonyesha kuwa wafanya biashara walikuwa ni SCAPEGOATS. Wafanya biashara walikuwa wana-take advantage ya situation iliyokuwepo tu.

Zakumi,

..Swadakta!!..na hiyo ndiyo imekuwa hoja yangu muda wote wa mada hii.

..nchi ina matatizo ya kiuchumi, sasa badala ya kuyashughulikia, tunaanza kutunga sheria!!

..mimi naomba katika mada hii tujiangalie wa-Tanzania toka ndani kwenda nje.

..wa-Tanzania tuachane na tabia ya kuzua visingizio kila wakati.

..uchumi wowote imara huji-adjust kukabiliana na matatizo unaokutana nayo.

NB:

..naona Mkandara ameongea weee mpaka sasa anapingana na yale aliyokuwa akiyasema mwanzoni mwa mada hii!!

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

..nchi ina matatizo ya kiuchumi, sasa badala ya kuyashughulikia, tunaanza kutunga sheria!!

hapa imebidi nicheke. Leo hii uchumi wa Marekani uko kwenye magogo, walichofanya ni nini? hawakutunga sheria kukabiliana na matatizo ya wakati ule? Tatizo siyo kutunga sheria.

Wametunga sheria iliyotoa hiyo bail out yao siyo? Je bailout imeenda inavyotakiwa? of course not kuna wajanja wengine wameanza kutumia nafasi hiyo maana yake ni sheria mbaya?

Kuna watu wanaamini Nyerere alikuwa dikteta na alifanya lolote analopenda (a classical definition ya dikteta). Yalipotokea matatizo ya uchumi yale yeye alifanya nini; alitunga sheria! Hakujifanyia tu vile anavyosikia.

Na sheria ile ilipoonekana ina matatizo guess what happened. Wakafanya mabadiliko (1986). Na walipotafakari tena wakafanya mabadiliko mengine! Hakuna sheria inayotungwa ambayo ni perfect.

Hapa mjadala ungekuwa una maana na uzito kama tungesema ni kwa jinsi gani sheria haikufuatwa? Ingetolewa mifano ya uvunjaji wa sheria ile!.

Lakini pia kuna watu wanataka tuamini kuwa hakukuwa na wahujumu uchumi; kwamba walikuwa ni scape goats tu! oh really? Hawa watuhumiwa wa ufisadi wanapokamatwa leo si wenyewe walilia "scape goats"? tuwaachie kwa vile wanaonewa kutokana na matatizo ya watu wengine?

Miaka 20 ijayo baada ya kina Mramba na wenzake kuachiliwa kwa kukosa ushahidi watu watasema Kikwete alikuwa Dikteta! Kwamba sheria ilikuwa mbaya.

Uhujumu uchumi ulishughulikiwa kisheria. Period. Unless kuna mtu anaushahidi kwamba suala zima lilikuwa nje ya sheria.

 

[JokaKuu]

Mwanakijiji,

..tatizo lako unafikiri Mwalimu alikuwa malaika asiyeweza kufanya makosa yoyote yale. hicho ndicho kinachokukwaza ushindwe kuelewa mambo madogo sana ktk mada hii.

..sasa kwa kifupi ni hivi: tulikuwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi na hatua alizochukua Mwalimu hazikusaidia kupunguza matatizo hayo.

..Mwalimu pamoja na kuanzisha sheria ya Uhujumu, kama hatua ya kufufua uchumi, aliondoka hazina ikiwa tupu hata meli moja ya mafuta tukashindwa kukomboa.

..wale tunaodai wahujumu uchumi walikuwa scape goats, tunasema hivyo kwasababu, impression aliyojenga Mwalimu wakati ule ni kwamba wahujumu ndiyo waliokuwa wakisababisha uhaba wa bidhaa na hali mbaya ya uchumi nchini.

