Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Articles of Union and implementing legislation, with other evidences
Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Articles of Union and implementing legislation, with other evidences
- Thread starter Emmanuel Tayari
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Emmanuel Tayari
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Japouwa interim constitution ilitakiwa ku govern the Union until a constituent Assembly iwe na nafasi yaku adopt a new constitution for the Union (Acts of Union, s. 9(1)).
Lakini mkataba wa muungano ulitoa legal loopholes kwa kusema as they may determineto meet within one year of the commencement of the union for the purpose of considering the proposals of the Commission aforesaid and to adopt a Constitution for the united Republic. Kwahiyo kipengere hicho cha sheria hakikumlazimisha Rais kufanya hivyo. Ndio maana Constituent Assembly Act No. 18 of 1965 it later provided, in s.2 that, the President was not under an obligation to appoint a constitutional review commission or to summon a constituent assembly for the purpose of drafting a new constitution within one year of the commencement of the Union. However, he could subsequently, after agreement with the vice-president, appoint such a commission or summon an assembly at an opportune time. Na hii legal looholes ilitumika ku manage risks of the time na ndio maana haiutoea mpaka mwaka 1977 pale katiba ya udumu ilitungwa.
Hii inaturudishwa kwenye maswali ya msingi, kwanini Nyerere alitumia hii legal loopholes ? Jibu la uhakika ni kwamba Zanzibar haiukuwa stable, Mpaka mwaka 1975, kwa hiyo njia pekee ya Nyerere kuleta stability ilikuwa ni kutumia katiba ya mpito iliyokuwepo ili uhakikisha anaistablise Zanzibar. Na ndio maana ninasema kama Zanzibar ingekuwa stable na inatawalika hicho kipindi, hayo mambo ya ziada yasingeingia kwenye list ya Muungano.
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Wadau naomba niwasilishe dondoo hizi:
"Indeed those matters have constitutionally doubled from the original 11 in the Articles of Union. To make matters worse, as Prof. Abdul Sherrif and Ismail Jussa observes in their chapter on One Step Forward, Two Steps Backwards: The State of Constitutionalism in Zanzibar-2007, out of the 17 areas covered by the East Africa Community Treaty only 4 are Union matters! In that regard the other 13 areas fall within the jurisdiction of the revolutionary government. Yet its representation in the fast-tracking of the East African Federation is as ambiguous. No wonder, as the two authors note, a question that was raised repeatedly by the people of Zanzibar during the Wangwe Commission public hearings was one related to the fact that the Union government had assumed powers that are exclusively under the jurisdiction of the Zanzibar government
- UDADISI: Rethinking in Action: BEYOND TWO GOVERNMENTS IN TANZANIA
"One of the leading constitutional lawyers, Prof. Issa G. Shivji, has boldly attempted to unpack this question of Zanzibars identity in relation to financial matters. In his recent book entitled Pan-African or Pragmatism? and subtitled Lessons of the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union, he show how a hasty constitutional amendment robbed Zanzibar of its financial autonomy. Shivji traces how a member EACB, on loan from the Bank of England as a technical advisor, was instrumental in sidelining Zanzibar in the Board. All this was done to counter the so-called separatist elements on the island. It should be noted that Zanzibar was still a member of the Board even after the Union. Why? Because the then Interim Constitution of Tanzania did not enlist matters related to currency as a union matter. Zanzibar had its own sovereignty on that. Ironically, the amendment that made currency, foreign exchange and exchange control a union matter was assented by then President of Zanzibar, Mzee Abeid Amani Karume, in the absence of Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere. He did so as the then Vice-President. But why was Nyerere, the then President, absent? It was probably to give the amendment more credibility to the Zanzibaris. Curiously, this amendment was drafted by Nyereres legal craftsmen led by the expatriate legal officer who co-drafted the Articles of Union in great secrecy. More curiously, it came to force on the very same day it was gullibly assented. Zanzibar nationalism suffered a financial blow. This amendment marked the beginning of a quasi constitutional tradition of adding key autonomous issues into the list of union matters irrespective of that International Agreement between Tanganyika and Zanzibar known as the Articles of Union. The tradition constricts, if not undermines, the latters autonomy. At the end of the day what will be left of and for Zanzibar? As Shivji notes, by the time Karume died in 1972 the list of union matters had expanded from the original 11 to 16, including significantly, the sixteenth item which was, mineral and oil resources including petroleum, its relative hydrocarbons and natural gas. In 1977 they became 17. Today they are 22 according to my copy of the latest version of the Constitution.
