Historia ya Uhuru isimuliwavyo na Mohammed Said yakosolewa

Historia ya Uhuru isimuliwavyo na Mohammed Said yakosolewa

MS

Endelea kutoa darsa, hawa jamaa wanaojiita critics hawana maswali ya maana zaidi ya kashfa.

Kuna watu wengi wanasoma hii historia. Tunaomba uendelee kutupa vitu.

Soma title ya thread... "yakosolewa" ndio hii ni kwa ajili ya critics, get used to it. Kuna thread nyingine ya nyie kupewa vitu lakini hapa hatukubali "kuoshwa akili" tunachambua mpaka nukta.
 
Soma title ya thread... "yakosolewa" ndio hii ni kwa ajili ya critics, get used to it. Kuna thread nyingine ya nyie kupewa vitu lakini hapa hatukubali "kuoshwa akili" tunachambua mpaka nukta.

Mgalanjuka,

Hivi huku ndiko kukosolewa!

Mohamed
 
MS,

Wasio upande wako au wasiokubaliana nawe ndio wanapaswa kuandika vitabu au "papers" ili ukubali hoja zao au iwe "raha kweli kweli" lakini wanaokubaliana na wewe au wanatetea hoja hizi za udini hao hilo la kuandika vitabu or papers haliwahusu. Double standards? Au ndio "mfumo mbadala"? Waulize pia hawa wanaotetea hoja zako za "mfumo kristo" "Uovu wa Nyerere" na Historia ya wazee wako, vitabu au "papers" zao ziko wapi?

Ikishindikana basi hii hoja yule anayehoji unachotaka kutuaminisha anaambiwa kuandika kitabu/vitabu/papers itakuwa haina maana na mjadala undelee na maswali yajibiwe.

Mgalanjuka,

Hawa wamekubali kuwa hawajui wanasoma.
Nyie hamjui mnajidai mnajua ndiyo naomba silsila.

Hii kuandika "paper" inakutisheni sana...

Mohamed
 

Mgalanjuka,

Hawa wamekubali kuwa hawajui wanasoma.
Nyie hamjui mnajidai mnajua ndiyo naomba silsila.

Hii kuandika "paper" inakutisheni sana...

Mohamed

PhD in Strategy and Management... kuandika "paper" kuhusu historia ya wazee wangu ingekuwa ahueni... waliokubali, hili la udini ndio chambo kwao. Tumewaona wakirusha "nyundo" kwako pale ulipokuwa tofauti nao na mpaka uliomba msamaha. Ondoa vikorombwezo vya udini uone "rangi zao halisi".
 

Fundi
Utumbo,

Ungeliandika kitabu ingelikuwa raha kweli kweli maana sasa mie na we sote tungekuwa tunasomwa pamoja.
Vinginevyo...

Mohamed
Hii ni aibu...nadhani umeishiwa mpaka unaanza ku kukashifu ID za watu.Mtu mzima hooovyo! !
 
Historia kukumbukwa nijambo la tunu, historia kupotoshwa hutoke pia, historia kuandikwa ili watu na matendo yao yakishujaa au uoga yakumbukwe ni jambo zuri mno. Tafsiri na uchambuzi wa historia ni jambo muafaka japo kuwa hapo ndipo mizozo na mitafaruku hujikita. Historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika ni ndefu na ina watu wengi sana waliochangia, walio hujumu, walioimarisha walio boresha na wanaoindeleza. Wapo ambao michango yao haijaandikwa popote pale kana kwamba hawakuwahi kuiishi na kulitumikia taifa hili, wapo ambao wanakumbukwa sana kanakwamba kama si wao taifa hili lisingekuwepo. Lakini wapo ambao michango yao leo ni kama sumu ya nyoka ikiingia mwilini inaondoa tunu ya uhai. Sijawahi kuamini dini au uwepo wa Mungu katika maisha yangu, lakini hakuna hata aliyejari au kunibagua kwa mtazamo wangu huo. Najua kuna watu humu wangepewa fursa ya kuongoza nchi wangekuwa wameutoa uhai wangu. Nyerere anayebezwa na waliovimbiwa amani, Nyerere anayetukanwa na wanaojiita watafiti wa historia mpya ya Tanganyika, Nyerere ambaye leo hayupo na kutokuwepo kwake wasomi wanaojiita ni wasemaji wa Mungu wanaanza kumhukumu kwa niaaba ya Mungu, ndie Nyerere aliyenijengea fursa ya elimu, afya na uhuru wakwenda popote na kuongea na yeyote sio kwa sababu ya "atheism" yangu la hasha, ila kwa sababu nilizaliwa Tanganyika na kukua humo. Maisha yangu yote sikuwahi kushuhudia ubaguzi wowote, Labda sasa ndio naanza kusikia kelele hizi kwa hao wasomi na watafiti wa historia mpya. Juzi nilikuwa Kilwa kisiwani nikaona magofu ya miskiti na majumba ya kifalme ya karne ya 13. Niliona majina ya wamiliki lakini sikuona majina ya mafundi na wajenzi wa majengo hayo. Historia imewasahau na kuwabeza mafundi, wabeba mawe wachoma chokaa na watia nakshi, historia inawakumbuka wa miliki tu. Je wamesahauliwa kwa sababu ya imani zao? Nyie watetezi wa imani amkeni basi muwatetee nahao. Kwanza karne ya 13 kisiwa kile kilikaliwa na waislam wenzenu tu.
 