..kitu cha ajabu ni kwamba kampeni dhidi ya wahujumu uchumi haikuleta unafuu wowote ktk upatikanaji wa bidhaa kwa wananchi.

NB:

..dosari nyingine ya sheria ya uhujumu uchumi ni kwamba ilipitishwa na Bunge wakati watuhumiwa tayari wako rumande. utawala wa sheria na katiba hauendi hivyo.

..labda tukisema MWALIMU ALISHAURIWA VIBAYA itasaidia kupunguza ubishi usiokuwa wa lazima.

 

[Mkandara]

Jokakuu,

Mwalimu pamoja na kuanzisha sheria ya Uhujumu, kama hatua ya kufufua uchumi

Hapa ndipo mnapokosea.. hatua ya Uhujumu Uchumi haihusiani kabisa na swala la kufufua Uchumi...
Kwa maana hii nasema hivi hata maskini asiyekuwa na kitu akiibiwa haina maana hana ulazima wa kumsaka mwizi wake ni kupoteza muda na wakati, isipokuwa mnavyoona nyie ni halali kwa tajiri tu ambaye anaweza kuwa na sababu ya kuibiwa- utajiri wake..
Ukweli ni kwamba mwizi anatazama availability ya kitu anachokitaka iwe kwa maskini au tajri hajali kinamuumiza nani! sasa wazo la yule aliyeibiwa kumsaka mwizi haiwezi kabisa kuhusiana na hali yake kiuchumi..ni swala la haki ya kumiliki mali iliyoibiwa.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Mwanakijiji,

..tatizo lako unafikiri Mwalimu alikuwa malaika asiyeweza kufanya makosa yoyote yale. hicho ndicho kinachokukwaza ushindwe kuelewa mambo madogo sana ktk mada hii.

sijawahi kuwa na mawazo ya namna hiyo; ukisoma maandiko yangu yote utajua msimamo wangu uko vipi. TATIZO lako ni kuwa unafikiri mimi namtetea Mwalimu! Ukisoma majibu yangu yote hapa sijamtaja Mwalimu!

..sasa kwa kifupi ni hivi: tulikuwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi na hatua alizochukua Mwalimu hazikusaidia kupunguza matatizo hayo.

Kwanini unafikiri kila hatua ya kukabiliana na matatizo ya kiuchumi lazima ifanikiwe? Ukiangalia vizuri utaona hatua zile zilifanikiwa! Kwanini tuandikie mate? Hatua zilizochukuliwa na Marekani kukabiliana na matatizo ya kiuchumi zimefanikiwa? Inachukua muda gani kutatua matatizo ya kiuchumi? Je ukitatua tatizo la leo la kiuchumi ina maana miaka 10 ijayo hautakuwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi!

Nadhani ni wewe unayefikiri Mwalimu alikuwa na nguvu za kimalaika za kutatua kila tatizo lililoikabili Tanzania na utatuzi wake ungezuia matatizo yote milele na daima! hii inashangaza!

..Mwalimu pamoja na kuanzisha sheria ya Uhujumu, kama hatua ya kufufua uchumi, aliondoka hazina ikiwa tupu hata meli moja ya mafuta tukashindwa kukomboa.

tulikuwa huru! Leo hii hazina imejaa tumeweza kushughulikia ATCL!? haloo?? Halafu hiyo hyperbole ya "hazina tupu" watu walilipwa mishahara toka wapi mbinguni?

..wale tunaodai wahujumu uchumi walikuwa scape goats, tunasema hivyo kwasababu, impression aliyojenga Mwalimu wakati ule ni kwamba wahujumu ndiyo waliokuwa wakisababisha uhaba wa bidhaa na hali mbaya ya uchumi nchini.

kama walikuwa wanafanya hivyo ulitaka nani anyoshewe kidole? Unapokuwa na tatizo moja huwezi kukaa kimya wakati kundi la watu wachache wanalikuza tatizo hilo. Kulikuwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi lakini wahujumu uchumi walifanya tatizo hilo kubwa zaidi kwa mtu wa kawaida.