- search the truth and act according to principles.: Comrade Chambi Chachage's View on Union Saga
"Indeed those matters have constitutionally doubled from the original 11 in the Articles of Union. To make matters worse, as Prof. Abdul Sherrif and Ismail Jussa observes in their chapter on One Step Forward, Two Steps Backwards: The State of Constitutionalism in Zanzibar-2007, out of the 17 areas covered by the East Africa Community Treaty only 4 are Union matters! In that regard the other 13 areas fall within the jurisdiction of the revolutionary government. Yet its representation in the fast-tracking of the East African Federation is as ambiguous. No wonder, as the two authors note, a question that was raised repeatedly by the people of Zanzibar during the Wangwe Commission public hearings was one related to the fact that the Union government had assumed powers that are exclusively under the jurisdiction of the Zanzibar government
- UDADISI: Rethinking in Action: BEYOND TWO GOVERNMENTS IN TANZANIA
"One of the leading constitutional lawyers, Prof. Issa G. Shivji, has boldly attempted to unpack this question of Zanzibars identity in relation to financial matters. In his recent book entitled Pan-African or Pragmatism? and subtitled Lessons of the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union, he show how a hasty constitutional amendment robbed Zanzibar of its financial autonomy. Shivji traces how a member EACB, on loan from the Bank of England as a technical advisor, was instrumental in sidelining Zanzibar in the Board. All this was done to counter the so-called separatist elements on the island. It should be noted that Zanzibar was still a member of the Board even after the Union. Why? Because the then Interim Constitution of Tanzania did not enlist matters related to currency as a union matter. Zanzibar had its own sovereignty on that. Ironically, the amendment that made currency, foreign exchange and exchange control a union matter was assented by then President of Zanzibar, Mzee Abeid Amani Karume, in the absence of Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere. He did so as the then Vice-President. But why was Nyerere, the then President, absent? It was probably to give the amendment more credibility to the Zanzibaris. Curiously, this amendment was drafted by Nyereres legal craftsmen led by the expatriate legal officer who co-drafted the Articles of Union in great secrecy. More curiously, it came to force on the very same day it was gullibly assented. Zanzibar nationalism suffered a financial blow. This amendment marked the beginning of a quasi constitutional tradition of adding key autonomous issues into the list of union matters irrespective of that International Agreement between Tanganyika and Zanzibar known as the Articles of Union. The tradition constricts, if not undermines, the latters autonomy. At the end of the day what will be left of and for Zanzibar? As Shivji notes, by the time Karume died in 1972 the list of union matters had expanded from the original 11 to 16, including significantly, the sixteenth item which was, mineral and oil resources including petroleum, its relative hydrocarbons and natural gas. In 1977 they became 17. Today they are 22 according to my copy of the latest version of the Constitution.
- search the truth and act according to principles.: Comrade Chambi Chachage's View on Union Saga
Emmanuel Tayari
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Hebu tujipe timeline ya haya Mambo kwanza ili tujue kwanini haya mambo mengine yalitoea.