Historia kukumbukwa nijambo la tunu, historia kupotoshwa hutoke pia, historia kuandikwa ili watu na matendo yao yakishujaa au uoga yakumbukwe ni jambo zuri mno. Tafsiri na uchambuzi wa historia ni jambo muafaka japo kuwa hapo ndipo mizozo na mitafaruku hujikita. Historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika ni ndefu na ina watu wengi sana waliochangia, walio hujumu, walioimarisha walio boresha na wanaoindeleza. Wapo ambao michango yao haijaandikwa popote pale kana kwamba hawakuwahi kuiishi na kulitumikia taifa hili, wapo ambao wanakumbukwa sana kanakwamba kama si wao taifa hili lisingekuwepo. Lakini wapo ambao michango yao leo ni kama sumu ya nyoka ikiingia mwilini inaondoa tunu ya uhai. Sijawahi kuamini dini au uwepo wa Mungu katika maisha yangu, lakini hakuna hata aliyejari au kunibagua kwa mtazamo wangu huo. Najua kuna watu humu wangepewa fursa ya kuongoza nchi wangekuwa wameutoa uhai wangu. Nyerere anayebezwa na waliovimbiwa amani, Nyerere anayetukanwa na wanaojiita watafiti wa historia mpya ya Tanganyika, Nyerere ambaye leo hayupo na kutokuwepo kwake wasomi wanaojiita ni wasemaji wa Mungu wanaanza kumhukumu kwa niaaba ya Mungu, ndie Nyerere aliyenijengea fursa ya elimu, afya na uhuru wakwenda popote na kuongea na yeyote sio kwa sababu ya "atheism" yangu la hasha, ila kwa sababu nilizaliwa Tanganyika na kukua humo. Maisha yangu yote sikuwahi kushuhudia ubaguzi wowote, Labda sasa ndio naanza kusikia kelele hizi kwa hao wasomi na watafiti wa historia mpya. Juzi nilikuwa Kilwa kisiwani nikaona magofu ya miskiti na majumba ya kifalme ya karne ya 13. Niliona majina ya wamiliki lakini sikuona majina ya mafundi na wajenzi wa majengo hayo. Historia imewasahau na kuwabeza mafundi, wabeba mawe wachoma chokaa na watia nakshi, historia inawakumbuka wa miliki tu. Je wamesahauliwa kwa sababu ya imani zao? Nyie watetezi wa imani amkeni basi muwatetee nahao. Kwanza karne ya 13 kisiwa kile kilikaliwa na waislam wenzenu tu.

Mpaka sasa hivi KK kinakaliwa na Waislamu tu. Hao wengine wanaokuja sasa hivi ni kwa ajili kufuata pesa za utalii. Umegundua Uislamu ulivyokuwa na nguvu ktk karne ya 13. Kuna masahaba ambao pia walipita pale Kilwa Kisiwani. Vizuri umeenda kutembea KK pale kujua ukweli.
 

Mgalanjuka,

Hawa wamekubali kuwa hawajui wanasoma.
Nyie hamjui mnajidai mnajua ndiyo naomba silsila.

Hii kuandika "paper" inakutisheni sana...

Mohamed
Mohamed,
Aha! Eureka! Nimeligundua tatizo lako. Sisi soooote tunaokukosoa na tusiokubaliana na wewe tunajidai tunajua. Kumbe hatujui.
This is your problem, my brother. Please come down off your throne. Nenda Butiama, Madaraka atakupeleka kwenye chumba cha kumbukumbu za Mwalimu pamoja na vitabu vyake pale. Nina hakika unayo kimobitel cha camera. Piga picha kitabu chako uje hapa utuletee ushahidi kuwa Mwalimu aliwahi kusoma kitabu chako. Hivyo ndivyo wanavyofanya watafiti wenzako. Wanakuja na vitu vya uhakika. Mpaka hapo sio sisi peke yetu ambao tunajidai tunajua. Kumbe na wewe kwenye kundi hilo utakuwemo.
 
Mohamed,
Aha! Eureka! Nimeligundua tatizo lako. Sisi soooote tunaokukosoa na tusiokubaliana na wewe tunajidai tunajua. Kumbe hatujui.
This is your problem, my brother. Please come down off your throne. Nenda Butiama, Madaraka atakupeleka kwenye chumba cha kumbukumbu za Mwalimu pamoja na vitabu vyake pale. Nina hakika unayo kimobitel cha camera. Piga picha kitabu chako uje hapa utuletee ushahidi kuwa Mwalimu aliwahi kusoma kitabu chako. Hivyo ndivyo wanavyofanya watafiti wenzako. Wanakuja na vitu vya uhakika. Mpaka hapo sio sisi peke yetu ambao tunajidai tunajua. Kumbe na wewe kwenye kundi hilo utakuwemo.

Wewe ndiyo unatakiwa utoe ushahidi wa kuwa Mwalimu hakusoma hicho kitabu. C'mon. Mbona vitu vingine simple sana lakini mnavifanya so complicated!!
 