..kitu cha ajabu ni kwamba kampeni dhidi ya wahujumu uchumi haikuleta unafuu wowote ktk upatikanaji wa bidhaa kwa wananchi.

Yes it did, ilisababisha hata kile kidogo kilichopo tugawane na kipatikane. Ilisababisha watu wasitumie matatizo ya kiuchumi kujinufaisha wenyewe na kundi lao. Leo hii tumejifunza kuwa ukiacha mafisadi wachache wanajenga utawala wao!

leo watu wanaogopa kuiitwa wajuhumu uchumi; na nakuhakikishia kama ikianza kampeni nyingine dhidi ya wahujumu uchumi utaona mafisadi watakavyotimka kwani mafisadi ni jina jingine tu la wahujumu uchumi!

NB:

..dosari nyingine ya sheria ya uhujumu uchumi ni kwamba ilipitishwa na Bunge wakati watuhumiwa tayari wako rumande. utawala wa sheria na katiba hauendi hivyo.

Hivi unaijua hasa sheria ya wahujumu uchumi? Ilipitishwa lini, watuhumiwa walikamatwa lini? Nipe mfano tu.

..labda tukisema MWALIMU ALISHAURIWA VIBAYA itasaidia kupunguza ubishi usiokuwa wa lazima.

Uko obsessed na mwalimu; sasa unaweza kusema lolote unalotaka kusema juu ya Mwalimu. Sijamtetea hapa na wala sina mpango huo. Hoja zangu zipo ukizisoma utaona sijamtaja mwalimu!

 

[Companero]

Ufuatao ni mtazamo wa Profesa Shivji kuhusu hali ilivyokuwa katika miaka ya 1980 - ukitaka kusoma zaidi fungua ambato:

...Yes, indeed, I think one begins to appreciate the nature of the leadership with hindsight. I think Nyerere’s strength was his nationalism — his political strength. To some extent, he was able to carve out a relatively independent niche between the superpowers while gaining sympathy from the social democrats—Canadians, Scandinavians and others. But Nyerere had absolutely no idea of the political economy of imperialism and neither of the role and character of accumulation in the process of development. When you come down to his economic policies, really, you do not see a fundamental break with what I would now characterize as ‘disarticulated accumulation’. Furthermore, Nyerere failed to differentiate between national and compradorial capitalism while he was in power. I think it was only after he stepped down and subsequently came to head the South Commission that, for the first time, he began to understand, in a more nuanced way, the nature of capitalism and the processes of capitalist accumulation. Even then, he was still groping. In that regard, I think, the only leader who understood, in his own way, the nature of backward capitalism was Sokoine, the prime minister in the early 1980s, a period of intense economic crisis. The 1981 Party programme — in which I see, but cannot establish yet empirically, the influence of Sokoine—candidly analysed the prior fifteen years of developments since the Arusha Declaration and acknowledged that, under the umbrella of the public sector and parastatal development, a new class of capitalists had emerged that was then beginning to flex its muscles. I have a feeling that Nyerere could not have wholly subscribed to this thesis, but did not feel politically strong enough at the time to push his line....

...No doubt the economic crisis of 1980s brought out the limits of the early period — not only economic limits but even political limits.
For the first time, the legitimacy of the State and of Nyerere’s regime began to be questioned. The 1982 attempted coup — in which some
civilians were allegedly involved — came very close to succeeding. There was an attempt on the part of the ruling party to open up —
cautiously though. But most interestingly, the crisis revealed that the party was not as monolithic as it appeared and that, under the flag of
socialism and Ujamaa, a State-based class had emerged withcapitalist ambitions — however immature and caricatured. In the earlier years,
Nyerere no doubt provided the ground for coherence to the political class. But the crisis brought out factions within the party and opened
up the space for neoliberalism, started under President Mwinyi, but subsequently becoming fully established under President Mkapa. The
last period of Nyerere’s rule (1981–85) was the most interesting and momentous in the country’s history — both political and economic
—and needs to be studied much more closely, both to understand the limits of the post-Arusha decade, the eventual fruition of neoliberalism and the nature of development under economic reforms....