1652 - Arabs from Oman invade Zanzibar1840
- Sultan of Oman transfers his capital to Zanzibar1885
- Tanganyika declared a German Protectorate1890
- Zanzibar & Pemba islands become a British Protectorate1905/6
- Maji Maji rebellion against German rule finally suppressed in South; resultant famine kills between 75,000 - 300,0001920
- Tanganyika placed under League of Nations Mandate with United Kingdom as the administrating power1929
- Formation of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA)1946
- Tanganyika becomes a United Nations Trust Territory, still under British administration1954
- Julius Nyerere, President of TAA, converts TAA into Tanganyika African National Union (TANU)9/1958 - 2/1959
- First General Elections; TANU sweeps to victory5/1960
- Tanganyika achieves internal self-government9.12.1961
- Tanganyika gains full independence12/1962
- Tanganyika becomes a Republic; Julius Nyerere becomes first President12/1963
- Zanzibar becomes an independent Sultanate1/1964
- Armed uprising in Zanzibar - Sultan overthrown; Zanzibar declared a Republic and Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) takes power; Abeid Karume becomes Zanzibar's first African leader4/1964
- Nyerere signs Act of Union with Government of Zanzibar; Zanzibar retains a separate administration; any opposition in Zanzibar ruthlessly suppressed 10/1964
- Union of Tanganyika & Zanzibar re-named United Republic of Tanzania 7/1965
- New Constitution provides for one-party state 9/1965
- Nyerere returned to power in first one-party electionsEarly
[B]1967 - TANU accepts programme of socialism & self-reliance known as "Arusha Declaration"; the age of 'Ujamaa' (community) is born[B]1967/1971
- On Zanzibar, Karume survives two assassination attempts[B]4/1972
- Karume assassinated; successor Aboud Jumbe reorganises Zanzibar Government; power of ASP extended[B]1973
- International relations with Burundi and Idi Amin's Uganda deteriorate[B]6/1975
- Fundamental principles of socialism incorporated into the Constitution[B]1977
- Collapse of East African Community (EAC) of Tanzania, Kenya & Uganda[B]2/1977
- TANU & ASP merge to form Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) with Nyerere as Chairman and Jumbe as Vice-Chairman[B]Late 1978
- Relations with Uganda worsen; fighting on border during 10/1978[B]1/1979
- Tanzania-based invasion force enters Uganda, leading to overthrow of Ugandan dictator Idi Amin[B]10/1979
- Zanzibar adopts separate Constitution[B]2/1982
- Hi-jacking of Air Tanzania flight to United Kingdom[B]1/1983
- Coup plot uncovered; 20 soldiers & 9 civilians detained[B]Early 1984
- Political crisis in Zanzibar amidst growing dissatisfaction with the Union; Jumbe & 3 Ministers resign[B]4/1984
- Ali Hassan Mwinyi elected President of Zanzibar; Mwinyi supports Union and sweeping changes made to Zanzibar Supreme Revolutionary Council[B]1/1985
- More liberal Constitution adopted in Zanzibar[B]11/1985
- Nyerere retires and is succeeded by Mwinyi who brings in fundamental changes in economic policy, viewed as a retreat from socialist policies[B]12/1985
- 9 people receive life imprisonment for their part in the 1983 coup plot (all those convicted receive Presidential pardons in October 1995)[B]1/1988
- Zanzibar Chief Minister, Seif Sharrif Hamad, dismissed along with 5 others[B]Late 1988
- Value to Zanzibar of Union increasingly called into question; two dissident movements - Movement for Democratic Alternative (MDA) and smaller religious-based group on Pemba, Bismillah Party - become active even before multipartyism[B]5/1989
- Hamad arrested for allegedly being in possession of secret Government documents and attending illegal meetings on Pemba[B]12/1989
- 4,000 troops sent to Zanzibar in response to reports of a coup[B]Early 1990
- Two opposition parties, Tanzania Democratic Forum - led by Oscar Kambona, and Tanzania Youth Democratic Movement (TYDM) - led by Moussa Membar, one of the 1982 hi-jackers, formed in United Kingdom[B]10/1990
- Dr Salmin Amour elected President of Zanzibar[B]2/1991
[COLOR=#ff8c00]In this timeline, how many [/COLOR][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B][B]coup attempts have happened in Zanzibar? Does this timeline show you stability in Zanzibar ????? [/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B][/B]
Emmanuel Tayari
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Prof Shivji account is a lie, BoT was established by the Bank of Tanzania Act of 1965, while the East Africa Currency Board was dissolved in 1972. And Zanzibar was part of the board until then. How can Tanganyika robe Zanzibar its financial autonomy, while the money started BOT had nothing to do with East Africa Currency Board?
Ndugu, wana Jamii forums,
Mjadala kuhusu Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar Umekuwa mzito sana, lakini ninadhani cha mhimu ni kuuweka ukweli hapa Jamii forums, yaani nyaraka halisi za Muungano huo pamoja na habari zingine za kijasusi.
Naomba baada ya kusoma Nyakara zote, then tuendelee na Mazungumzo.
Nyaraka nilizoziweka hapa zina prove mambo makuu manne.
1. Muungano huu ulikuwa halali na ulipitishwa na kuwa ratified na serekeli ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar.