Sasa nadhani muda umefika wa kumuumbua huyu mchochezi Mohamed Said kwa uwongo wake kwani mengi ya madai yake kwa ufupi yamejengwa katika hizi hoja zifuatazo ambazo ameziandika yeye kwa mkono wake na naomba tuyasome kwa utulivu ili twende sambamba na mnakasha;
  1. Christianity was resisted by Muslims right from the beginning. In any uprising against the colonial state Muslims took that opportunity to attack missionaries and Christian establishments. Muslims perceived both missionaries and the colonial state as fellow collaborators and therefore enemies to Islam. Islamic radicalism has therefore a long history in the struggle against colonial rule and Christianity. Christianity meanwhile became a reactionary force siding with the colonial state. In the Maji Maji War of 1905 some Christians fought alongside the German army against the people to safeguard Christianity.
  2. The church and state provided education to African Christians and denied it to majority Muslims. The two worked hand in hand to mould loyal subjects out of the educated Christians alienating them from the main stream of the struggle against British rule. Resistance against British colonialism was therefore left to Muslims and the struggle for independence and nationalist politics in Tanganyika assumed strong Muslim characteristics.
  3. The first uprising against the British occurred in predominant Muslim areas of Tanga and Dar es Salaam in 1939. In the 1947 general strike Muslim symbols were used effectively showing for the first time the influence and extent of Islamic radicalism in resisting colonial oppression. The strike was very successful as it spread through Tanganyika lasting for almost a month and paralysing the colonial economic machinery.
  4. This strike created the necessary conditions to force the colonial state to pass appropriate legislation allowing the formation and eventual registration of the Dock Workers Union. It is interesting to note that the leader of this movement Abdulwahid Sykes was the first ever general secretary of a trade union in Tanganyika in 1948. Abdulwahid was later to be elected secretary of Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika and went on to found the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) -the first open political party in colonial Tanganyika.
  5. Roman Catholic Julius Nyerere was elected TANU president. A faction within the Party against Christian leadership emerged. Because of their superior education the few Christians who dared to venture into TANU were immediately offered leadership positions. The main reason advanced for this opposition was the history of the Church as a guardian of the African Christians. Some Muslims in the Party had no confidence in the mission-educated Christians. Christians were perceived as too close to the colonial state to take up a leading role in the struggle against the colonial state.
  6. Christians however, for seasons already stated, did not play any significant role in the early years of TANU until 1958 when TANU contested its first election. This period is important in the political history of colonial Tanganyika because the outcome of TANU's decision to contest the election on those conditions came to adversely affect the future role of Islamic radicalism in the post independence politics.
  7. The colonial government of Governor Edward Twining had put very discriminatory conditions to the African electorate which required each constituency to vote for a European, an Asian and an African. Other conditions of eligibility for voting required the prospective voter to have an annual income of £200, Standard XII education and be employed in a specific post. These were stiff conditions for TANU to accept. Muslims who were active in politics could notmeet those conditions and could not therefore vote nor could they stand as candidates. The British, in alliance with missionaries, had denied Muslims education - the very condition which it put to deny them participation in shaping the future of the country.
  8. Failing to pursue Islam as a mobilizational ideology in TAN U, a group of Muslims crossed over from the Party and formed the All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT). AMNUT could not also get support from the Muslim majority in Tanganyika. 43 prominent Muslim scholars in Dar es Salaam together with 80 of their counterparts in Tanga signed a declaration opposing AMNUT and what it stood for and reaffirming their loyalty and support to TANU.
  9. After independence had been achieved Muslims looked forward to the future with confidence and in 1962 a pan-territorial congress of all Muslim organisations was called in Dar es Salaam to discuss the future role of Islam in then free Tanganyika. The following organizations attended the East African Muslims Welfare Society, Da' wat Al Islamia Jamiatul lslamiyya fi Tanganyika, Jamiatil lslamiyya fi Tanganyika "A" and the Muslim Education Union. The congress agreed among other things of importance to establish a department of education under the auspices of the EAMWS.
  10. The predominantly Christian government and the Christian establishment felt threatened by these nation wide Muslim mobilisation efforts for development and saw this mobilization as Muslims bracing up for a second struggle to take over the country from Christian leadership.
  11. At the same time the all-Muslim TANU Elders Council in its advisory role to the Party overtime transformed itself from a vanguard committee to a Muslims pressure group within the Party. Events started to move in rapid succession. In January 1963 some trade unionists were detained along with prominent Muslim Sheikhs. Rumours making the rounds in Dar es Salaam was that the Sheikhs were planning a coup against the government. Soon after, a prominent Muslim scholar Sherif Hussein Badawiy and his young brother Mwinyibaba who had established in Dar es Salaam a well patronised madras were declared prohibited immigrants and had to leave the country.
  12. The Church which had kept its distance during the struggle now surfaced to challenge Muslims leadership in TANU. In an unprecedented move by the Church, the Roman Catholic Church in Bukoba supported its own Christian candidates against Muslim candidates put forward by TANU in the local government elections. The church argued that it preferred its own candidates to TANU’s because the Party’s candidates were of very limited educational background.
  13. When the Second Muslim Congress was convened in Dar es Salaam later that year it was established beyond any reasonable doubt that there was a silent purge going on in the Party against Muslims and that there was nationwide anti Muslims campaign against leaders of the EAMWS. The Christian leadership in state institutions was now using state power against Islam to have the Church control the government in independent Tanganyika.
  14. In January1964 an army mutiny occurred in the Tanganyika Rifles. The government took this opportunity to detain trade unionists and some Muslims who were prominent in the post independence Muslims politics agitating against the government. When the case went on trial at the High Court there was no evidence tendered which showed that the mutiny was Muslims inspired or had any connection whatsoever with any Muslim organisation.
  15. A strong delegation of the EAMWS comprising of Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Sheikh Said Omar Abdallah, Tewa Said Tewa, EAMWS Secretary Aziz Khaki and a TANU elder Sheikh Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, left for a tour of Islamic countries to solicit financial support for the proposed Islamic University and to establish relations with the Muslim world. Soon after the delegation had returned from the Islamic countries, President Nyerere made a cabinet reshuffle. Tewa Said Tewa, Chairman of Territorial Council of the EAMWS was dropped from the government and appointed ambassador to the People’s Republic of China.
  16. In 1967 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere announced the Arusha Declaration embarking Tanzania on a socialist path. The new economic policy was met with mass enthusiasm. An unknown Muslim school teacher by the name of Adam Nasibu who was the EAMWS Regional Secretary inBukoba seized the occasion and participated in a mass demonstration to TANU Regional headquarters in support of Mwalimu Nyerere’s new economic policy. Adam Nasibu was also quoted to have said that socialism was compatible tothe teachings of the Holy Quran. Adam Nasibu went further and issued "guidelines to all Islamic religious leaders in Bukoba providing for a basic explanation on theArusha Decleration".
  17. Adam Nasibu made an announcement through the state radio and the party press that his region was splitting from the EAMWS. Overnight Adam Nasibu became a household name as the mass-media of the party and government started to build up his image and publicized what came to be known as the Muslim’ crisis’. The Party dailies had a field day:"The state radio and the Party press gave very wide publicity to the defection. News headlines and front page photographs depicting Mr. Nasibu busy with Pressmen donned the Party dailies".
  18. At this juncture the President of the EAMWS Tewa Saidi Tewa and his Vice President Titi Mohamed decided to face Mwalimu Julius Nyerere the President of Tanzania and the Chairman of the ruling party. They talked of how unhappy they were about the manner in which the state radio and the Party Press had publicised the Islamic crisis. They argued that TANU was mixing politics with religion. Mr. Tewa and Bibi Titi, were and reliable comrades. Reliable in the sense that were it not Bibi Titi, and who stood for Mwalimu during the early TANU days, when Suleiman Takadir - one of the first TANU days, elders insinuated that TANU was Christians as Mwalimu and Rupia, President and Vice-President respectively then were Christians. Herself, a devout Muslim, successfully won the day by proving that Tanzania, or Tanganyika as it then was, came first and Islam later. And now, there she was - talking about the fuss she had ably thwarted in the 195s."
  19. The reply the two got from Mwalimu was thrilling. My informant told me that it was straightforward. "You decided to wage a war against me, so be prepared".Here was Mwalimu Nyerere himself telling Tewa Saidi and Bibi Titi straight on their face to be prepared for what was obvious, a crusade against Muslim unity.
  20. Then on 19[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 the government as if jolted by Kwikima’s statement issued a Certificafe of Exemption to the new organisation and banned the EAMWS. The government issued a short statement: "The Minister for Home Affairs has by command of the President declared the Tanzania Branch of the East African Muslim Welfare Society and Tanzania Council of the East African Muslim Welfare Society to be unlawful societies under the provisions of section 6(1) of the Societies Ordinance ".
  21. Christian teachers supported by the Roman Catholic Church challenged TANU Muslim candidates in local government election in Bukoba in 1963 and the Muslim candidates were defeated.
  22. The Party has alienated itself from its founders. The de-Islamisation of the Party has gone full circle and its Muslim history has been erased. Bakwata has sided with the government thus failing to uphold Muslim values and principles. As a reaction to this Muslims have started to organise themselves independent of the central authority. Tanzania Mainland has more than 100 Muslim youth organisations scattered throughout the country.
  23. The state look at these school as centres of Muslim militancy and agitation against the established system and are therefore frustrated in many ways to discourage their opening. Muslim organisations from outside the country who want to help Muslims in Tanzania are met with all kinds of hostility from other state institutions to drive home to them that their presence in the country is undesirable. These anti Muslim campaigns have of late become so pronounced to the extent that even the most liberal among Muslims have become radicalised.
Huyo ndiye Mohamed Said ambaye mimi sisiti kumwita mchochezi na hiyo ndiyo misingi ya mada zake huko ughaibuni na kupigiwa makofi.
 