...Post-Nyerere Tanzania under Mwinyi had emerged from a period of very serious crisis. There was a ‘goods famine’. Liberalization
of imports, which brought in its wake the large-scale importation of cheap textiles, including second-hand clothing, had an immediate
impact. For a while Mwinyi did become very popular. He also legitimized the former ‘smugglers and economic saboteurs’, who had
stashed away their ill-gotten funds in foreign banks, by inaugurating the so-called own-currency imports without questions being asked.He
further allowed the Bank of Tanzania to buy gold from small miners with no questions asked, thus boosting revenue. He went rather slow
on privatizing, but let the parastatals collapse. And he was lax on collecting taxes from the new ‘own-currency importers’—or what we at
the time used to call ‘the container bourgeoisie’. But these points did not endear him to the donors who wanted to fast-track privatization,
open up mineral resources to foreign investors, collect taxes to balance the budget and pay debts. In short, these forces wanted to make the neoliberal reforms irreversible. Mwinyi’s lingering nationalism was an irritation, not only to the external, but also to the internal neoliberal
elites. In this respect, Mkapa’s subsequent ten years of government were seen as a godsend...

...I think we have to look at the process of accumulation during the Mwinyi period in a more differentiated manner. First, there was the liberalization of import trade, specifically owncurrency imports. Immediately, this helped to alleviate the goods famine while at the same time, ironically, it struck the last nail in the coffin of import-substitution industrialization. But availability of basic goods — for example, used clothes — must also have acted asan incentive to bring back peasant production into mainstream market away from parallel markets at home and smuggling across the borders. Second, there was the promotion of small-scale production — for example, in gold mining. It seems to me that this cannot be considered ‘informal’ in the same way. There is the so-called informal within the functioning neoliberal economy where actually it only goes to subsidize capital, a form of primitive accumulation by cutting into the necessary consumption of labour. But the informal during the Mwinyi period, for a while, was actually de-linked from the main capital circuits. Small gold-diggers got reasonable returns from the Bank of Tanzania, thus making the risk of smuggling not worth taking; while the State through the Bank of Tanzania got gold at a reasonable price compared to the world market, having cut out the middlemen and smugglers. This specific example could perhaps be described as some kind of ‘accumulation from below’. But of course it could not exist for too long. The two main conditions that underwrote it — its operation outside merchant capitalist circuits premised on supportive State intervention—were both destroyed underMkapa who sought to return to dependent/disarticulated forms of accumulation from above. Small miners were flushed out as large mining conglomerates were given long-term concessions. Foreign big predatory capital, local merchant capital and local political/bureaucratic elites were back in the saddle to reproduce forms of accumulation by dispossession from above...

 

[William J. Malecela]

1. ...No doubt the economic crisis of 1980s brought out the limits of the early period — not only economic limits but even political limits.

2. For the first time, the legitimacy of the State and of Nyerere’s regime began to be questioned. The 1982 attempted coup — in which some
civilians were allegedly involved — came very close to succeeding.

- Maneno mazito sana haya.