2. Kuongezeka kwa vipengere vingine kwenye article of union ilikuwa na sababu kuu ya kulinda amani Zanzibar, na si kwamba Tanganyika ilikuwa na nia sana ya kuitawala Zanzibar.
3. Article of Union ilimpa Rais wa serekali ya Muungano madaraka, kufanya mabadiliko ya vipengere mbalimbali vya sheria ili kuweza kudumisha kusudio la Muungano.
4. Kumekuwa na mtizamo kwamba, wazanzibari wanadhurumiwa BOT, lakini ukisoma hizi nyaraka (Zanzibar historia na BOT DOC_0000126864, PAGE 11 utaona kwamba mnamo mwaka 1968 Bank ya Zanzibar ilikuwa imefirisika na ilikuwa haiwezi hata kulipa deni lake iliyokuwa inadaiwa na Bank kuu ya Tanzania.
Hii document ya CIA iko intresting na kama sikosei itakuwa ina contradict na document moja apo yenye kusema kuwa muungano uliridhiwa na wazanzibari, wakati document ya CIA inaonesha kabisa kuwa katika revolutionary council yenyewe kulikua na rivalries na sio wote walokubali muungano only 1/3 ndio wamekubali. Na document inaonesha kuwa muungano ulikua ni kumlimda Karume to maintain his leadership ili kuhakikisha wale "communist" hawachukui nchi kuja kuwa tatizo kwa mainland. All i see from the CIA doc ni kuwa muungano ulikua ni kwa lengo la kuinufaisha tanganyika! Maana kila kilichofanywa ni kwa ajili ya kulinda tanganyika na position ya karume sio kulinda civil war isitokee!
Hili la mtaji ulioanzisha BoT , ndugu Emmanuel Tayari, huna uhakika nalo. Mzee Mtei anajua kila kitu kuhusu suala hili.
Mzee akijitokeza tena kama alipojitokeza hapa https://www.jamiiforums.com/jukwaa-...z-imewahi-kuipa-ruzuku-bot-3.html#post5164956
Mpaka sasa Zanzibar wanapata mgao wa faida 4.5%, wanalalamikia kuwa hii hailingani na mtaji wa 11+% walichangia kama mtaji (Pesa zilizochukuliwa kutoka East African Currency Board kwa ajili ya kuanzisha Benki Kuu.). Katika uchukuaji na majadiliano ya mtaji Mzee Mtei alihusika sana. Akipenda atakuja kuliweka hili sawa kwa faida ya kizazi hiki cha mtandao wa JF.
Eti ndugu, kama kumechangiwa 11% ivi kweli ni haki kumpa mwenye hisa 4% kisha 96% akachukua mwengine?? Hii haikubaliki, kama zanzibar imechangia 11% basi wapewe 11% yao katika faida
Hiki ndio kitendawili ambacho hata Mwalimu hakuwa na majibu.(Alituaminisha tu kuwa Tanzania ni nchi moja lakini kimuundo tayari ilionesha kuwa kuna nchi mbili zenye ushirikiano katika mambo 11)
La kutatiza zaidi ni kwa nini katika kuunda one sovereign Republic ilikubalika yawepo mambo 11 tu ya muungano, yawepo mambo ya Tanganyika na yawepo mambo ya Zanzibar?
Pia la kufanya muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar (Tanzania) uwe wa ajabu ni kwa nini tunazo serikali mbili na mamlaka tatu za kisheria?
Emmanuel Tayari
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Kwaharaka haraka inaweza kuonekana hivyo, Ila kimsingi Muungano ulileta stability Zanzibar. Hebu angalia hii document niliyo attach sasa hivi (Sikutaka kuiweka kwasababu watu wanaouhusika na haya makundi wengine wako hai hadi leo) Hebu angalia hayo makundi yalivyokuwa mengi !!!!
Emmanuel Tayari
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Hakuna ushahidi kama walichangia asimilia 11% na kama ushahidi upo, ninaunga mkono waanze kulipwa asilimia 11% yote, na walipwe errors za nyuma. Ninavyofahamu mimi, kwa kusoma nakala mbalimbali za kijasusi, Zanzibar ilikuwa kwenya hali mbaya sana ya kiuchumi mpaka miaka ya themanini
Hili pia linaendana na msimamo wa serekali .