Wewe ndiyo unatakiwa utoe ushahidi wa kuwa Mwalimu hakusoma hicho kitabu. C'mon. Mbona vitu vingine simple sana lakini mnavifanya so complicated!!
Mr. Right,
You are wrong again. Mimi si yule aliyejigamba kuwa alielezewa kuwa Mwalimu kasoma kitabu chake. Mimi ni doubting Thomas. Kazi yangu ni kudoubt kila majigambo yasiyo na ushahidi. Kwa hiyo rudi kwa gwiji wako athibitishe kauli zake. Ni yale yale ya hotuba ya mwaka 1950 kusomwa UN na Nyerere miaka mitano baadaye bila kuifanyia mapitio. Ni yale yale ya Nyerere kuondoka Magomeni kwenda Kariakoo kununua mahitajio ya nyumbani kwake bila hata kuwa na senti tano mfukoni. Huo mpira unaonitupia mtupie gwiji wako.
 
Mr. Right,
You are wrong again. Mimi si yule aliyejigamba kuwa alielezewa kuwa Mwalimu kasoma kitabu chake. Mimi ni doubting Thomas. Kazi yangu ni kudoubt kila majigambo yasiyo na ushahidi. Kwa hiyo rudi kwa gwiji wako athibitishe kauli zake. Ni yale yale ya hotuba ya mwaka 1950 kusomwa UN na Nyerere miaka mitano baadaye bila kuifanyia mapitio. Ni yale yale ya Nyerere kuondoka Magomeni kwenda Kariakoo kununua mahitajio ya nyumbani kwake bila hata kuwa na senti tano mfukoni. Huo mpira unaonitupia mtupie gwiji wako.

Unajua ktk American Football NFL au College Football kuna kitu kinachoitwa "Undisputed Video Evidence" kubadilisha rules on the field kama vile touchdown, au first down. Kama hamna hiyo evidence basi the referee anasema "the call is stand" or "Confirm"

Sasa wewe hapa ndiyo unachallenge kama Mwalimu hakusoma hicho kitabu. Sasa inabidi utoneshe evidence ambayo ita over turn maneno yaliyosemwa kwamba Mwalimu alikisoma. Otherwise "the rule on the field stand" is "Touchdown"
 
Unajua ktk American Football NFL au College Football kuna kitu kinachoitwa "Undisputed Video Evidence" kubadilisha rules on the field kama vile touchdown, au first down. Kama hamna hiyo evidence basi the referee anasema "the call is stand" or "Confirm"

Sasa wewe hapa ndiyo unachallenge kama Mwalimu hakusoma hicho kitabu. Sasa inabidi utoneshe evidence ambayo ita over turn maneno yaliyosemwa kwamba Mwalimu alikisoma. Otherwise "the rule on the field stand" is "Touchdown"

Mr Right,

Usibishane na Jasusi,

Kwa hakika mimi namuelewa sana Jasusi kwa nini fikra zake zinampeleka kutilia shaka kila jambo ambalo kwake analiona hili singeweza kufanya yeyote ila Nyerere.