 

[Zakumi]

Ufuatao ni mtazamo wa Profesa Shivji kuhusu hali ilivyokuwa katika miaka ya 1980 - ukitaka kusoma zaidi fungua ambato:

...Yes, indeed, I think one begins to appreciate the nature of the leadership with hindsight. I think Nyerere’s strength was his nationalism — his political strength. To some extent, he was able to carve out a relatively independent niche between the superpowers while gaining sympathy from the social democrats—Canadians, Scandinavians and others. But Nyerere had absolutely no idea of the political economy of imperialism and neither of the role and character of accumulation in the process of development. When you come down to his economic policies, really, you do not see a fundamental break with what I would now characterize as ‘disarticulated accumulation’. Furthermore, Nyerere failed to differentiate between national and compradorial capitalism while he was in power. I think it was only after he stepped down and subsequently came to head the South Commission that, for the first time, he began to understand, in a more nuanced way, the nature of capitalism and the processes of capitalist accumulation. Even then, he was still groping. In that regard, I think, the only leader who understood, in his own way, the nature of backward capitalism was Sokoine, the prime minister in the early 1980s, a period of intense economic crisis. The 1981 Party programme — in which I see, but cannot establish yet empirically, the influence of Sokoine—candidly analysed the prior fifteen years of developments since the Arusha Declaration and acknowledged that, under the umbrella of the public sector and parastatal development, a new class of capitalists had emerged that was then beginning to flex its muscles. I have a feeling that Nyerere could not have wholly subscribed to this thesis, but did not feel politically strong enough at the time to push his line....

...No doubt the economic crisis of 1980s brought out the limits of the early period — not only economic limits but even political limits.
For the first time, the legitimacy of the State and of Nyerere’s regime began to be questioned. The 1982 attempted coup — in which some
civilians were allegedly involved — came very close to succeeding. There was an attempt on the part of the ruling party to open up —
cautiously though. But most interestingly, the crisis revealed that the party was not as monolithic as it appeared and that, under the flag of
socialism and Ujamaa, a State-based class had emerged withcapitalist ambitions — however immature and caricatured. In the earlier years,
Nyerere no doubt provided the ground for coherence to the political class. But the crisis brought out factions within the party and opened
up the space for neoliberalism, started under President Mwinyi, but subsequently becoming fully established under President Mkapa. The
last period of Nyerere’s rule (1981–85) was the most interesting and momentous in the country’s history — both political and economic
—and needs to be studied much more closely, both to understand the limits of the post-Arusha decade, the eventual fruition of neoliberalism and the nature of development under economic reforms....

...Post-Nyerere Tanzania under Mwinyi had emerged from a period of very serious crisis. There was a ‘goods famine’. Liberalization
of imports, which brought in its wake the large-scale importation of cheap textiles, including second-hand clothing, had an immediate
impact. For a while Mwinyi did become very popular. He also legitimized the former ‘smugglers and economic saboteurs’, who had
stashed away their ill-gotten funds in foreign banks, by inaugurating the so-called own-currency imports without questions being asked.He
further allowed the Bank of Tanzania to buy gold from small miners with no questions asked, thus boosting revenue. He went rather slow
on privatizing, but let the parastatals collapse. And he was lax on collecting taxes from the new ‘own-currency importers’—or what we at
the time used to call ‘the container bourgeoisie’. But these points did not endear him to the donors who wanted to fast-track privatization,
open up mineral resources to foreign investors, collect taxes to balance the budget and pay debts. In short, these forces wanted to make the neoliberal reforms irreversible. Mwinyi’s lingering nationalism was an irritation, not only to the external, but also to the internal neoliberal
elites. In this respect, Mkapa’s subsequent ten years of government were seen as a godsend...