"Mbene explained in the National Assembly yesterday that BoT was established by the Bank of Tanzania Act of 1965 and section 12 (2) reveals that the bank's capital was provided by the United Republic of Tanzania, who is the bank's sole owner.
"The start-up capital for the establishment of BoT was 20m/- issued by the Treasury….The Bank of Tanzania Act of 2006 section 17 (2) has inherited that section and it still reads the same. Therefore, it is not true that Zanzibar contributed 11 per cent of BoT's starting capital," she maintained.
Nevertheless, Mbene clarified: "As part of the United Republic of Tanzania, Zanzibar has got shares…although I am not sure how many, maybe the 11 per cent the MP is referring to might be the ones Zanzibar had in the East Africa Currency Board."
According to Mbene, when the board was dissolved, Zanzibar got hold of her shares worth 11.2 per cent.
"It is not correct to say that the money received (11.2 per cent) was injected as starting capital since the board was dissolved in 1972, while BoT was established in 1965," Mbene insisted.
The deputy minister furthermore told the House that in making sure Zanzibar receives its dividend from BoT, in 1994 the International Monetary Fund (IMF) made a technical assessment which concluded that Zanzibar was entitled to 4.5 per cent of BoT's dividends.
"The criteria used included population, volume of exports and imports, savings, government earnings as well as money circulating outside the banking system in Zanzibar," the minister said, adding:
"However, there are some grievances that Zanzibar is being shortchanged. The Joint Commission is working on the matter."
Earlier in his question, Khalifa Suleiman Khalifa, MP for Gando (CUF), wanted to know which criteria were used since 1994 to give Zanzibar 4.5 per cent of BoT's dividends, saying that Zanzibar contributed 11 per cent of the bank's starting capital.
"When will this mess be cleared, and when settled, when is Zanzibar going to have its arrears paid for all the years that it has not been receiving its fare share?"""
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Dogo wa Uskochi, umeelewa kweli kilichonukuliwa hapo juu? Jisomee moja kwa moja utafiti huu wa Profesa Shivji: Pan-Africanism or pragmatism?: lessons of the Tanganyika-Zanzibar union - Issa G. Shivji, Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa - Google Books
Emmanuel Tayari
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Mimi ninadhani tutapa suruhisho la Muungano. Cha mhimu tu? kama tukiwaacha zanzibar pekeyao, je makundi ndani ya zanzibar yataweza kufanya kazi pamoja????
Emmanuel Tayari
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Ha ha haha Kijana wa Havard, Najua unampenda sana shivji ndio maana sometimes unakuwa bias against him( Huwa huwezi kufanya critical analysis when SHIVJI is concerned) nitakisoma hicho kitabu, kuna e- book???
Kuna mdau wa JF ana mawazo haya:
Mkuu Emmanuel Tayari,unakubaliana na mawazo haya? (rangi nyekundu)
Kama unakubaliana nayo, mawazo haya hayakinzani na dhana ya kulinda amani ya Zanzibar?
Hiyo Quote ya Nguruvi3 inapatikana kamilifu hapa link https://www.jamiiforums.com/jukwaa-...-ya-tanganyika-na-zanzibar-8.html#post5502995
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Shivji tunampiga kritiki kama kawa ila kwenye huo utafiti wa Zanzibar ni vigumu sana kumpinga maana evidensi zimepangwa zikapangika!