Bahati mbaya sana na Nyerere akipenda sana watu waamini hivyo.

Akitaka sana kuwa harakati za uhuru zianze na yeye.

Kuna kisa cha kusisimua sana siku Abdulwahid anamfahamisha Nyerere kuhusu baba yake Kleist, kuwa alikuwa anazungumza Kijerumani na Kiingereza, akijua shorthand (hati mkato), akijua kupiga typewriter na akijua kuweka vitabu vya hesabu na ndiye alijenga ile ofisi ya TAA ambayo TANU ilizaliwa.

Abdu akamweleza pia yeye alitokea mwanafunzi wa kwanza Territorial Examination na alikuwa anasubiri kwenda Makerere ndipo alipotiwa jeshini KAR kwenda kupigana Burma.

Hapo wapo katika kuandika historia ya harakati ya kudai uhuru pamoja na Dr Kleruu.

Nyerere alitatazika sana.
Kwa fikra yake alidhani mambo yangeanza na yeye 1954 anakuta historia inarudi nyuma miaka ya 1920.

Bila shaka ilimjia fikra yake mwenyewe. Je yeye ana historia kama ile? Vipi baba yake? Jibu ni kuwa hapana hawana historia kama ile?
Ikabidi historia ile ihujumiwe na ule mswada hadi leo haujulikani ulipo.

Sasa mimi wala simlaumu Jasusi.
Hiki ni kitu kipya sana kwa wengi kwa hiyo kila lile ambalo waliona ni saizi ya Nyerere wakiambiwa hakufanya watalitia kasoro.

Nasema na siishi kusisitiza kuwa ikiwa mie nasema uongo waandike kitabu ukweli ujulikane.
Prof. Haroub alimuonya Nyerere kuwa akiwa kimya katika histroria niloandika itamuharibia sifa yake pakubwa.

Ndiyo sasa tunabishana Nyerere kasoma kitabu cha Mohamed Said au hakusoma...na hiki kitabu changu ndicho kilichosimama tunaingia mwaka wa 14 kuwa ndiyo historia ya kuaminika kuhusu uhuru wa Tanganyika na kinasomeshwa kote duniani.

Toleo la Kiswahili tunaingia chapa ya tatu na kwa kweli kitabu ni maarufu sana watu wakenda dukani wanasema "Nipe kitabu cha Abdu Sykes" na muuzaji anajua ni kitabu kipi.

Sahib wangu mmoja prof wa African History nimemueleza jinsi baadhi ya watu walivyokasirishwa kuona historia rasmi imetolewa manani kanishauri kufuatilia hilo kwa karibu na niandike "paper" Insha Allah watakuwa na kongamano mwaka kesho na angependa nihudhurie na niwasilishe mada hii.