...I think we have to look at the process of accumulation during the Mwinyi period in a more differentiated manner. First, there was the liberalization of import trade, specifically owncurrency imports. Immediately, this helped to alleviate the goods famine while at the same time, ironically, it struck the last nail in the coffin of import-substitution industrialization. But availability of basic goods — for example, used clothes — must also have acted asan incentive to bring back peasant production into mainstream market away from parallel markets at home and smuggling across the borders. Second, there was the promotion of small-scale production — for example, in gold mining. It seems to me that this cannot be considered ‘informal’ in the same way. There is the so-called informal within the functioning neoliberal economy where actually it only goes to subsidize capital, a form of primitive accumulation by cutting into the necessary consumption of labour. But the informal during the Mwinyi period, for a while, was actually de-linked from the main capital circuits. Small gold-diggers got reasonable returns from the Bank of Tanzania, thus making the risk of smuggling not worth taking; while the State through the Bank of Tanzania got gold at a reasonable price compared to the world market, having cut out the middlemen and smugglers. This specific example could perhaps be described as some kind of ‘accumulation from below’. But of course it could not exist for too long. The two main conditions that underwrote it — its operation outside merchant capitalist circuits premised on supportive State intervention—were both destroyed underMkapa who sought to return to dependent/disarticulated forms of accumulation from above. Small miners were flushed out as large mining conglomerates were given long-term concessions. Foreign big predatory capital, local merchant capital and local political/bureaucratic elites were back in the saddle to reproduce forms of accumulation by dispossession from above...

Companero:

Nadhani analysis ya Shivji ni nzuri sana. Lakini tukishaanza kujadili vipindi vya Mwinyi na Mkapa, tutatoka nje ya mada.

Na vilevile hiki ni kipindi kati ya 1979-1984. Kipindi hiki kina mambo mengi kwa sababu kilikuwa ni turning-point ya siasa za ujamaa.

Nakumbuka kwa uhaba wa mafuta ilinichukua zaidi ya wiki moja kupata usafiri wa kutoka Mwanza kwenda Musoma mwaka 1984. Na sababu kubwa ilikuwa ni ukosefu wa mafuta.

Treni ya kutoka DSM kwenda Mwanza ilikuwa mara moja tu kwa wiki.

Na haya yote yalifanyika baada ya vita vya uhujumu uchumi kuwa vimefanyika.

Kwa maneno mengine ni kuwa Hazina ilikuwa haina kitu chochote. Hivyo mtu asipingishe shule kuwa wafanyabiashara walikuwa ni chanzo wakati misingi ya uchumi ilikuwa imeharibika tayari.

Na kama Shivji anavyoonyesha wafanyabiashara walikuwa wana-take risks too kwa sababu ya mazingira yenyewe. Kwa huu mtaji sheria haziwazui watu ku-take risks. Cha maana zaidi ni kutumia tools zitakazo-identity matatizo mapema na kufanyia marekebisho.

Ndugu Mkandara anakazania sana price control. Kwa kutumia takwimu si unaweza kutengeneza tools za kuangalia impacts za price-control na upatikanaji wa bidhaa?

 

[Zakumi]

sijawahi kuwa na mawazo ya namna hiyo; ukisoma maandiko yangu yote utajua msimamo wangu uko vipi. TATIZO lako ni kuwa unafikiri mimi namtetea Mwalimu! Ukisoma majibu yangu yote hapa sijamtaja Mwalimu!

Kwanini unafikiri kila hatua ya kukabiliana na matatizo ya kiuchumi lazima ifanikiwe? Ukiangalia vizuri utaona hatua zile zilifanikiwa! Kwanini tuandikie mate? Hatua zilizochukuliwa na Marekani kukabiliana na matatizo ya kiuchumi zimefanikiwa? Inachukua muda gani kutatua matatizo ya kiuchumi? Je ukitatua tatizo la leo la kiuchumi ina maana miaka 10 ijayo hautakuwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi!

Nadhani ni wewe unayefikiri Mwalimu alikuwa na nguvu za kimalaika za kutatua kila tatizo lililoikabili Tanzania na utatuzi wake ungezuia matatizo yote milele na daima! hii inashangaza!

tulikuwa huru! Leo hii hazina imejaa tumeweza kushughulikia ATCL!? haloo?? Halafu hiyo hyperbole ya "hazina tupu" watu walilipwa mishahara toka wapi mbinguni?

kama walikuwa wanafanya hivyo ulitaka nani anyoshewe kidole? Unapokuwa na tatizo moja huwezi kukaa kimya wakati kundi la watu wachache wanalikuza tatizo hilo. Kulikuwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi lakini wahujumu uchumi walifanya tatizo hilo kubwa zaidi kwa mtu wa kawaida.