Emmanuel Tayari
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Mkuu Nonda,
Nakubaliana naye asilimia miambili na hamsini. Nina nyaraka za CIA zinazoonyesha ni Jinsi gani wamarekani walimlazimisha KIKWETE Kuhakikisha serekali ya kitaifa zanzibar Inaundwa.Na hii iliperekea hata kuruhusu cabinet kubwa ya serekali ya Zanzibar ya sasa ikae na MAMURUKI WA karume ili kulinda ulaji wake. Wamarekani wameanzisha ofisi maalumu ya mambo ya kisiasa Zanzibar, na ndio maana unamwona balozi wa marekani yuko huko kila simu. Ukiangalia Global geo politics ni Lazima at any Price Tanzania iwe stable
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Pata dondoo nyingine hii kisha kakitafute kitabu hicho na rejea zake:
"As Shivji further notes in Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism? the union parliament managed to bypass the scheme of distribution of powers between the Union and Zanzibar by appending the list of union matters to the Interim Constitution of 1965 as a schedule. Since then the practice developed that the Union parliament increased the list by amending the schedule without reference to the Articles of Union. Apart from skewing the distribution of power, this practice also skews the distribution of resources. It is not surprising then that Zanzibars Minister responsible Natural Resources asserts that any oil extracted in Zanzibar would not be shared with the mainland and claims that he doesnt understand anything concerning the distribution of natural gas that has been discovered and is accruing revenue in Tanzania mainland" - WHERE IS ZANZIBARS DEATH CERTIFICATE? < http://www.mzalendo.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/The-Articles-of-Union.pdf >
Nimeisoma juu iyo doc uloiweka yenye majina. Nakubaliana na wewe ndugu kwamba zanzibar haikuwa stable. Lakini ni nini chanzo cha matatizo yote hayo?
Kulikua na party ya ki communist, with these docs inaonesha kuwa USA participated indirectly katika kuhakikisha hawa wakomunisti hawachukui nchi. Zanzibar ilikua ina hofiwa kuwa itakuwa ni CUBA ya afrika na kwamba watakuwa ndio watakaoeneza ukomunisti east africa hadi afrika nzima. Hakuna asiejua kwamba USA is against communism.
Instability was there because the door were opened after the revolution for it to occur. Najua hapa watajitokeza watu wengi wanaojifanya kuijua historia ya zanzibar utakapogusia usultan, coz kuna watu wanachuki na waarabu without any reason.
Kwanza lazima tutizame events and how they originated. Tutizame historia ya Karume, hakuwa mzanzibari huyu mtu, wala john okello hakuwa mzanzibari, kilichomtoa Okello from UGANDA mpaka visiwani ni nani? Na aliemtoa karume kwao malawi mpaka zanzibar ni nani? Mi kwa mtazamo wangu hawa watu wametumwa. Kwa kusema kwamba oooh manake tumeenda kuwasaidia, wangewasaidia waliopo karibu yao kwanza kama kenya, katika kesi ya okello.
Kilichofanyika kabla ya mapinduzi ni kuwa mtawala wa zanzibar ambae ni britain tayari aliwekuwa kashaweka factions katika society ya zanzibar, ujue kuwa positions za uongozi zanzibar zilikua hazipangwi na sultani bali na mkoloni mwingereza, sultani ni pambo tu. hizi factions zilikuwa created makusudi ili kuleta machafuko kama wanavopendelea hawa wazungu.kwa sababu ya wazanzibari walikua na sifa ya ustahmilivu na uelewa for sure hawa mabwana wakaona kuwa kuuondoa ufalme zanzibar itakua tabu ndio maana wakatumika watu wasiokuwa wazanzibari kabisa, nafikiri hata history inasema kuwa walitokea watu kutoka bara na mashua na kuingia zenjy usiku. Mi kwa mtazamo wangu naona kuwa hapakuwa na intrest ya kuweka stability katika visiwa hivi bali palikiwa na intrest nyengine. Na hasa ukizingatia kuwa kuna hawa wakomunisti, ambao ndio tishio kwa USA na marafiki zake. Unaweza kusema kuwa, muungano ulileta stability sawa, lakini sio kwa lengo la kusema eti tunawasaidia hawa waafrika wenzetu, si kweli. Bali lengo ni kuwazuia wakomunisti, na kulinda mapinduzi yaliowachukiza wengi. Palikua na agenda nyengine hasa, maana wanamapinduzi wametoka nje ya zanzibar kisha wao wenyewe kwa wenyewe wakawa hawaaminiani. Na hili nafikiri ndio jambo Nyerere akahofia kuwa yatatokea mapinduzi mengine ambayo lengo lake litapotea. Ndio akaamua kumlinda Karume na sio okello, ili waimalize nguvu ya wazanzibari.
Inshort ni hivi, muungano ulileta stability sawa, lakini sio kwa lengo la kuwasaidia wazanzibari bali ni kulinda maslahi ya tanganyika maana sipati picha zanzibar ingekuwa cuba, mataifa ya karibu yangekosa amani kutokana na mabalaa ya wakomunisti.