Mohamed
 
Sasa nadhani muda umefika wa kumuumbua huyu mchochezi Mohamed Said kwa uwongo wake kwani mengi ya madai yake kwa ufupi yamejengwa katika hizi hoja zifuatazo ambazo ameziandika yeye kwa mkono wake na naomba tuyasome kwa utulivu ili twende sambamba na mnakasha;
  1. Christianity was resisted by Muslims right from the beginning. In any uprising against the colonial state Muslims took that opportunity to attack missionaries and Christian establishments. Muslims perceived both missionaries and the colonial state as fellow collaborators and therefore enemies to Islam. Islamic radicalism has therefore a long history in the struggle against colonial rule and Christianity. Christianity meanwhile became a reactionary force siding with the colonial state. In the Maji Maji War of 1905 some Christians fought alongside the German army against the people to safeguard Christianity.
  2. The church and state provided education to African Christians and denied it to majority Muslims. The two worked hand in hand to mould loyal subjects out of the educated Christians alienating them from the main stream of the struggle against British rule. Resistance against British colonialism was therefore left to Muslims and the struggle for independence and nationalist politics in Tanganyika assumed strong Muslim characteristics.
  3. The first uprising against the British occurred in predominant Muslim areas of Tanga and Dar es Salaam in 1939. In the 1947 general strike Muslim symbols were used effectively showing for the first time the influence and extent of Islamic radicalism in resisting colonial oppression. The strike was very successful as it spread through Tanganyika lasting for almost a month and paralysing the colonial economic machinery.
  4. This strike created the necessary conditions to force the colonial state to pass appropriate legislation allowing the formation and eventual registration of the Dock Workers Union. It is interesting to note that the leader of this movement Abdulwahid Sykes was the first ever general secretary of a trade union in Tanganyika in 1948. Abdulwahid was later to be elected secretary of Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika and went on to found the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) -the first open political party in colonial Tanganyika.
  5. Roman Catholic Julius Nyerere was elected TANU president. A faction within the Party against Christian leadership emerged. Because of their superior education the few Christians who dared to venture into TANU were immediately offered leadership positions. The main reason advanced for this opposition was the history of the Church as a guardian of the African Christians. Some Muslims in the Party had no confidence in the mission-educated Christians. Christians were perceived as too close to the colonial state to take up a leading role in the struggle against the colonial state.
  6. Christians however, for seasons already stated, did not play any significant role in the early years of TANU until 1958 when TANU contested its first election. This period is important in the political history of colonial Tanganyika because the outcome of TANU's decision to contest the election on those conditions came to adversely affect the future role of Islamic radicalism in the post independence politics.
  7. The colonial government of Governor Edward Twining had put very discriminatory conditions to the African electorate which required each constituency to vote for a European, an Asian and an African. Other conditions of eligibility for voting required the prospective voter to have an annual income of £200, Standard XII education and be employed in a specific post. These were stiff conditions for TANU to accept. Muslims who were active in politics could notmeet those conditions and could not therefore vote nor could they stand as candidates. The British, in alliance with missionaries, had denied Muslims education - the very condition which it put to deny them participation in shaping the future of the country.
  8. Failing to pursue Islam as a mobilizational ideology in TAN U, a group of Muslims crossed over from the Party and formed the All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT). AMNUT could not also get support from the Muslim majority in Tanganyika. 43 prominent Muslim scholars in Dar es Salaam together with 80 of their counterparts in Tanga signed a declaration opposing AMNUT and what it stood for and reaffirming their loyalty and support to TANU.
  9. After independence had been achieved Muslims looked forward to the future with confidence and in 1962 a pan-territorial congress of all Muslim organisations was called in Dar es Salaam to discuss the future role of Islam in then free Tanganyika. The following organizations attended the East African Muslims Welfare Society, Da' wat Al Islamia Jamiatul lslamiyya fi Tanganyika, Jamiatil lslamiyya fi Tanganyika "A" and the Muslim Education Union. The congress agreed among other things of importance to establish a department of education under the auspices of the EAMWS.
  10. The predominantly Christian government and the Christian establishment felt threatened by these nation wide Muslim mobilisation efforts for development and saw this mobilization as Muslims bracing up for a second struggle to take over the country from Christian leadership.
  11. At the same time the all-Muslim TANU Elders Council in its advisory role to the Party overtime transformed itself from a vanguard committee to a Muslims pressure group within the Party. Events started to move in rapid succession. In January 1963 some trade unionists were detained along with prominent Muslim Sheikhs. Rumours making the rounds in Dar es Salaam was that the Sheikhs were planning a coup against the government. Soon after, a prominent Muslim scholar Sherif Hussein Badawiy and his young brother Mwinyibaba who had established in Dar es Salaam a well patronised madras were declared prohibited immigrants and had to leave the country.
  12. The Church which had kept its distance during the struggle now surfaced to challenge Muslims leadership in TANU. In an unprecedented move by the Church, the Roman Catholic Church in Bukoba supported its own Christian candidates against Muslim candidates put forward by TANU in the local government elections. The church argued that it preferred its own candidates to TANU’s because the Party’s candidates were of very limited educational background.
  13. When the Second Muslim Congress was convened in Dar es Salaam later that year it was established beyond any reasonable doubt that there was a silent purge going on in the Party against Muslims and that there was nationwide anti Muslims campaign against leaders of the EAMWS. The Christian leadership in state institutions was now using state power against Islam to have the Church control the government in independent Tanganyika.
  14. In January1964 an army mutiny occurred in the Tanganyika Rifles. The government took this opportunity to detain trade unionists and some Muslims who were prominent in the post independence Muslims politics agitating against the government. When the case went on trial at the High Court there was no evidence tendered which showed that the mutiny was Muslims inspired or had any connection whatsoever with any Muslim organisation.
  15. A strong delegation of the EAMWS comprising of Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Sheikh Said Omar Abdallah, Tewa Said Tewa, EAMWS Secretary Aziz Khaki and a TANU elder Sheikh Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, left for a tour of Islamic countries to solicit financial support for the proposed Islamic University and to establish relations with the Muslim world. Soon after the delegation had returned from the Islamic countries, President Nyerere made a cabinet reshuffle. Tewa Said Tewa, Chairman of Territorial Council of the EAMWS was dropped from the government and appointed ambassador to the People’s Republic of China.
  16. In 1967 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere announced the Arusha Declaration embarking Tanzania on a socialist path. The new economic policy was met with mass enthusiasm. An unknown Muslim school teacher by the name of Adam Nasibu who was the EAMWS Regional Secretary inBukoba seized the occasion and participated in a mass demonstration to TANU Regional headquarters in support of Mwalimu Nyerere’s new economic policy. Adam Nasibu was also quoted to have said that socialism was compatible tothe teachings of the Holy Quran. Adam Nasibu went further and issued "guidelines to all Islamic religious leaders in Bukoba providing for a basic explanation on theArusha Decleration".
  17. Adam Nasibu made an announcement through the state radio and the party press that his region was splitting from the EAMWS. Overnight Adam Nasibu became a household name as the mass-media of the party and government started to build up his image and publicized what came to be known as the Muslim’ crisis’. The Party dailies had a field day:"The state radio and the Party press gave very wide publicity to the defection. News headlines and front page photographs depicting Mr. Nasibu busy with Pressmen donned the Party dailies".
  18. At this juncture the President of the EAMWS Tewa Saidi Tewa and his Vice President Titi Mohamed decided to face Mwalimu Julius Nyerere the President of Tanzania and the Chairman of the ruling party. They talked of how unhappy they were about the manner in which the state radio and the Party Press had publicised the Islamic crisis. They argued that TANU was mixing politics with religion. Mr. Tewa and Bibi Titi, were and reliable comrades. Reliable in the sense that were it not Bibi Titi, and who stood for Mwalimu during the early TANU days, when Suleiman Takadir - one of the first TANU days, elders insinuated that TANU was Christians as Mwalimu and Rupia, President and Vice-President respectively then were Christians. Herself, a devout Muslim, successfully won the day by proving that Tanzania, or Tanganyika as it then was, came first and Islam later. And now, there she was - talking about the fuss she had ably thwarted in the 195s."
  19. The reply the two got from Mwalimu was thrilling. My informant told me that it was straightforward. "You decided to wage a war against me, so be prepared".Here was Mwalimu Nyerere himself telling Tewa Saidi and Bibi Titi straight on their face to be prepared for what was obvious, a crusade against Muslim unity.
  20. Then on 19[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1968 the government as if jolted by Kwikima’s statement issued a Certificafe of Exemption to the new organisation and banned the EAMWS. The government issued a short statement: "The Minister for Home Affairs has by command of the President declared the Tanzania Branch of the East African Muslim Welfare Society and Tanzania Council of the East African Muslim Welfare Society to be unlawful societies under the provisions of section 6(1) of the Societies Ordinance ".
  21. Christian teachers supported by the Roman Catholic Church challenged TANU Muslim candidates in local government election in Bukoba in 1963 and the Muslim candidates were defeated.
  22. The Party has alienated itself from its founders. The de-Islamisation of the Party has gone full circle and its Muslim history has been erased. Bakwata has sided with the government thus failing to uphold Muslim values and principles. As a reaction to this Muslims have started to organise themselves independent of the central authority. Tanzania Mainland has more than 100 Muslim youth organisations scattered throughout the country.
  23. The state look at these school as centres of Muslim militancy and agitation against the established system and are therefore frustrated in many ways to discourage their opening. Muslim organisations from outside the country who want to help Muslims in Tanzania are met with all kinds of hostility from other state institutions to drive home to them that their presence in the country is undesirable. These anti Muslim campaigns have of late become so pronounced to the extent that even the most liberal among Muslims have become radicalised.
Huyo ndiye Mohamed Said ambaye mimi sisiti kumwita mchochezi na hiyo ndiyo misingi ya mada zake huko ughaibuni na kupigiwa makofi.