Yes it did, ilisababisha hata kile kidogo kilichopo tugawane na kipatikane. Ilisababisha watu wasitumie matatizo ya kiuchumi kujinufaisha wenyewe na kundi lao. Leo hii tumejifunza kuwa ukiacha mafisadi wachache wanajenga utawala wao!

leo watu wanaogopa kuiitwa wajuhumu uchumi; na nakuhakikishia kama ikianza kampeni nyingine dhidi ya wahujumu uchumi utaona mafisadi watakavyotimka kwani mafisadi ni jina jingine tu la wahujumu uchumi!

Hivi unaijua hasa sheria ya wahujumu uchumi? Ilipitishwa lini, watuhumiwa walikamatwa lini? Nipe mfano tu.

Uko obsessed na mwalimu; sasa unaweza kusema lolote unalotaka kusema juu ya Mwalimu. Sijamtetea hapa na wala sina mpango huo. Hoja zangu zipo ukizisoma utaona sijamtaja mwalimu!

Mwanakijiji:

Hazina ilikuwa tupu. Na mipango mingi ya maendeleo iliyofanyika kipindi kabla ya 1984 ilitegemea kwa kiwango kikubwa misaada ya wahisani.

Hivyo suala la Hazina kuwa tupu halina ubishi kabisa. Namba zipo.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Mwanakijiji:



Hivyo suala la Hazina kuwa tupu halina ubishi kabisa. Namba zipo.

mkono mtupu haulambwi, ziweke hapa.

 

[Mkandara]

For a while Mwinyi did become very popular. He also legitimized the former ‘smugglers and economic saboteurs', who had stashed away their ill-gotten funds in foreign banks, by inaugurating the so-called own-currency imports without questions being asked

Kwa hiyo, ukweli ni kwamba hawa watu walikuwepo!..

 

[The Khoisan]

Zakumi,
Mbona mimi nawaelewa nyie.. Na najibu maswali yenu kutokana na jinsi mnavyouliza..somo hapa ni Uhujumu uchumi.. Mkuu majembe ya UFI yameendelea kutumika hadi kipindi cha Mwinyi katikati sema tatizo la kiuchumi nchini ni kuendekeza kilimo asilia cha majembe ya mkono...
TBL haikufa hata kidogo isipokuwa ni tamaa ya serikali kuuza mradi huo ili kupata asilimia 10 na hisa kwani ni watawala hao hao kisheria tumewapa uwezo wa kufanya biashara...

Kwa taarifa yako TBL ilishakufa wakati inauzwa ilikuwa imebaki kuzikwa tu. Kama bado ulikuwa bongo miaaka ile KBL walikuwa wameshachukua 80 % ya market share. Ndiyo sababu later kulikuwa na vita kubwa sana kati ya SAB na EAB ambayo walikuja kui-settel pamoja mezani.

 

[JokaKuu]

..Hapa chini ni sehemu ya ripoti ya WACHUMI Anne Bergestein, Deogratius Mutalemwa,Yvonne Tsikata, na Samwel Mwita Wangwe.

..ripoti yao inatoa mwangaza wa hali ya kiuchumi ya Tanzania, na matukio yaliyopelekea kuchukuliwa kwa maamuzi mbalimbali ikiwemo kampeni ya wahujumu uchumi.

It took time for the government to realize that the parastatals were a problem.

First, there were attempts to peg the desired exchange rate at a level that would be sufficient to clear the losses of parastatals. This approach was much in favor in 1983 and 1984.

Second, the extreme opponent of the reforms, Malima, submitted a paper to the ruling party suggesting that the problem of parastatals was rooted in the existence of the private sector. The private sector would have to be phased out in order to give room for the parastatals to recover!