Eh! Bwana we! Mag3 sasa nondo unazishusha wewe!
Allah ana njia za ajabu.

Huo ndiyo ukweli na ushahidi tunao.

Mohamed
 
Mohamed,
Aha! Eureka! Nimeligundua tatizo lako. Sisi soooote tunaokukosoa na tusiokubaliana na wewe tunajidai tunajua. Kumbe hatujui.
This is your problem, my brother. Please come down off your throne. Nenda Butiama, Madaraka atakupeleka kwenye chumba cha kumbukumbu za Mwalimu pamoja na vitabu vyake pale. Nina hakika unayo kimobitel cha camera. Piga picha kitabu chako uje hapa utuletee ushahidi kuwa Mwalimu aliwahi kusoma kitabu chako. Hivyo ndivyo wanavyofanya watafiti wenzako. Wanakuja na vitu vya uhakika. Mpaka hapo sio sisi peke yetu ambao tunajidai tunajua. Kumbe na wewe kwenye kundi hilo utakuwemo.

Jasusi,

Mngekuwa mnajua somo hili mngeliandika.
Mimi naijua historia hii wala siogopi kusema popote tena kwa kinywa kipana.

Ushahidi wa kujua kwangu huo hapo chini:

BOOKS

1. The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes 1924 –1968 The Untold Story ofthe Muslim Struggle against British Colonialism in Tanganyika, Minerva Press London, 1998 translated into Kiswahili as Maisha na Nyakati za Abdulwahid Sykes1924-1968 Historia Iliyofichwa KuhusuHarakati za Waislam Dhidi ya Ukoloni wa Waingereza, Phoenix Publishers,Nairobi, 2002.2. Torch on Kilimanjaro, Oxford University Press, Nairobi 20063. Contributing author AfricanAnthology, The Mermaid of Msambweni,Oxford University Press, 2008 Nairobi 4. Uamuzi wa Busara, Abantu Publications, Dar es Salaam, 2009
5. Broken Dreams, Phoenix Publishers,Nairobi, The Life of Ally Kleist Sykes (Forthcoming)

PARTOF RESEARCH PAPERS/ARTICLES

1. In Praise of Ancestors (1987) Africa Events (London).

2. Abdulwahid Sykes: Founder of PoliticalMovement (1988) Africa Events(London).3. Islam and Politics in Tanzania (1989)Al Haq International (Karachi)
4. The Plight of Tanzanian Muslim (1993)Change (Dar es Salaam).
5. Tanzania - The "Secular"Unsecular State (1995) Change(Dar es Salaam).
6. The Question of Muslim Stagnation in Education inTanzania - A Muslim Riddle (Paperpresented at the Conference of the Global World of the Swahili Intercultural Dialogue on the IndianOcean Zanzibar, February 20 - 23, 2003).
7. IslamicEducation and Intellectualism in Eastern Africa ‘Themes from the Pulpit inTanganyika (Tanzania Mainland) 1800 – 2000'(Paper presented at InternationalSymposium on Islamic Civilisation in Eastern Africa Kampala, Uganda organisedby the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture(IRCICA), Istanbul and the Islamic University in Uganda, Mbale December 15[SUP]th[/SUP] – 17[SUP]th[/SUP] 2003).
8. SheikhHassan bin Ameir - The Moving Spirit of Muslim Emancipation in Tanganyika (1950– 1968) (Paper presented at Youth CampOrganised by Zanzibar University, World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY) andTanzania Muslim Students Association (TAMSA) 27[SUP]th[/SUP] February – 4[SUP]th[/SUP]March 2004).
9. Islamic Movement and the Christian Lobby in Tanzania -the Experience of the late Prof. Kighoma Ali Malima (1938 – 1995) (Paper Presented to Tanzania MuslimStudents Association (TAMSA) Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA) Morogoro 11[SUP]th[/SUP] April 2004).
10. Terrorism in East Africa the Tanzanian Experience (Paper Presentedat the Conference on Islam, Terrorism and African Development University ofIbadan, Nigeria 8[SUP]th[/SUP] - 10th February 2006).
11. The Legacy of Sheikh Ahmed Deedat (Paper Presentedat International Symposium on Islamic Civilisation in Southern Africa,University of Johannesburg 1 - 3 September, 2006 (the paper was also presented atIslamic Propagation Centre International, Durban).
12. Speaker:Christian Hegemony and the Rise of MuslimMilitancy in Tanzania, University of Iowa, A Celebration of East AfricaConference organised by African Studies Program and the US Department ofEducation through the Undergraduate Studies International and Foreign LanguageUISFL University of Iowa 22/26 April 2011.
13. Speaker:Islam and Politics in Tanzania Half aCentury Later, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois 11[SUP]th[/SUP]April, 2011.
14. Speaker:"Erecters of Milestones and Builders of Monuments in Tanganyika's History,"Muslim University of Mororgoro, 26 May 2011


Mohamed
 
Unajua ktk American Football NFL au College Football kuna kitu kinachoitwa "Undisputed Video Evidence" kubadilisha rules on the field kama vile touchdown, au first down. Kama hamna hiyo evidence basi the referee anasema "the call is stand" or "Confirm"

Sasa wewe hapa ndiyo unachallenge kama Mwalimu hakusoma hicho kitabu. Sasa inabidi utoneshe evidence ambayo ita over turn maneno yaliyosemwa kwamba Mwalimu alikisoma. Otherwise "the rule on the field stand" is "Touchdown"
Hapana.
Yule mwenye kudai kuwa Mwalimu alisoma kitabu chake ndiye anayewajibika kuthibitisha dai hilo. Siye yule anayeshuku. Hiyo undisputed video evidence inapaswa kutolewa na Mohamed na siye mimi doubting Thomas. The rule of the field ni kwamba kama hakuna video evidence, then don't make a claim. Mwambie Mohamed. Ndiyo maana nimemshauri Mohamed ambaye anajigamba kitabu chake kiko miongoni mwa vitabu vinavyohifadhiwa kwenye museum ya Nyerere, aende Butiama, asindikizwe na Madaraka kwenye hiyo museum, atumie kimobitel chake chenye kamera atuletee sisi hapa doubting Thomases ushahidi.
 
Hapana.
Yule mwenye kudai kuwa Mwalimu alisoma kitabu chake ndiye anayewajibika kuthibitisha dai hilo. Siye yule anayeshuku. Hiyo undisputed video evidence inapaswa kutolewa na Mohamed na siye mimi doubting Thomas. The rule of the field ni kwamba kama hakuna video evidence, then don't make a claim. Mwambie Mohamed. Ndiyo maana nimemshauri Mohamed ambaye anajigamba kitabu chake kiko miongoni mwa vitabu vinavyohifadhiwa kwenye museum ya Nyerere, aende Butiama, asindikizwe na Madaraka kwenye hiyo museum, atumie kimobitel chake chenye kamera atuletee sisi hapa doubting Thomases ushahidi.

NOOO. Wewe ndiyo challenger. Kwa hiyo lazima uwe na undisputed video evidence ya kuoverturn the rule on the field (Nyerere alisoma kitabu).

Otherwise the rule on the field stand- Nyerere alisoma kitabu. Kumbuka wewe ndiyo challenger.
 
NOOO. Wewe ndiyo challenger. Kwa hiyo lazima uwe na undisputed video evidence ya kuoverturn the rule on the field (Nyerere alisoma kitabu).Otherwise the rule on the field stand- Nyerere alisoma kitabu. Kumbuka wewe ndiyo challenger.
The rule of the field ni kuwa kitabu hakijasomwa(na Nyerere) kwasababu hakikuwepo naturally. Ku-overtun the rule of the field anayedhani kimesomwa atoe evidence.

Kwa lugha ya mtaani, mwanamke amepewa uwezo wa kubeba mimba na kuzaa mtoto(hii ndiyo rule of the field), ili mtoto huyo awe wa Mr X, then Mr X anapaswa kufanya DNA.
Kwa wale wanaoamini mwanamke Y ana mtoto hao wanafuata rule of the field, yule anayetaka kuthibitisha kuwa mtoto aliyezaliwa na X ni wake ndiye anapaswa kuthibitisha.
 
The rule of the field ni kuwa kitabu hakijasomwa(na Nyerere) kwasababu hakikuwepo naturally. Ku-overtun the rule of the field anayedhani kimesomwa atoe evidence.

Kwa lugha ya mtaani, mwanamke amepewa uwezo wa kubeba mimba na kuzaa mtoto(hii ndiyo rule of the field), ili mtoto huyo awe wa Mr X, then Mr X anapaswa kufanya DNA.
Kwa wale wanaoamini mwanamke Y ana mtoto hao wanafuata rule of the field, yule anayetaka kuthibitisha kuwa mtoto aliyezaliwa na X ni wake ndiye anapaswa kuthibitisha.

Naona umerukia bila ya kujua mifano niliyotumia maana yake. Ktk NFL yule anayechallenge ndiye anatakiwa aoneshe "Undisputed video evidence" to overturn the rule on the field. Hapa the rule on the field Nyerere kasoma kitabu-sasa nyie kama ndiyo challenger inabidi muoneshe evidence ya kwamba Nyerere hakusoma hicho kitabu. Otherwise, "the rule on the field stand is" "Touchdown" kasoma kitabu.

Let's move on. Focus on the Topic.
 
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