Apparently he believed that the private sector was doing harm to the parastatals through its dealings with them, for example by supplying them with overpriced goods and services.

Public opposition to the policies of the early 1980s was limited, as most Tanzanians chose instead to withdraw into subsistence activities or find other ways to deal with shortages and regulations.

Parallel markets emerged, as did illegal cross-border trade. The rapid expansion of the underground economy as well as capital flight undermined the tax base.

Semi-public discussions were started at the behest of the reformers within government. An informal network of economists from the University of Dar es Salaam, together with private consultants and personnel
from key ministries such as Agriculture, Transport, Industry and Trade, and the Planning Commission, was set up to provide a forum for debate and to increase the understanding of the politicians and policymakers.

The strong political leadership made it possible to push through important decisions (or to reject others) without proper analysis and debate.

Nevertheless, there were courageous individuals, notably Mtei and Msuya, who could put forward reform ideas to the party hierarchy and the cabinet.

Such people faced stiff resistance from the party, and, as so often happens, vacillating positions developed within the cabinet depending on who could get the president's ear.

But the increasingly precarious social situation arising from severe shortages of consumer goods, especially in the large cities, forced the leadership to search for solutions and ultimately to consider seriously the adoption of more comprehensive reform packages.

Up to 1983 the government essentially preserved existing policies. Instead of introducing measures to deal with the imbalances, the government pursued campaigns against corruption and profiteers.

Stewart,Klugman, and Neyapti (1999:82) argue that a side effect of the political stability that characterized Tanzania was that it postponed pressures for economic reforms that were essential for economic development. Adam and others (1994) argue that the backing from a range of bilateral donors also made it possible to delay adjustment.

Nonetheless, a second homegrown structural adjustment program was launched in 1983. It was more ambitious than the previous one, but still did not change any of the major parameters of policy. The program
sought to identify a series of structural problems in the economy and then adjust the type of state intervention so that the economy would do better.

It was not a matter of liberalization and deregulation. The main aim was to increase agricultural production and exports, and the measures included a modest devaluation.

This did have some positive effect on exports and agriculture, but fell far short of closing the gap between the official and parallel rates. There was a further tightening of fiscal and monetary policies, but the measures were still insufficient to reverse the trend.

The situation remained grave, and there was mounting public criticism of the shortages of goods.

The increasingly tough security measures against smugglers and profiteers only increased the shortages, and it was mainly the smaller culprits who were sentenced in the end.

Campaigns against corruption and profiteers were directed at improving the distribution of goods and curbing the practice of stockpiling since it was believed that hoarding or unfair distribution of goods caused the shortages.

When the shortages became worse in spite of the campaigns, the champions of this approach began to realize that the problem was more deeply rooted.

This realization influenced the decision to permit partial import liberalization in 1984.


In fact, Sokoine, then prime minister, led the campaign against profiteers, and later he also led the initiative toward partial liberalization starting with transport.

......

In 1984 economists from the University of Dar es Salaam started to hold public meetings at which they advocated liberalization measures. The initial discussions targeted policymakers and politicians and some
private sector leaders. These meetings were, of course, against the official party line, but they were supported by the reformers within the government, for example in the Ministry of Finance and the Bank of Tanzania.

That same year, in the face of extreme goods shortages, the government finally made a more significant move. It chose to allow own-funded imports, it devalued the currency, and it increased agricultural prices by
about 30 percent. There was an export retention scheme, and user charges were introduced in health.

This was the first step on the road to the restoration of relations with the IFIs. There was now some improvement in the economy and imports could increase somewhat. The government tried to mend relations with the IMF, which felt that the new reform program was a least a basis for further discussions. Talks were reopened between the government and the IMF at the end of the Nyerere era.

 

[Zakumi]

mkono mtupu haulambwi, ziweke hapa.

Naona Jokakuu kafanya kazi tayari lakini ngoja nikupe link.

http://www.worldbank.org/aid/africa/tanzania2.pdf